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to the .ltatites of their own conscience ; of every shade ol opinion, end the most free inquiry ; of every art, trade, and occupation, consistent with the laws of the States.— And we rejoice in the general happiness, prosperity, and advancement of our country, which have been the offspring of freedom, and not of power. This most admirable and wisest system oF well regulat ed self government among men, ever devised by human minds, has been tested by its successful operation for more than half a century , and, if preserve.! from the usurpations afthe federal government on the one hand, and the exer cise by the States of powers not reserved to them on the other, will, I fervently hope and believe, endure ibr a jet t,. come, and dispense the blessings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations. To efl'ect objects so dear to every patriot, I shall devote myself with anxious solici tude. It will hejny desire to guard against that most fruit ful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system, which consist* in substituting the mere discretion and ca- | price of the executive, or of majorities in the legislative de- j parunent of the government, for powers which have been ! JuraUheld from the federal Government by the Constitution. Ay the theory of our Government, majorities rule ; but this r ghl is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. It is a right to be j exercised in subordination to the Constitution, and in con formity to it. One great object of the Constitution was to restrain majorities from oppressing minorities, or encroach* io- upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to ap peal to'the Constitution, as a shield against such oppression. 1 That the blessings of liberty which our Constitution se cures may £>e enjoyed alike by minorities and majorities, the executive has been wisely invested with a qualified ve to upon the acts of the legislature. It is a negative power, iml is conservative in its character. It arrests for the time hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legislation; invite# reconsideration, and transfers questions at issue between the legislative and executive departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all other powers, it is subject to be abu sed. When judiciously aud properly exercised, the Con stitution itself may be saved from infraction, and the rights of all preserved and protected. The inestimable value of our Federal Union is felt and acknowledged by all. By this system of united and con federated States, our people are permitted, collectively mid individually, to seek their own happiness in their own way ; and the consequences have been most auspicious.— bince the Union was formed, the number of the States has increased from thirteen to twenty-eight; two of these have taken their position as members of the confederacy within the last week. Our population has increased from three to twenty millions. New communities and States are seeking protection under its tegis, and multitudes from the Old World are flocking to our shores to participate in its bless ings. Beneath iu benign sway, peace and prosperity pre vail. Freed from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade and intercomse have extended throughout the world. Mind, no longer tasked in divising means to accomplish or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation or conquest, is de voting itself to man’s true interests, in developing his fa culties aud powers, and the capacity of nature to minister to his enjoyments. Genius is free to announce its inven tions and discoveries ; and the band is free to accomplish whatever the head conceives, not incompatible with the i rights of a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or rank have been abolished. All citizens, whether native ora ff.pttd, are placed upon terms of precise equality. All are entitled to equal rights and equal protection. No union ex • t-ts between church and State; and perfect freedom of o' pinion is guarantied to all sects and creeds. I These are some of the blessings secured to our happy land by our federal Union. To perpetuate them itisoursa-< cred duty to preserve it. Who shall assign limits to the 1 ac hievements of free minds and free hands, under the pro taction of this glorious Union ? No treason to mankind since the organization of society, would be equal in atroci ty to that of him who would lift his hand to destroy it. He ! would overthrow the noblest structure of human wisdom, | which protects himself and his fellow-man. lie would , slop the progress of free government, anu involve liiscoun- ! fry cither in anarchy or despotism. He would extinguish , the lire of liberty which warms and animates the hearts of} happy millions, and invites all the nations of the earth to / imitate our example. If he sajf that error ami wrong are committed in the administration of the government let him . remember that nothing human can be perfect ; aud that un der no other system of government revealed by Heaven, or devised by man, has reason been allowed so free and broad a scope to combat error. Has the sword of despots prov ed to be a safer or surer instrument of reform in govern ment, thau enlightened reason ? I>oea he expect to find among the ruins of this Uniou a happier abode for oqr swarming millions than they now have under it? Kvery lo er of his country tnustshud ier at the thought of the pos sib.Uty of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt the patriotic sentiment, federal Union—it mu rbe pre served.” To preserve it, the compromises which alone enabled our fathers to form a common constitution for the . government and protection of so many States and distinct communities, of such diversified habits, interests, and do mestic