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The first question \vllicit occurs rcs|tcc
such dteauts is, can the recital be de
pended upon? On this point we should
think universal doubt were preposterous,
considering that so many such circumstan
ces have been detailed by respectable per
sons. The next question with many minds
will be are they natural events? Here
we should sup(H>se no enlightened person
could hesitate for a moment to answer in
the affirmative. As natural events, then,
how are they to be accounted for ? The
only reply is, that the principle, if it be one
is unknown to us.
The subject of dreaming is unfortunate
in its being so much a matter of vulgar
wonderment, for intelligent inquirers are
thereby repelled from it. When regarded
apart from all absurd marvelling, it is evi
dently a curious department of psycholo
gy, and one which deserves caioful inves
tigation. By a proper collection of facts
ou this subject, l have no doubt that an
important advance might be made in the
science of mind.
EXC LUS IV K.N K.S.S.
Exclusiveness prevails in every circle
in London, from the Aristocracy to the
Mobocracy , from the nobleman at West
End to the beggar at Billingsgate; from
the 30,000 monopolist, beaded by the
Duke of Richmond, of the landocracy, to
the pile makers who dose 20,000,000 of
brotn fed operatives; in fashion, politics,
literature, the drama,-the line arts, in ev
ery walk in life, and in every possible
shajtc, this odious and cruel system of ex
clusiveness prevails; it pushes one aside;
treads upon another’s toes, and finally
leaves one to perish by disappointed hope
or starvation! Such London has always
been, and such it will probably continue
to be, to the end of time. Hard is the fate
of that man who ventures unknown and
unprotected within the walls of this mo
dern Babylon.
Even the sweep at the crossing, inher
its his stand or secures it by purchase ;
but must !>e a favorite event to obtain it
thus! He is at the corner early and late
in fair weather and in foul, and humbly
touches his torn rim, and begs in tin* name
of God for only a half penny. At mid
night that same beggar is at a pot house,
at the head of the table, drinking and ca
rousing with his gang of exclusives.
At Ahnacks’or St. Giles’ it is the same.
You will always find a circle of exclusives
and it is tor the vetv reason that anew
face will not he admitted, that one is so
anxious to get within the charmed ring,
every set must have its club, hence club
houses iu every street; hut ‘black balls’
will pierce your heart if you attempt to
enter their doors. Favors of every kind
ure bought and sold, and he who can com
mand the heaviest purse, coin mauds the
highest circle. Even the solemn marriage
contract is a mere bauble, lobe purcha
sed in the market. Almacks is the grand
auction mart, and thither mothers go to
dispose of young hearts, not to the most
honorable and hot of turn, hullo noble
blood or wealth.
Taking a wider rang*’, ami looking at
the great machinery of this government,
we see the same system of exclusiveness
adopted white works in a lower and smal
ler space. By this complicated machine
ry, foreigners arc shut from British mar
kets, and the products of oilier nations
ma} - rot before they can be forced into Ihe
United Kingdom. Monopoly is the watch
word, and the monopolists arc the politi
cal exclusives. Follow the system from
on high to low, from rich to poor, from the
Queen to the pcdler.of penny toys, from
Wapping to the palace, and it is the same
in every sphere, but it is a terribly des
tructive system when it is adopted by go
vernments, as John Bull will one day find
out to his sorrow.
Coil’s Sub-Murine Battery •—We notice
the following statement in a Baltimore pa
per: .
“Experiments by the aid of Morse’s
Telegraph have been made this afternoon
by Mr. Colt, inventor of the Snli-Matine
Battery, which have resulted in proving,
at the distance of'4o miles, (from Balti
more to Washington) that by igniting gun
powder and other combustible substances,
he can now blow up a ship with the same
celerity and certainly as at only a few
miles.
Mr. Colt lias proposed to the Govern
ment to permanently fortify any harbour
at a cost not exceeding that of a steamship
of war, and guarantees its security against
the combined fleets of Europe.”
Sheridan's II it. — IHi ring the debate on
the Indian Bill, at which period John Ro
binson was Secretary of the Treasury,
Sheridan, on one evening when Fox’s ma
jorities were decreasing, said : ‘Mr. Spea
ker, this is not to be wondered at, when
a member is eftiployed to corrupt every
body in order to obtain notes.’ Upon this
there was a great outcry made by almost
everybody In the house. ‘Who is it f ’
Name him! name him!’ ‘Sir,’ said
Sheridan to the Speaker, ‘I shall not
name the person. It is an unpleasant and
invidious thing to do so, and therefore I
shall not name him. But don’t suppose,
sir, that I abstain because there is any
difficulty in naming him; I could do that,
sir, as soon as you could say Jack Robin*
son.’
