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‘1 am very well, brother,' she replied, looking in his face with a smile ol sisterly regard. But I have concluded to stay at home this evening. I’m going to keep your company.’ ‘Are you, indeed! right glad am lof it! though I am sorry you have deprived voursell of the pleasure of attending this, ball, which, I believe is to be a very bril liant one. I was just going out, because it was so dull at home when you are all a way.’ ‘I atn not particularly desirous of going to the ball. So little so that the thought of your being left alone had sufficient in fluence over me to keep me away.’ ‘lndeed ! Well I must say you are kind,’ Edward returned with feeling. The self- saeri (icing act of his sister had touched him sensibly. Both were fond of music, and practised and played fre quently together. Part of the evening was spent in this way, much to the satis faction of each. Then an hour passed in reading and conversation, after which mu sic was again resorted to. Thus passed the time pleasantly until the hour of reti ring came, when they separated, both with an internal feeling of pleas :re more de lightful than they had experienced for a longtime. It was nearly three o’clock) before Mr. and Mrs. Lindley, and the daughter who had accompanied them to | the ball came home. Hours before the ] senses ofboth Edward and Helen had been locked in fbrgcifulness. Time passed on. Edward Lindley j grew up, and became a man of sound : principles—a blessing to bis family and j society. He saw his sister well married, and himself, finally led to the altar a love ly maiden. She made him a truly happy husband. On the night of his wedding, | as he sat beside Helen, he paused for some i time in the midst of a pleasant conversa- j tion, thoughtfully; at last he said— ‘Do you remember, sister, the night you staid at home from the ball to keep me company?’ ‘That was some years ago. Yes, I re member it very well, now you have recal led it to my mind.’ ‘1 have often since thought, Helen,’ he said with a serious air, ‘that by the sim ple act of thus remaining at home for my sake, you were the means of saving me: from destruction.’ ‘How so !’ asked the sister. ‘I was just then beginning to form an in timate association with young men of my own age, nearly all of whom have since turned out badly. I did not care a great deal about their company; still, Hiked so-1 ciety, and used to be with them frequent ly—especially when you and Mary went out in the evening. On the night of the ball to which you were going, these young men had a supper, and I was to have been with them. I did not wish particularly to join them, but preferred doing so to re maining at home alone. To find you as 1 did, so unexpectedly in the parlor, was an agreeable surprise indeed. I staid at home with anew pleasure which was heightened by the thought that it was your love for ine that had made you deny your self for my gratification. We read toge ther on that evening, we played together, we talked of many things. In your mind I had never before seen as much to inspire my own with high and pure thoughts. 1 remembered the conversation of the young men with whom 1 had associated and in which 1 had taken pleasure, with some thing like disgust. It was low, sensual, and too much of it vile and demoralizing. Never from that hour did I join them. Their way, even in the early stage of life’s journy, I saw to be downward; and down ward it has ever since been tending.— How often since have 1 thought ol that point in time so fully fraught with good und evil influences. Those few hours spent with you seemed to take scales from my eyes. 1 saw with anew vision. 1 thought and felt differently. Had you gone to the ball, and I to meet those young tnen no one can tell what might have been the consequence. Sensual indulgences carried to excess, amid songs and senti ments calculated to awaken evil instead of good feelings, might have stamped upon mv young and delicate mind a bias to low affections that never would have been eradicated. That was the great starting point oflife—the period when l was com ing into a stale of rationality and freedom. The good prevailed over the evil, and by the agency of my sister, an angel sent by the author of all benefits to save me.’ Like Helen Lindley, let every elder sister be thoughtful of her brothers at that critical period in life, when the boy is a bout passing up to the stage of manhood, and site may save ihetr. from many a snare, set for their unwary feet by the evil one. IMMIGRATION OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS. From time to time there have appear ed in the papers, paragraphs stating that the people or governments of Europe were taking measures for sending offiheir pau pers and criminals to the United States. One of these statements, which has much circumstance about it, is unquestionably false, as the annexed correspondence will shew. But if there were more truth in them than there is, we are putting our selves in a poor condition for complaint by adopting the same policy. Dr. John Beadell, who was sentenced in 1642 to ten years imprisonment for counterfeiting by the U. S. Court, sitting at Pittsburg, Pa. hasjust been pardoned by the Presi dent ‘on condition of leaving the country.' To be sure the President has not desig nated the country to which he shall go, but the injustice to other nations is not the less on that account. How exceedingly unworthy is that spirit which lets men loose for crime, provided only that their crimes are not committed against us. [copy.] NEW YORK, Dec. 1«, 1544. Hon. John' C. Calhoun, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Sir —A statement, of which I annexed sprinted copy, on the subject of emigra- tion from Germany, is travelling the round in the American newspapers, accompa nied with editorials and communications more or less abusive of foreigners in gene ral, and Germans in particular. The state ment purports to come from an American Consul in Germany, and its extraordinary contents certainly deserve attention, if true; at all events, they are well calcula ted to strengthen the growing prejudices against immigrants from Germany. The German population of this country must consider itself interested in the matter, at least as much as the natives; and iftlie al leged discoveiies of Consul List are true the German Society ol New York, of which I am an officer, will cheerfully, and I trust effectually, co-operate with the public au thorities in preventing the evil with which this country is said to be threatened. But, in the opinion of many, the state ment itself bears evidence of inaccuracy; and it is even suspected that it never had its source in Germany, hut is of native ori gin; and l have, therefore, been requested respectfully to inquire of you whether Consul List has made a report to your Department, such as the annexed news paper paragraph alleges, and whether the extract therefrom, as published, is correct. In the hope that you will favor me with an answer, l subscribe myself, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient servant, LEOPOLD BIERWIRTH. The following is the statement above referred to, purporting to be from Consul List: ‘I have made inquiries with respect to the transportation of paupers from this country to the United States; but Stale af fairs in this country not being so openly conducted as might be desired, I have not been successful until late, when by confi dential communications, I have learned things which will require energetic mea sures on the part ol the United Stales to be counteracted. Not only paupers but cri minals, are transported from the interior of this country, in order to be embaiked for the United States. ‘A Mr. De Stein, formerly an officer in the service of the Duke of Saxe Gotha, has lately made propositions to the smal ler Stales of Saxony for transporting their criminals to the port of Bremen, and em barking them there for the United States at seventy-five dollars per head, which of fer has been accepted by several of them. The first transport of criminals, who for the greater part have been condemned to hard labor for life, (among them two no torious criminals, Pleifer and Albrect,) will leave Gotha on the 16th of this month and it is intended by and by, to empty all the jails and work houses of that country in ibis manner! There is little doubt that several other States will imitate the nefa rious practice! In order to stop it I have sent an article to the General Gazette of Augsburg, wherein I have attempted to demonstrate that this behaviour was con trary to all laws of nations, and that it was shameful behavior towards a country which offers the best inducement to Ger man manufactures. ‘lt has of late also become a general practice in the towns and boroughs ofGer inany to get rid of their paupers and vi cious members by collecting the means for effectuating their passage to the Uni ted States among the inhabitants, and by supplying them from the public funds.’ [copy] Department ok State, ) WASHINGTON, Dec. 2d, 1844. \ Sir —ln reply to your note of the 16th instant, I am directed by the Secretary of State to inform you that no communication has been received from Mr. List, of the characte r referred to, at this Department. I have the honor to be, With high respect, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) RICHARD K.CRALLE, Chief Clerk. To Leopold Bierwirth, Esq. [From the Charleston Mercury .] Mr. F. W. DAVIE AND THE EM BAItRASMENTS OF THE SOUTH. To Messrs. G. McDuffie, It'. Me Willie and tV. B. Seabrook — Gentlemen —You have doubtless peru sed with becoming diligence, the letter addressed to you iu the papers by F. W. Davie, on the causes of our agricultural embarrassments and distress, and the re medy to avert them. Os our condition, he remarks, ‘ that our (the cotton plant ers) present condition is more hopeless and ruinous than at any other period ol our history.’ Being formerly a nullifier, and advocating resistance to the general government on account of the tariff of IS2S, it would be natural to suppose that whilst casting about lor the causes ot our present ‘ hopeless and ruinous’ condition, the tariff’act of 1842, liir higher in its un just exactions, and lar more ruinous in its effects on our commerce than the tariff laws of 152S —would enter into the scope of his discernment. But no—He takes up the manufacturer’s cry from Lowell echoed at the last session, by their hire lings on the floor of Congress, and as cribes our disasters to ourselves. It is our over-production ol cotton. He says 4 it is mainly to be attributed to the sup ply so far exceeding consumption, or in other words, wo have produced beyond the point of effective demand. Now in the first place, if this distin guished uultifier, who seems at present, so blind to the operations of our tariff laws, had only consulted proper sources of information, he would have found that great as the cotton crops have been lor the last three y'ears, they have nearly all been consumed.* The demand carried off the supply, and at the close of the last season, there was no such excess ot Colton on hand as legitimately to produce the important and ruinous effect on the prices of the ensuing crop that has occur red. Why then has not the price of cot ton been maintained ? The answer seems to be very plain. By our tariff laws, our cotton cannot be exchanged for the productions of our chief customers, who must by the laws of commerce dic tate in their markets the price of our cot ton. The tariff laws of’24 and ’2B, i threw down the price of cotton to nothing., The compromise act of 1833 forced into existence by South Carolina resistance, suddenly raised it. The more oppressive ; tariff’act of 1542, has thrown down pri ces still lower than in thirty and thirty j two. Now, results correspond to causes. But Mr. Davie cannot now see these things. He joins the insulting rebuke of, the manufactures and counsels us—not I resistance as of yore to this unconstitu tional and ‘ ruinous’ oppression—but to imitate the Dutch some two centuries a-1 ‘ go, who, when possessed of the monop- j •oly of the spices of the East Judies, are said annually to have burned all produ ced over a certain quantity. This sense less policy was bad enough, with respect to a mere luxury ; and might when -the monopoly was complete, as it was in this case, have bad some temporary effect in keeping up the prices. But what shall we say to this exploded barbarism in politics and commerce, when it is proposed to be applied to pro duct like cotton, in which the cotton plan-j ters of the South have no monopoly?— Diminish the supply of cotton in the Uni-) ted States by burning it up. as the Dutch 1 did their spices, or withhold from produ ing it, anil what would be the effect ? It would immediately stimulate the pro duction of cotton in Brazil and the East Indies. The Honorable the East India Company of Great Britian, would spare themselves the trouble of sending to Mis sissippi to get overseers to go to the East Indies to give vigor to a proper competi- j tion with us. Texas too, would be at j once bereft of half of its attractions, and Abolitionists would soon vote the great Chester Statesman a full blooded member of their Association, could his schemes be ; carried out. It would certainly be ren-j dering our Slave Institutions valueless, ’ and promote their object inure effectual- i ly than a thousand presses and British philanthropy to boot. But when this cold blooded proposition to cut off the sup ply of raw cotton, in order that the price j may be a little enhanced, is considered in I its effects on the poor millions who are dependent on Cotton fabrics for clothing, j it is absolutely hideous in its moral fea tures. Diminish the supply of Raw | Cotton from the United States one half as he proposes, and will Mr. Davie tell j us how many millions of people he will: strip and murder with cold and sick-1 ness? lias he looked into the hell of misery he would produce in the world? It is to be hoped that he has not, and has given counsel, the consequences of which, he has not comprehended. When j God by his Providence scourges the I world bv a diminished supply of food or clothing, any good man will deplore! jit; and when abundance diminishes his gain, it will be a consolation to him, i that the many are benefitted. But to create an artificial scarcity that we might gain, like Lord Clive's iniquity towards ; the famished Indians—inducing him to i cut his own throat. But Mr. Davie’s counsel as to the re-j | sort of the cotton planter, in desisting to produce cotton, is in perfect keeping with | his whole policy. What are we to do I with our negroes? He answers, ‘let them be employed in the cultivation of! 5 grain, and the improvement of our plan tations.’ As to the‘improvement of our plantations,’if he means the growing up of trees, 1 admit that will take place fast enough by his policy. But in ‘ cultiva- I ting more grain,’ has Mr. Davie any con jeeption of the amount of grain now pro duced in the Southern States ? Is he a ! ware that last year the States of New j England produced but nine and a half | bushels of grain to every inhabitant; j that the Middle States, including Ma ryland produced but twenty-nine and a quarter to each inhabitant; that the Northwest, excluding Kentucky and Mis souri, produced hut forty-seven and a j half to each inhabitant; but that the South, taking the Potamac, the Ohio Riv er and Missouri as the Notthwest boun-j |dary, produced the enormous quantity of fifty-three and three quarters bushels to | every soul within their limits. I take ; these statements from a Congressional document of the last session. Thus, we 'of the south, independent of our eighty! millions worth of cotton, our twenty mil-! lions worth of tobacco, our two millions | worth of rice, produce more than four times as much grain as New England,; nearly twice as much as the Middle States and one-eight more than the great grain Stales of the West. In Indian Corn a lone we produce nigh three hundred mil lions of bushels. And yet we are told by a southern planter, a politician who ; affects at least to be fit to counsel the southern people in affairs of State, that our remedy for our distresses is to pro-; duce more grain. Why—are not the manufactures, at this moment, proclaim- j ing to grain-growes of the North and West, as loud as Mr. Davie himself to j the cotton planters—that over-produc tion—is the sole cause of their distresses? j Is it not,their iniquitous policy which de prives the grain-grower ot the natural mar- j ketsof the world, but excessive production. These plunderers can never produce too: much themselves. Oh no! In order j that they may produce more, they come J to the government and get its arm to be j stretched forth to keep off competition with them—and extends by force, artifi-; cial markets for their increased pro ductions. Why, Gentlemen, suppose i that the South produced no grain, and I that there was room for profitable produc tion, is Mr. Davie so oblivious of his fret I trade doctrines as not to rely on the self-' directing energies of the planter to pro-' duce what his interest requires him to; produce? and if his proposed diversion of our labor to the production of grain was profitable for a while, would it not most speedily be subject to his reducing process lor keeping up its prices. He j would soon tell us of over production of; grain; and propose that we should plant only one-half as we are to do of cotton. And would his reducing process stop there ? Not at all. The rest of the world would soon avail itself of any va- j cuum, in supply, which we should thus create and fill it up in grain as in cotton. To be consistent, to keep up prices, he! must then propose a still further reduc-' tion of the southern planter in his pro- ; duction of grain and cotton; one half more—then a half more—until lie produ ces nothing, and Mr. Clay’s theory of the master running away from his slave will be most beautifully realized. If any thing could add to the absurdity of this whole scheme, it is the means by which Mr. Davie proposes to curry it out. It is to be by voluntary agreement all over the South, between a couple of millions of cotton planters; each man of whom will be tempted to produce more just ini proportion as his neighbor, by his silly a greement shall produce less. Really this ' gentleman must not only be of the opin ion of the French Revolution Philosophy j as to the perfectibility of man, but he must suppose him to be already perfect—per- j feet at least in an asinine adherance to the most sublime, in its self-denying philos- ■ ophy, of all projects, which forgetting lib-; eriy and right, would resort to sell-inflict ion lor redress instead of meeting oppres-j sion by a brave resistance. If any shall suppose that I have been too harsh in my criticism on the distin guished Statesman of Chester, I am sure be at least will excuse, when he ponders over his denunciation in advance, of all who cannot see either sense or reason in ! his counsel. ‘ That some perverse indi-J viduals,’ he generously observes, ‘ would refuse dieir co-operation, I have no doubt; hut so few and so contemptible, as to have no j influence on the general result.’ MERCATOR. •The following table shows the produc tion and consumption of American Cotton, j for the last ten years. Production. Consumption, j 1834 1,254,000 1,252,000 1835 1,360,000 1,342,000 i63G—7 1,422,000 1,392,000 1837—8 1,800,000 1,638,000 IS3S—9 1,360,000 1,381,000 1539—40 2,177,000 1,895,000 1840— 1 1,634,000 1,681,000 1841— 1,683,000 1,755,000 IS42 —3 2,370,000 2,050,000 1843—4 2,025,000 2,050,000 Average production for ten years, 1,708,1 500 bales. Average consumption, 1,643,600; or ta king the last three years, the average pro duction 2,029,000 bales and the average consumption 1,951,000 bales. Fron the Baltimore Patriot. SENTENCE OF THE REV. CHAS. T. TORREY. Avery large number of persons were in attendance at the City Court this rnor ining, for the purpose of hearing sentence pronounced upon the above individual, who was convicted during the recent term |of Baltimore City Court on three separ -1 ate indictments, for persuading, aiding ;and abetting in abducting slaves, tiie pto perty of Mr. Heckrotle, of tins city. It i will be remembered that after the cou , viction of Torrey, a motion was made by bis counsel in arrest of judgment and for anew trial, which was argued before the Court ou Monday last. The point of anew trial, however, having been aband ouded, it was only contended for an ar rest ot judgment, upon the grounds of certain alleged informalities in the indict ments. At the opening of the Court this morning—a very considerable crowd of spectators being present in anticipation of hearing the great speech which it was re j ported Torrey would make—there was quite a disappointment in his not appear ing. His counsel asked permission of the Court, in obedience to Torrey’s re quest that he might not he publicly sen tenced, which was granted. We are therefore indebted to Mr. Lew ! is Servary, the obliging and polite assist ant clerk of the Court, for the following opinion and sentence. Torrey desires to remain in jail until Monday next, when the sentence will be privately announced to him and he will be removed to the Penitentiary. OPINION OF THE COURT. State vs. 7 orrey. —lt is certainly a gen eral principle that where an offence is created by act of Assembly, it is safest to follow the very words of the act, but such strictness is not absolutely necessa ry. If words of equivalent import and meaning are used, it has always been deemed sufficient, as the intention of the Legislature is as fully accomplished in the one case as in the other. The offence intended to be punished by the act is correctly defined in the sev eral indictments in strict conformity' to the law, but it has been oljected that the words relating to the personal character of the accused have been omitted, and that he should have been described in the words of the act as a free person. This we think, has been sufficiently done in the indictments by the usual and com mon designation of yeoman, a term which, in judicial proceedings, has al ways meant free person, and is now used in that sense only when a free white per son is the subject of indictment. Free negroes, perhaps, should be designated as free negroes, as not entitled to all the rights and privileges of freemen, and therefore not yeomen, in the proper mean ing of the word. It would, therefore, have been tautolo gy to have used the words free person, where the word yeotnan, meaning the same thing, had already been used, and the charges in the indictments could only he sustained against a ftee per son. The prisoner in this case has been tried as a free man, and not been depriv-, ed ot any privilege or right to which he was entitled, by the substitution or use of the word ‘ yeoman, ’ instead of ‘ free person.’ With regard to the number of indict ments, one for each slave, it has been ur ged that there should have been but one ; indictment, as it was only one offence— j all the negroes having gone off’ at one ; time. Analogies have been drawn from cases of larceny, where many articles | have been taken at one and the same time ’ from the same person, in which case it is considered but one offence, and therefore ! subject to only one indictment. But we see no resemblance between a case of lar ceny of dead chattels, in the removal of which the thief is the sole agent, and the J offences charged in these indictments, where the voluntary act of each slave, i for himself separately' from the rest, is 1 necessary to the completion of the offence each must actually run away, in conse- j quence of the previous illicit incitement of the adviser, and thus are constituted separate offences, for each of which an indictment will properly lie. The act of Assemby, we think, can have no other construction. Its language is, ‘that it any person shall entice, per suade or assist any slave t or servant, knowing him or her to be such, to run a way from his or her lawful owner or pos sessor, and such slave or servant shall ac- 1 tually runaway, such person shall be li- 1 able to indictment in the County Court of the county where such offence has been committed, or in the City Court of Bal timore, if committed in the city of Haiti- j more, and upon conviction shall under go a confinement it> the Penitentiary, not exceeding six years.’ The inducements held out by the free person to the slaves may be addressed to i many at one time, and so far are only one j act, and if the crime consisted only in ' that act, it might be the subject of one indictment only'; but as the actual running away is necessary to complete the offence and is a separate act of each slave, the in dictment must be considered asseparately 1 applicable to each, whoshallhe induced to run away, and it therefore subjects the j adviser to as many indictments as there j may be slaves who may' be influenced by I j it. The several motions in arrest ofjudg-; merit, and if (any) for new trial are over ruled. Sentence. —The following is the. sen tence : On the Ist indictment, confinement in the Penitentiary from December 2Sth, 1.844, to 2d of April, 1817. On the 2d in dictment until 2nd of April, 1849. On the 3d indictment until 2nd April, 1851. THE REPUBLIC. SAML'EI. M. STRONG. Editor. MACON, JANUARY 1545 l MACON COTTON MARKET. The Market for the past week has been very inactive, and few sales making.— The quantity coming forward lias been small. There has been a better feel ing, however,among buyers in the last lew day's, than at the commencement of the week. We make ourquolalions 2ycents, 4J as extremes. THE REPUBLIC. A\ e are under many obligations and hereby lend our warmest thanks to the kind friends who have so generously ex erted themselves in extending the circu lation and widening the circle ol this jour nal’s influence. If, with the commence ment of the New Year they will aid us in procuring advertising, job, and other pa tronage, we will enter upon tire discharge ol our duties with redoubled energies. 1 he Republic is now upon a firm loot ing with a large and constantly increasing circulation ; and we assure our Democra tic brethren that so long as it is controlled by us, that whenever and whenever the great principles we all profess are attack ed or in danger, come what will, sink or swirn, survive or perish, we will rush into the thickest of the fray. CITY ELECTIONS. The following gentlemen, (all whigs,) were elected on Saturday last, Mayor and Aldermen of the city for the year 1845: James A. Nisbet, Esquire, Mayoi ; Isaac Holmes, E. Bond, Edwin Graves, Win. B. Watts, James Denton, M. Rylander, Clras. Collins, Henry G. Ross. COUNTY ELECTIONS. The elections held on Monday last, re sulted in the success of the democratic ticket with one exception : Janies Smith, Henry G. Lamar, Nathan C. Munroe and Henry Newsom, Esquires, democrats, and Thomas Hardeman. Esquire, whig, were elected Justices of the Inferior Court; Richard Bassett, Tax Collector; Solomon R. Johnson, Tax Receiver; and William H. Macarthy, County' Treasurer. MACON THEATRE. The Theatre in this city will, we arc glad to learn, be opened in a few days under the management of Mr. John S. Potter, the enterprising lessee of the Charleston, Savannah, and Augusta thea tres. Mr. P., we understand comes sup ported by a good company of the corps dramatique, and we trust our play-going friends, and the lovers of the drama gen erally* will extend to this the first effort in our city towards establishing a respec table theatre, a generous and liberal sup port. The theatre has been removed to a central and quiet part of the city and is now undergoing a thorough state of re pair. It will be newly painted, supplied with new scenery', considerably enlarged, and otherwise greatly improved ; and we trust its enterprising owner, Mr. Horne, may be sufficiently remunerated for his entcrpiisc. BIRO SUPPER. 1 he Nimrods of Macon turned loose last week amongst the feathered tribe, with great sport and no little success.— We believe that they bagged about a two horse cart load of ducks, squirrels, par tridges, doves, and other game. Two hunting parties were formed, headed by crack sportsmen, and turned out against each other. The average, party is said to have won the supper. Though, however, they might have counted more game in the field than their opponents, we question whether they had any advantage at the feast. We were honored with an invitation and we never enjoyed an occasion of the sort so well. Dull care seemed for the time, at least, to be completely roasted, and a ‘feast of reason, flow of soul,’ roar of song and flash of wit, to have belabor ed him out of countenace as well as out of sight. The cracking of bones might, however, have been heard in the interval equal to the irregular firing of the militia at the battle of Guilford Couit House; hut we say it to the credit of the company, infinitely more effective. No wonder! they were most deliciously served up, (and he served ’em right) by ‘ mine host’ of the Floyd House, who upon such occasions never misses fire. However our crack amateur shots mav delight in taking the game ‘on the wing/ we prefer by odds to take them sitting. Os this we are profoundly convinced; aye, even to the very bottom of our b s. As last as the ‘golden hours sped,’ their rapidity was somewhat facilitated by the irresistible, soul-transporting punch pre pared at the bar of the Floyd House.