institutions, must be sacredly and religiously ob served. Auy attempt to disturb or destroy these compro- i raises, being terms of the compact of Union, can lead to t.one other than the most ruinous and disastrous consequent . It is a source <>f deep regret that, iti some sections of our country misguided persons have occasionally indulged iu t'fceai‘3 and agitations, whose object is the destruction of domestic institutions existing in other sections—institutions which existed at the adoption of the constitution, and were recognised and protected by it. All must see that if it were possible lor them to be successful in attaining their object, the dissolution of the Union, and the consequent destruc lion of our happy form of government, must speedily follow. I am happy »«» believe that at every period of our exis tence as a nation, there lus existed, and continues to ex ist, am mg the great mass of our people, a devotion to the Union, of the States, which will shield and protect it against ! ie moral treason of auy who would seriously contemplate is destruction. T*» secure a continuance of that devotion. 1 »e compromises of the constitution must not only he pre serve 1. but sectional jealousies aud heartburnings must be discountenanced i ami all should remember that they are members of the same political family, having a common destiny. To increase the attachment of our people to the Union’ our laws should be just. Any policy which shall tend to favor monopolies, or the peculiar interests of sec tions or classes, must operate to the prejudice of the into rests of their fellow citizens, and should be avoided. If the compromises of the constitution be preserved—if sec tionnljealousies aud iieartbuinings be discountenanced—if our laws be just, an l the government be practically admin istered strictly within the limits of prescribed to i'—we inny discard all apprehensions for the safety of the y titan. " With these views of the nature, char icier, and objects of the government, and the value of the Union, I shall stea dily oppose the creation of those institutions ami systems which, iu ilieir nature, tend to pervert it from its legitimate purposes, and make it Ihe instrument ol sections, classes, and individuals. We need no national hanks, or other ex- 1 ♦raneous institutions, planted around the government to control or strengthen it in opposition to the will of its au-j timrs. Experience has taught us liow unnecessary they ( are ns auxiliaries of the public authorities, how impotent j for good, and how powerful for mischief. Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal government; aud I shall regard it to be my duty to recommend to Jon- i f;ress, and, as far as the executive is concerned, to enforce j *y all the means within my power, the strictest economy in the expenditure of the public money, which may be com patible with the public interests. A national debt has become almost an institution of Eu- j xopean monarchies. It is viewed in some of them as an es sential prop to existing governments. Melancholy is the ( condition of that people whose government can be sustain- j ed only by a system which periodically transfers large a mounts from the labors of the many to the coffers of the . few. Bucli a system is incompatible with the ends for which our republican government was instituted. Under I awi.se policy, the debts contracted in our revolution, and j during the war of 1812, have been happily extinguished. By s ju iicious application of the revenues not required for other necessary purposes, it is not doubled that the debt which has grown out of the circumstances of the last few years may be speedily paid off. I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire restoration of the credit of the general government of the Union, ami that of many of the Slates. Happy would it be for the in debted Stales if they were freed from their liabilities, many of which were incautiously contracted. Although the gov ernment of the Union is neither in a legal nor a moral sense b iund for the debts of the States, and it would be a viola tion of our compact of Union to assume them, yet we can not but feel a deep interest in seeing all the States meet llieir public liabilities, and pav off their just debts, at the earliest practicable period. That they will do so as soon ns it can be done without imposing too heavy burdens on their citizens, there is no reason to doubt. The sound, moral, and honorable feeling of the people of the indebted States, cannot be questioned ; and we are happy to perceive a settled disposition on their part, as their ability returns, after a season of unexampled pecuniary embarrassment, to pay off all just demands, audio acquiesce in any reasona ble me asures to accomplish that object. One of the difficulties which we have had to encounter in the practicle administration of the government, consists in the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levy of the taxes necessary for the support of government. In the general proposition, that no more money shall be collected than the necessities of an economical administration shall r«qu»te, all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there seem to be any material difference of opinion as to the ab sence of right in the government to tax one section of coun try. or one class of citizens, or one occupation, for the mere profit of another. “Justice and sound policy forbid the federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one por t on to the injury of another portion of our common country." 1 have heretofore declared to my fellow-citizens that, in “ m .V judgment, it is the duty of the government to extend, far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws, and all other means within its power, fair and just protec tion to all the great interests of the whole Union, embra cing agriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, com- ( inerce, and navigation." 