A Free Will Baptist General Associa
tion in live Empite State, resolved, among
other ifoags, 'That no enlightened Chris
tian can innocently carry on a courtship
bv late sitting.* This course we suppose
was adopted in consequence of that por
tion of Scripture, which says, Some men
‘love darkness rather than light, because
their deeds me ail .*
The Queen Fined. —ln consequence of
Qcee.v Victoria not having registered
the birth of her last Sou for six weeks,
•ha was compelled by law to pay a fine
at /«. od. for the onMSffou-
CONGRESSIONAL.
CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Yancey
from Alabama delivered in the House of
Representatives, on the 7tlc iusi in reply
to Mr. Clingtnan, of North Carolina.
HOUSE OF REPRESEN TATIVES.
January 7th, 161-5.
Annexation or Texas. —< )u the mo
tion of Mr. Bayly, the House resolved
itself into Committee of the Whole on
the state of the Union on the Resolutions
to annex Texas to this Union, Mr. Hop
kins in the chair.
Mr. Yancey, who was entitled to the
door from yesterday, rose and said :
As parties have risen or fallen upon
domestic issues, animosities have engen
dered—ptjudices have been tinned—ac
rimonies have been given birth to, which
have become so deeply seated that what
under other circumstances would have
become a blessing, has become a curse to
the country. Instead of testing meas
ures by their effect upon the country, a
large portion of the community test them
by their contemplated t fleet upon juirty.
This has crept into this hall. Men of em
inence and ability have indulged iu it;
and when I gat the floor in Committee of
the Whole on the sub-treasury hill, 1 de
signed to have expressed my regret that
the gentleman from Ohio, with so scutch
ing an intellect, such powers of sarcasm
and wit, so rich a diction and such va
ried accomplishments, .should have lent
himself to lower the character of a rep
resentative which lie appeared so well
able to dignify and adorn. The conse
quciifc is, we arc fast verging to lie a na
tion of embittered partisans, instead of
enlightened and generous freemen. In
such a state it is to be rejoiced at when
a great national question presents itself,
which, by its towering greatness, overtops
all minor issues—which is so well calcu
lated to purify and elevate the national
heart—to call into requisition the nobler
qualities of our nature —to create high
hopes—to crush beneath its lofty'pal riot
ism and undoubted wisdom the contemp
tible machinations of the mere politician,
to rebuke the sordid and grovelling pro
pensities of those who know anti feel no
impulse bat such as draw them irresist
ibly, a mere bubble, in the wake of par
ty ! Such is the Texas question. Every
party basso hailed it for the last twenty
years. Like the star which of old drew
tlie shepherd’.Jaltentio from the r humble
pursuits to the manger where slept the
Saviour of the world, does this culminate
overall infant Republic, appealing to us
as freemen to forego our wranglings, and
to accomplish iu harmony the great des
tiny to which our principles devote us—
the spread of the blessings of our liber
ties.
And this appeal lias not been in Vain.
There are living evidences around us,
whoso hearts hounded at the lirst flutter
of such a banner. Like to the Jews of
old, who kept up intestine Icuds during
the interval of the Roman assaults, yet
flew to the wall when the trump sounded
arms, there are some to whom this ques
tion has proved paramount to party ism.—
There are others who, though still the
partisan, yet respect the dignity of the (
question sufficiently to discuss it as
statesmen. Not so with the representa
tive from Noith Carolina. [Mr. Cling
maii.j With him, the extension of our
institutions, the immense eflect for weal
or wo to he produced upon our com
merce, manufacturing, agricultural, and
planting interests by the measure —its
great bearing upon our military defen
ces—its eflect upon the question of sla
very —its consequences upon the fate of
the Union, a question now engaging the
diplomatic abilities of two continents —
have not suflieient interest or dignity to
draw his intellect or his passions from a
research into the causes why a Mr. Ryn
der visited the White House—why he
dined with some other person in the city
—why the sailors of the North Carolina
voted in the 7lli ward instead of Brooklyn!
We form our estimates sir, of persons
wc have never seen; and I was not, there
fore. astonished at this expose of the head x
and hearto‘ the representative from North
Carolina. In the country I represent, he,
is looked upon us a betrayer of the trust
imposed in his hands. But Ido confess to
some astonishment when 1 heard that re
presentative exulting in his triumph over
those brother representatives from the
South whose most could;
not retain the 2-3 th rule, and attributing to
their silence on its repeal, motives which
every honorable man among them spurns
with scorn, and which could only have
found prompting in the heart of ot.e who
had given a stab to the institutions of his
own land, and wears the garb of its enemy.
Such an exulting cry over our failure to
retain one barrier erected for the preserva
tion of our propei ty and institutions, is an
insult to us if. our defeat, which merits the
scorn and execration of every honest heart
in the South. And even with the estimate
of that representative which 1 had, I was
somewhat surprised to hear him recount j
with such apparent glee, what he termed
the dishonesty of the Senate of North Caro
lina. Upon the merits of the case I can i
pass no verdict. But if it was as repre
sented, would not a truly honorable heart
and high-toned intellect have shrunk from
dragging unnecessarily, and with such ap
parent gusto, the disgrace of Ins native
State, which he in part represented, be
fore the assembled wisdom of the nation?