— The very thoughts of it make the sparks fly from our Promethean forge. But half nnr flowing bowls were bagg’d, \\ hen t tie clock told the hour for going, Ami ive could tell by those hiccoughs and snorts That one was the time for snoring. The whole affair was ‘ done up brown/ and passed off as all such festivities ought, leaving us with a few wrinkles the less, in letter humour with ourselves and the (world, and inspiring us all with those kindlier feelings and social friendships which tire the true charms of our exis- I tenee. We earnestly entreat our readers of whatever political complexion to read an extract from a letter signed O. P. Q., da ted at Washington, ami addressed to the New York Herald. it is evidently the production of a saga cious mind, and its statements con tail* much that may lie relied on. Benton the political desperado will no doubt head the great anti-Texas anti-slavery patty of this country, and Mr. Calhoun the cham pion ot Southern rights, into whose hands are committed the last hopes of the South, will lead on the few brave spirits that clus ter around the standard of the Constitution. “Enemies without and traitors within” the South will be borne down belore the overwhelming force that now seems to be swayed against her. By the dissensions of her own citizens,- Athens lost her liberties— from the same cause the South will loose her vested rights. To those who would taunt us with being an alarmist, we might reply in the lan guage of St. Paul—“l am not mad most noble Festus, but speak forth the words of soberness and truth.” “1 begin then, by telling you that Col, Benton is opposed to slavery, and in favor of abolishing the institution in Missouri, and, as soon us it can possibly be eilectcd, in the United States. This is not merely an abstract opinion of his, but an axiom, upon which he will forthwith proceed to act, and that too, in the most vigorous | manner. You are aware that, at the re- I cent State election in Missouri, the people j decided by a large majority in favor of a Convention to revise die Constitution of the State. The delegates to this convcn | lion arc to be elected in August next, and the Convention itself meets in the winter i lollowing. The present law provides that no person holding an oilice shall be elected to this Convention—but this absurd pro vision, by which the best and ablest men in the State were excluded from partici i paling in the tbimation of the new consti tution, will he repealed by the Legislature : this winter, and the Statu laid out in dis tricts so that Mr. Benton will be elected a delegate to the convention from the upper (democratic) ward in the city of St. Louis. In that convention lie is to broach his grand scheme tor the abolition of slavery, and in corporate into the new constitution a de claration of the new principle, which is to be followed us soon as practicable by le gislative enactments. The people of Mis souri have become perfectly satisfied that slave labor is an absolute disadvantage to them, and that they can procure their work done much cheaper by free labor, i which entails no obligations, as in case ot j slavery, to support and look after the la borer any longer than be is actually engag ed in toil. Thus, you see, it is not from philanthropy, but absolutely as a matter of interest, that slavery is to be abolished. (Jod knows, it will be the direst curse that could possibly come to the poor slave! ■ Now, he has, in his master, a lriend who is bound by his own interest to see him always well fed, clothed and housed, and to nurse him when he is sick, while the law compels the master to provide lor and maintain the slave in his helpless old age. But this is not to the present purpose. The ice being thus broken by Misaoan, it is believed that Kentucky, ' irgima, Maryland and Delaware —perhaps Ten | nessee and North Carolina —will soon so - low suit, and abolish slavery in these States. Then will come up, in e OOI f ar ’ nest, the question of the annexation ol 1 as, if it should not force itselt up before.— But whenever it does come, Mr* Beoto* l lias proclaimed that then and there e i great question of slavery is to be nently settled, and the principle whic 1 shall govern the future action ot the ted Slates in respect to it, clearly and ’ tiuctly marked out. Texas ia to be a