It is said that the wild deer of the West
will turn and gore a wounded companion
to death. But kis a brutal instinct; and
man shrinks from laying bare the failings
of bis family. And what does such con
duct deserve? I will not determine, but
will refer the representative (if ever he
reads such a book) to that portion of the
Bible where Noah having fallen naked in
bis tent, drunk with wine, his son exposed
laud ridiculed him to his other brothers.—
They look a garment, and, backing up tu
the sleeping parent, cast it over him—a
mantle of charity to conceal his situation
from prying eyes. And Noah, on waking,
cursed Ham, that lie should he the servant
of servants throughout all time: and fear
full}- has that curse stuck to his race, who
even now dwell in the tents of Shem and
Japllet pitched »n these shores. How the
people of North Carolina will view the con
duct of their representative on this occa
sion, l cannot say; but one tiling is certain: '
that il the spirit of that pure and great pa
triot, Nathaniel Macon, had been hovering
in this haU during the exhibition of the par
tv malignity ami unseemly slurs made up
on the Old .North State, and could have
been susceptible of an earthly feeling, that
feeling would have lieeu one of unmitiga
ted disgust. I shall he pardoned then, by
thi- I Louse, if I do not follow into the sinks
and purlieus of party the representative
from North Carolina, and shall address
mvsell to the question before us.
Mr. Kt'liKKii.'lifil leave In introtiiice a tiill In
provide lor Hit- admission oft lie Uepulilic ol "Texas
,i< a Siatt into tlie Union of these Slates.
Nol living in ltic irgniar older oHuisintss under
i lie rules of I lie House, the introduction of the Hill
was olijetied in Trom van.hi; quirtcr-ml'llie House.
Air. tinrkc moved In suspend llie rules, so as to
afford him an opportunity lo introduce his hill.
The reading ol Ife lull was called for, and il was
rea.l liv llie Cieik and is as foilotvs :
Be. it enacted, Buv Thai llie Congr. ss doth eon
sent iliat the Territory known as llie Republic ol
Texas, and rightfully belonging to the same, may
be erected into anew Stale, in l.e called the Stale
ol'Tex is with Republican liirm of Government,
In he adopted hy the people ol said Republic, in
sitcli mod as llie duly lanisiihited atillioi ilies there
of may prt.scribe, in order that the same may he
admitted as one of the Stales of this Union.
Sec. 2. Thai the Constitution of the State of
Texas, with the proper evidence of its adoption by
the ;>eople of Texas, shall he transmitted lo the
President of the United Slates, to be laid lie fore
Congress for its filial action on or before the Ist
January, IK-16.
See. 3d. That the aforesaid territory may In
divided into new Stales not exceeding live in num
ber, and, having t sufficient population, may be
admitted into the Union under the terms and pro
visions ol the Federal Constitution : Provided, that
such Stales as may lie firmed out of that [tortion
of said territory lying South of thirty.six degrees
thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as
the Missouri compromise line, shall lie admitted in
to the Union with or without slaveiy, as the (am
ple ofsuclt State asking admission may desire.
Sec. 4. That the President of the United States
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,'
i; hereby authorised te .dust and si tile all
questions relating to the boundaries of said territory
which may arise with other (jioveruments.
Sec 5. That said State when admitted into the
t’nion, after ceding to the United States all mines,
minerals, salt lakes, and springs ; and utsuall pub
lie. edifices, except her capitol, court-houses, jails,
and oilier buildings, adapted to Slate and county
purposes ; and all tonifications, barracks, ports,
tiltd harbors, navy and navy-yards, docks, maga
/.mes, arms, accoutrements, and all other property
and means pertaining to the public defence, belong
ing to said Republic ol Texas, shall retain all llit
public funds, debts, taxes; and dues of every kind,
which may belong or lie due to said Republic, and
shall also retain all the public lands lying within ns
limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts
and liabilities of the said Republic of Texas; and
llie residue of said lands, alter discharging said
debts and liabilities, may be disgmsed of as said
State shall direct: Provided Tint in no event
shall said debts and liabilities lie assumed by or
Itecome a charge upon the (Jovcrnment of the Uni
ted States.
Sec. 6. That all questions, claims, and disputes
in regard to land titles arising within the territorial
i limits ol Texas, shall lie adjusted, settled, and de
cided by t tie courts and authorities of said Slate,
subject to the constitutional jurisdiction of the courts
of llie United States.
See. 7. That the State of Texas, when admit
ted into the Union shall he entitled to two .Sena
tors, and, until the next apportionment, to two re
presentatives in the Congress of the U. Slates.
See. 8. That the albregniug conditions and
guaranties, when accepted oy the destituted au
thorities ol’'Texas, shall be the fundamental bond
o' union between said Republic and the U. States.
The question on the suspension of the rules was
taken hy yeas and nays, and resulted as lollops:
i Yeas —106.
Nays—32.
.So the rules was suspended and—
Mr. Burke introduced his hill to provide for tlie
admission of the Republic of Texas as a .State into
the Union of these States, which received its first
and second reading, and was committed to tlie
Couimittee of the Whole on the state of the Un
ion.
ANNEXATION or TEXAS.
A motion was made hy Afr. Harralson, that the
roles prescribing the order of business be suspend
ed and that the House resolve itself into coiiiniit'ee
ofilte Whole on the state ol the Union; ami re
sume the consideration of the resolutions, &c.
which are before the /louse tor the annexation of
Texas lo the U. Slates.
The motion prevailed, and the House resolved
itself into Committee nf the Whole on the stale ol
the Union accordingly, (Mr. Hopkins of Virginia
in the Chair.)
.1/r. BOWLIN occupied his hour in an earnest
. speech in behalf of annexation, and in reply to va
! rious objections w-hicli had been urged hy its op
! ponents.
• Vr. HARDIN next took the floor, and spoke
with equal earnestness on the other side. *
The committee was then addressed by A/r. .Sev
erance, who followed in an argument against the
resolution.
Wiim his hour had expired, such a multitude of
i gentlemen sprang li>r the floor as gives very abun
dant assurance that the atgiinicut on lllis prolific
j topic is not yet exhausted.
| The committee rose, however, after which,
Mr. Cave Johnson moved an adjournment.
Mr. J. (4- Adams asked .Mr. J. i» withdraw
tlie minion to afford an opportunity of moving a
resolution calling lor information as to the acknow
ledged boundaries of Texas.
.Mr. Johnson withdrew the motion to ad journ.
Mr. Adams then asked leave to submit his re
solution.
As the resolution was not in order at this time
under the rules, its reception was objected to.—
\\ hereupon—
•Mr. Adams moved a suspension of the rules;
and theyeasand nays being ordered on the motion
to suspend, Mr. Adams said that, to save time ami
the labor of taking the yeas and nays, he would
withdraw his motion, and ask leave to introduce
his resolution to-morrow morning.
And the House adjourned until to*motrovv at
; 1 2 o'clock.
Neroska is tbe name selected for the j
proposed Territory to be erected west of I
Missouri and lowa. . The territorial go
vernment is designed to extend over the
country watered by the head streams of
the Arkansas, Platte, and Yellow Stone
Rivers.
The Steam Frigate Princeton, now un
der sailing orders from Philadelphia, goes
thence to England to receive anew big
gun in the place of the ‘Peace Maker.’
The contract for the construction of the
gun has already been sent out.
Mrss Webster. —The Frankfort Com
monwealth says that Gov. Owsley', of
Kentucky, has declined pardoning Mies
Delia Webster, recently convicted and
sentenced to the Penitentiary for 2 years
for abducting negro slaves from their mas
ters. ° |
I*o I.ITIC A 1..
The following is the conclusion of the
able argument of Mr. Owen of Indiana, \
delivered in the House of Representatives
on the Bth inst., on the Texas question.—
We commend it lo the reader’s attention :
“I strait notice Vet another objection. It is, that
annexation brings, in its train, the scourge of war;
while by refusing to annex, we obtain, surely and
permanently, the blessings of peace. Let us sift j
this matter a link-.
Two paths are open helbre us. TJie one, lo de
clare, as moot righteously we may, the imlepeu
dence of Texas; to act boldly on that declaration;
to accept whatnot a government in £irro|te, if sim
ilarly situated, would dream of refusing, the propo
sition twice already made to us, that wt should re
ceive again Texas within our holders; and tlien—
as all men ami all nations must, be their conduct
ever so scrupulous—to abide the consequences.—
The oilier—ah, that we shall be told, is tlie path nf
sate tv and ot peace! At its entrance, it may be; >
many a path of dauber and of death has a fair and j
pleasant entrance. Let us look to the end. Say j
that we reject Texas, and leave her and Mexico lo
settle their quarrel. Very well. By so doing, we
south the indolence of Mexico, and quiet the jeal
ousy ol England. That is satisfactory. England
makes a free trade treaty with Texas; extending
over that republic (as the phrase now is) tier “Pro
tectorate.” Let that pass! Mexico, relieved
from all apprehension of in'erfereuoe from us, pro
ceeds to carry into eflect the inhuman threat she
has lately made against our Texian neighbors. L
that to pass, too' Betirre we enter this same path
of peace, Vl us look a little in advance, and settle,
whie.lt is our way out. Mexico has formally, pub
licly, officially, warned the Texans to evacuate their
country; and declares, that, if they refuse, every
one who shall iie guilty ot the crime oflwing found i
any where in Texas three miles from her western
frontier, shall he put to death. Is that,in this nine
teenth century incredible? Il is hue Witness
the ■‘Order, ol G< neral \\ oil, ’ as officially commu
nicated by our Secretary of State, carrying out the
provisions of Santa Anna’s decree of June 17; a
■ decree, which forbids all quarter to the Texans, un
der penalty, to the olliceis not non-complying, of
the loss of their commissions. Here is the black
record:
“ORDERS OF GENERAL WOLL.
“ Ilea l (Quarters of the .Srwtr/. at the North,
Miek, June -20, 1814.
“I Adrian Woil, General of Brigade, &c. make
known:—
“I The armistice agree,l on with the department
ol Texas having expired, and the war being, in
consequence, recommenced against the inhabitants
ot the department, all communication with it ceases.
“2. Every individual«>l whatever condition, who
may contravene the provisions oftlie preceding ar
ticle, shall he regarded as a traitor, ami shall re
ceive the punishment prescribed iu article 4a, title
10, treatise 8, of the articles of war.
“Every individual who may Ire found at a dis
tance of one league from the left Bank of the Rio
Bravo, will he regarded as a favorer and accom
plice of the usurpers of that part of the national
territory, and as a traitor of Ins couuln; and, alter
a summary military trial, shall receive the above
punishment.
“4. Every individual who may he comprehended
within the provisions of the preceding article, and
may he rash enough to fly at the sight ofanv three
belonging to the Supreme GoVci-mneiii, shall be
pursued, until taken or put to death.”
The orders are plain as language can make them.
The crime is being found iu Texas. Every indi
vidual from the tact of his being so found, is lo Im
belli and deemed to he a “traitor of Ins countix
and, as such, monstrous as il may seem! all—lbr
there is no distinction, no exception made or hinted
at—every human being their found, is, alter .sum
mary military tiial, to softer a traitor's death !
In coniform lily pm suing our path of peace and of
safety, these “Orders” meet our eye. Arc we to
pass them Iu? To notice them might breed a
qsarrtl. Have we a right lo notice them? 1 sup
pose the next question will be. whether we have a
right to fire oil the pirate's (lag, or to thwart his
good pleasure, when lie bids his vicious walk the
plank, and consigns them to a watery grave. But
if needs be, we tuny find proof, that the law of na
tions does, in some cises—and this is one—perrnii
us to lollow the dictates ol mercy and justice.
In every civil war, as has been already shown
from Vattel, international law tequires both parties
to “observe the common laws of war, the maxims
of lrtiin.inily, moderation and honor.” What are
these laws? Let Valid inlbrm ns.
“On an enemy’s submitting and laying down his
arms, we cinnot with justice take away his life.—
Thus, ina battle, quarter is given to those who las
down their arm -; and, in a siege, a gatrisou ollering
to capitulate are never lo be refused their lives.”—
/ alt el, Book Hi, chap. 8.
“Women, children, feeble old men, and sick per
sons come under the description of the enemies; and
we have certain rights over them; inasmuch as ihcv
belong to the naiion with which we are at war.—
But they are enemies, who make no resistance; and
consequently we have no rigli to inallie.it their
person much less to take aw ay their lives. 'This is
so plain a maxim of justice and humanity, that ai
present, every nation in the least degr.c civilized
acquiesces ill it.’— lbid.
•It was a dreadful error of antiquity, a most un
just and savage claim, to assume right of putting
prisoners of war to death even by Hie hand of the |
executioner. More just and humane principles have
long since been adopted.’— lbid.
But Mexico we may be told only threatens this
flagrant violation oftlie laws of nations’. The threat
is itself illegal. What we may not do, neither are
we permitted to threaten. Nays Vattel.
•M liatsoever advantage you may promise your- j
sell trom an unlawlul proceeding, that will not war
rant you in the use ot it. The means of an unjust
punishment is unjust in itself; it isan insult and an
injury.’— Hook iii, chap. 8.
But the threat is idle il lias been said, merely j
meant to intimidate, 100 horrible to be fulfilled. It*!
the blood shed on the plains of Goliad had a voice;
it the walls ot the Alamo could speak; would thev
vouch Ibr it, that Mexico is too tenderhearted to
keep her word? The treaty of capitulation with
poor Fannin wa.- Ibiinatly drawn up and signed by
both .Mexico and lYxian officers; yet the mornim'
of Palm Sunday saw lour hundred disarmed men
marched out and shot down, like beeves in a slaugh
ter bouse. From what lias been we are justified in
deciding what wi.l lie.
But still, it these threatened crimes are commit
ted by Mexico, whole do we lind .variant to inter
(rose and arrest them? That too, shall be forthcom
ing. It would be strange it'll could not lie Ibund.
Ol what use is a law without a penally? Os what
avail the lawsol nations, if nations are not author
ized to see it obeyed. So decides Valid.
‘ The laws of natural society are ol such impor
tance to the salety of all the States, that if the cus
tom onct prevailed of trampling them under loot,
no nation could flatter herself with the hope of pre
serving her national independence,and enjoying do
mestic tranquility. » * » All nations hare
therelore a right to resort to forcible means for the
purjmse ol repressing any one particular nation
who openly violates Uie laws of the society which
nature has established between them, or who di
rectly attacks the welfare and salety of that socie
ty.’
Here then we have the law and its application
.Mexico has o|>enly violated, and declared her pur
pose in aggravated liirtn, again openly to violate,
the holiest laws of civilized society. By so doing
she justifies us in resorting to lirrce Ibr the purpose
of repressing her. Shall we do so? It is nut al
ways expedient to avail ourselves of a right. We
are not (round to become the Don Qnixotifs of the
age and sally forth to redress all the grievances of
the civilized world. That has never.su far been
the policy of our country. Greece ami Poland had
more or less of our sympathy, and that was all.
We assume not to decide on the British doings in
Afghanistan, or to judge the conduct of the optunr
war against China. But Texas is our next neigh
bor, and was once under dtir special guardianship.
We are to employ the latv phrase in its strictest
sense, her nearest friend. To us, if to any nation
upon earth, she has a right to look Ibr succor and
protection. Shall we forsake her now?
If such be our decision, it behoves us as prudent |
men, fully to digest our plan; and trace it toils final
consequences.
bay dial we ramtat inactive and neutral, and
sutler tilings to take their course. What happens,
just at this moment .Mexico.in embroiled at home.
But tiercivilwarsareever of short duration. And
to'Texas it matters little which ot Hie barbarians
triumph. They have both, like Haouibal at the al
tar, sworn eternal enmity to her. they vie with
each other in protestation ot zeal. Death and
destruction to the Texians!—that even now, is the
theme ol every despatch, the burden of every pro
clamation. The victor, be lie Pareiks or Manta
Anna, is pledged to carry out, without delay, in all
its barbarities, the menaced invasion. To sustain
and give briliancy lo newly gotten power, lie must
redeem Ids pledge. Imagine the sequel ! The
Rio Bravo is crossed. Another league, and a ruf
fian soldiery—their swords yet wet with the blood
of their country men —enter the doomed land. .Must
j 1 call up betbre you the scenes that are to ensue?
Cruel, at best, and terrible is tlie trade of war!
But a war of extermination ! A war where the
eye pities not! where the sword spares not ! w here
the command is, to save alive nouethat breathe!
Conquerors, in the flush of victory, have wept over
a field of battle, where the strong man died, his
weapon in Ilia hand, llie trow ii ol defiance yet un
laded from his brow. But a field ol slaughter,
j slaughter of tlie defenceless, the unresisting!—a
field, where mingle, defiled in dust ami gore, the
while kicks of venerable age and the lair soft hair
ol unotleuding childhood! Think—think what it is
—this carnage of a nation, without distinction ol
age, of condition—there is yet more—ol bEX !
Do you remember the words oftlie Dramatist!
‘The man who lays I,is hand upon a woman,
Save in llie way ol kindness ia a wretch,
W hom -twere bast flattery lo call a coward.’
And il is woman—it is that gentle being whom
die desert lion himselfls said to pity and to spare—
it is the young mother—her iutalil charge shelter
ed in her arms —it is the wife and mother, fleeing
t. rescue in r person trom llie pollution of a brutal
bumh t o save the child oi lier bosom from tfieir
murderous steel—it is even she, to adopt, in all
llieir cold official atrocity, the words oftlie decree
ol hiuod, who il she ‘he rash enough tollv’—at the
sight of this approaching horde ol assassins — to he
‘pursued until taken or put lo death!’ And what
then? The report of these deeds of crime and
shame is lo come to us across the babint. The
story of each succeeding brutality is to sink down
in all its damning details, into the lie iris of our
people. The 6.nu1l with her fiery pulse and her
hot chivalry, is to hear it. The West, with her
tearless spirit and her quick sympathies, is to hear
it. The North— yes, the Noi lit, less quickly rou
sed, yet hearing, under her snow, a warm heart of
pity—is to hear it. And, w hen the shadow of
tlie:e deeds ol’dui knesa lias settled down like a pall
over the entile land, I ask ii yet again, what then?
'lt is no concern of unis. Let them jierish!’ Will
that he tiie language—that the spirit—of young
America? I —hut her adopted child—even I dale,
minis m answer tor her. No, no, a thousami
tunes no! We may turn over here the leaves of
musty volumes: we may quote black letters within
these walls, in jiroof that it is our bnimdeii duty lo
stand passively by, without auction tosa\e, with
out a protest tis avert, and see our bretliieu ol l ex
as, tin ir wives and llieir link: ones, huichend he
tme our eyes, bee if the People w ill uol make tin
case their own.' We have not yet, ill this hemis
phere, reached tlie age of placid iiiditlcreiun . \
nation’s early youth, like man’s, iu lull of w arm and
getterinisimpul>e. You will see it ' ,1/atk what
the decision of ibis nation will lie! That we have
a right to interfere. I lell you, no!—oilier than
Hull will lie her language—that we have no light
lo hold hack ! There is y law more holy, far more
imperative than the In wof the statute honk—tin
unwritten law oftlie luniiaii heart—that law v» Imh
taught llie Sii a tan that lie was the ueiglilair of
him who lell thieves. And that law, spun
king t tom the heati ol a young and noble | eopie,
will declare tons, that if we pass by on the olliei
side and abandon our neighbors ol Texas to tlieii
late, ours i> the crime, ours the scandal, ours, hclbii
llie world, the shame ! And soil is' ll'lnn wi
sit tamely down under threats like these—win-n
mercy and courage are s • qi e Cm and within us, that
we suliei, uuproiesled outrage thus n limbus on
law of nature and of nations— m.lraire we are ex
pressly told, that is lo spicad its eiimson stau
j even to iis very borders—then lei our fair iialtnua!
: escutcheon trail, sliame-slaineil in the dual; we are
not worthy lo give its broad li.lds to llie free and
gentle breezes of Heaven.
•Vv conclusions are then; that it is both wise and
lawful lo accede to the w idles "(Texas, and incor
porate that country into our Union; and that, lilt
ile.it incoi (toration is cnnsiiiiiatcd, it is our duty to
protest and if need he to piotcct Tt xas, agaimt all
violations of internnimnal law, with which she has
In-eu menaced. 'The customs ol iinlioiis pencils
this course; our national honor demands it. Bold
ness anil plain dealing, chastened hy prudent Ibic
• iirlil, area nation's best resource against Ihirign
encroachment; her surest means to avert llie caluiu
itiesof war. B drily then, and without reserve,
let iis meet this question. Let us aunt x Texas ai
once. 'The liberal portion of the world w ill up
prove, the rest will acquiesce; and in leu years, the
wonder will he, not that Texas has settled quietly
down inloan integral portion of our confedn acv;
but that men should ever havr been loiiiul, so blind
io llie interests ol this country as to oppose heruti-
iit Nation.
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
Tltis grr.it question alter escaping a
I precipitate vote, which we suppose would
Itove lulled it, is now under full discussion
in Congress. The (Uobc , which a short
I tune expressed the opinion that it would
tail at the present Congress, changers its
| language, ami afliitns that there is a ma
jor ty in both brandies of Congress in fo
j tor of Texas annexation. <)n all sides,
however,we see from Congress, opinions
I of doubt ami uncertainty; whilst tlieinnu-
I merablc projects proposed on the floor of
the House, indicate great distraction ami
division in the Demociatic party. These
are indications of weakness ori this great
! subject, which after the late Presidential
Election, no one, in the South at least, ex
pected. We had supposed, that all spe
cial pleadings and technicalities would
have been avoided, and the peace of the
| Union, and its protection from Foreign
inletference, would have dictated the
measure, with but little regard to the Ibrtu
in which it was proposed. But those who
never toned in the Constitution any bur
tier to their aggressions on the South, —
who plunder us by their protective Tariffs,
and make the Government, which was
erected to protect our institutions, the in
strument of their overthrow—now sudden
ly wake up to its limitations and guaran
ties. We were particularly struck with
the position assumed in the debate by Mr.
\\ inlhrop of Massachusetts, that “each
State in the Union had a right to say whe
ther it would enter into hew compacts, in
the same way in which they said would
enter into that which now binds them to
gether;” itnd he says, and says truly, that
this is the issue of State-rights. This is
his doctrine to justify Massachusetts, if
she pleases, going out of the Union, if in
her opinion, the Annexation of Texas al
ters the terms of the Constitutional Com
pact. The position is good; and we re
joice to see, how uniformly, pressure from
the General Government elicits the same
truth. But if it is good on tho subject of
Texas, why is it not good on the subject of
Tariff, or Abolition ? Congress usurps
power, it will be supposed, on all these
great points. It alters the original com
pact. ll a State may judge of one of these
measures —and may say '‘non in hate fed
era ccnlT why may a not judge ofariothei?
A fill wltal is llie loss Ma ssachusetts sus
tains, in llie annexation of Texas to the
Union, compared with tlie exhausting and
insulting oppressions the South sustain*
on tlie two sultjects of Federal usurpation*
Massachusetts indeed suffers not all. p e l
cuniarily it will be a gain to Ltcr, whilst it
will be a loss to all the old Southern States
oftlie confederacy. The injury is in her
tender sympathies,or ltcr battled ambitious
lust for sectional power. But for the South
—theoppressed, insulted, deceived and
1 prostrate South, sinking lower, at everv
turn of the great federal wheel—how ca j,
she submit to the fatal usurpations that
j swallow up not merely sectional power,
but the means of life ami the hope of peace
—usurpations that subject her to tlie de
gradation of colonial vassalage without its
1 protectiou, and load us with the respon
sibilities ol independence, while its fruits
of riches and power and security arc
plundered and devoured by others ? But
if a Southern Stale declares that she can
! not. submit to them, and appeals to the
right of each party to the compact to judge
of its infraction ami to interpose Ibr its
safety, what clamors are not heard—what
treason is not imputed ? With these men
nothing is so unconstitutional as the peace
and security of the slave States—nothing
so sacred as the divine right of plunder
and incendiarism; —in short, lo the North
all things arc oonslitulionnl, to the South
nothing, not even the Constitution itself.
Charleston Mercury.
MR. CALHOUN’S DIPLOMACY.
Wc cannot believe that the Morninn>
News is actuated, in its censure of Jl*
Calhoun’s diplomacy, by the unworthy
purpose attributed to it by some—a wish
to prevent Mr.Calhoun trom continuing
in tlie Cabinet. We discard utterly the
insinuation that Mr. Van Buren or Mr.
Wlight is procuring or countenancing
these assaults on Mr. Calhoun.—They arc
wholly incapable of any such attempt to
injure so distinguished a patriot and states
man.
We have already expressed nur ro"rt l
at tiie course ot the News towards Mr*
Shannon. The responsibility, however,
is supposed to attach properly to Mr. Cal
houn, under whose instructions Mr. Shan
non acted. This does not change our
view ol the diplomacy—we cannot see dm
good sense in the objections taised to the
instructions of Mr. Calhoun lo Mr. .Sh.'.n
non. Let it he remembered that onr Go
vcrurueiil invited Texas to negotiate with
ns tor iit exalioii. Mexico made this ne
gotiation the pretext 4«» r renewing hostili
ties against Texas. Gen. Wo|j, in his
| hoc la tnulion, announced It is determina
tion to prosecute the war against the Tex
iiitts in a manner to whit It ‘lndian barbar
ity scarcely lurttishcsa parallel!’ In this
• omliiion ot things out government was
bound by every principle ol honor, »>f hu
manity,ol'goou tali la, to see t Iliat the tkri a
tened barbarities should be averted; and
the surest and most direct mode jtf spying
Texas limn the butcheries of the savage
.Mextentts was to tell the Mexican <rt • vem
uictii the whole truth on this subject. This
is just what Mr. Calhoun directed Mr.
Shannon to do—to tell Mr. Rejon that our
government had seen. Gen. \Vo|i’ a bark.*
runs proclumirlion, and that we having in
vited Tt xas into the negotiation, could nut
be expected to stand by arid sec lu r citi
zens butchered lor assenting to a measure
proposed by.us. By way of letting the
Mexicans know that tit is negotiation was
not intended to "keep alive a nitre hunt-
Imio, Mr. Calhoun instructs Mr. 6ha»ii*ifi
to take the giuund that our government
tips long cherished a deep sense ofl.be iui
liortanee of Texas to. our safety, and that
nearly every administration for twenty
years has sought by negotiation to annex
Texas to the United States. What oljrc
tion can bo taken to these iustruetioii.-.
They were known to lie true in Mexico,
ami then foie tt repetition of them hy .Mr.
Calhoun could give no just offence to her.
We eon less that we are pleased with drat
open, hold and undisguised mrale of doing
business, which shows that what we do is
done with candor and in earnest. Mn.
Calhoun’s diplomacy isofihat kind which
would satisfy Mexico at once, that theaiw
taxation of Texas was not a humbug , as
declared hy Mr. Clav. He determined
not to mind his words, or to conceal hi*
views—and we conuot understand why
lie has not pursued the proper course in
secure the honor of the country.
In these remarks we have expressed
our own feelings and sent intents, and w*
alone are responsible Ibr them. M efcaovv
nothing oftlie views oftlie Presidentelect
on these matters; but one thing we do know
that his foreign policy will he
straightlm ward, learli -S and liigli-mindet.
Nashville ( Tent-) I niott..
The meeting of llcnry and Cassius -J-
Clay. —We learn by a Traveller recently
from Kentucky, that these men have, had
some sharp words between them since u> c
election. What was the nature of the dis
pute, our informant did notsay. .
‘We also learn from him that Cassius
M. Clay is about establishing a paper m
Louisville, Ky. for the advocacy of ®
emancipation of the colored race,
wish him great success.’ — Christie* ul
tician. .
The meeting between these gentlem*
upon the return ofCassius M. rom^ ve
mission to the abolitionists, tmist .
been interesting. Those who kno*
temper of Henry will not be '
hear of ‘sharp words’ between, them-.
Tho Bostonians have found a Ver
in the shape of a raw uncultivated
monlcr, named Hudson, who . v wh
delivering lectures on Shokspear e * 4
are said to be tbe most sptendw eM *
of original genius. Whether he
out a nine day’s wonder or aol,
to be seen.
Tlie people of the
sume live inHlmnjpHiH*** 0