1 have also declared my opin i ion to be “ru favour of a tariff for revenue," and that “in | * 'justing the details of such a tariff, I have sanctioned *uch moderate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue needed, and, at the same time, aliord reasonable incidental protection to our home industry;’ and that I was “opposed to a tariff for protection merely and not for revenue." The power “to lay and collect duties, imposts and ex cises," was an indispensable one to be conferred on the federal government, which, without it, would possess no means of providing for ita own support. In executing this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support of government, the raising of revenue should be th e object, •nd # protection the incident. To reverse this principle, and make protection the object, and revenue the incident, w °uld be tu indict manifest injustice upon all other than die protected interests. In levying duties for revenue, it is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within the revenue principle, as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit, there i* a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit, the right ful exercise cf the power is not conceded. The inch ten* ta! protection afforded to our home interests -by dUcrimi yaUo £MvilbLuJbe revtnuu range, it is believed will be ample. In rriakifvg discriminations, ull our home interests should, far as practicable, be equally protected. The largest portion of oor people arc agriculturists. Others are em j ployed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, und the ; mechanic arts. 1 hey are all engaged in their respective pursuits, aid their joint labors constitute the national or j “ om s industry. To tax oue branch of this hon e industry lor the benefit of another would be unjust. No one of I fuese interests can rightfully claim an advantage over the <Hhers, or to be enriched by impovetishing the others.— All are equally entitled to the fostering care and protec | J lo *» of the government. In exercising a sound discretion in levying discriminating duties within the limits prescrib ed, care should be taken that it te done in a manner not to benefit the wealthy few, at the expense of the toiling millions, by taxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles of superior quality and high price, which can only be con sumed by the wealthy; an 1 highest the necessaries of life. or • rl *cles of coarse quality and low price, which the poor anu great mass of our people must costume. The bur dens of government should, as far as practicable, be dis tributed justly and equally among all classes of our popu jation. These general views, loug entertained on this sub- ! ject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It is a subject, • w .P° n which conflicting interests of sections and occuoa j ,l< ns are supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual con cession and compromise in adjusting its dftails should be cherished by every part of our wide spread country as the ; only means of preserving harmony and a cheerful acquies ; canc ® of all iu the operation of our revenue laws. Our patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily submit to the payment of such taxes as shall be needed for j l ‘ ie support of theHr government, whether in peace or iu ; war, it they are so levied as to distribute the burdens as equally as possible among them. I'he republic of Texas has made known her desire to cotneinto our Union, to form a part of our confederacy, i and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty, secured aud j guarantied by our constitution. Texas was once a part °f °Ur country—was unwisely ceded uw»y to a foreign power—is now independent, and possesses an undoubted •"iffht to dispose of a part or the whole of her territory, und to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and indepen l dent State, in ours. I congratulate my country that, by an act of the late Congress of the United States, the as sent of this government has been given to the reunion; and it only remains for the two countries to agree upon i the terms, to consummate ail object so important to both, i I regard the question of annexation as belonging exclu sively to the United .States and Texas. They are inde pendent posers, competent to contr.it; and foreign na tions have no rit/lil to interfere with them, or to take ex ceptions to their reunion. Foreign powers do not seem j to appreciate the true character of our government. Our I Union is a confederation of independent Slates, whose 1 policy is pence with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits, is to extend the dominions of peace over additional territories, and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our government. While the chief magistrate and the popu lar branch of Congress are elected foi short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must, in their own persons, bear all the burdens and miseries of war, our government cannot le otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers should, therefore, look on the annexation of Texas to the United States, nor as the conquest of a nation seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding another member to our confederation with the consent of thut member—thereby diminishing the chances of war, and opening to them Hew and ever increasing markets for their products. To Texas, the reunion is important, because the strong protecting arm of our government would be extended over her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil und genial climate would be speedily developed; while the safety .of New Orleans and of bur whole southwestern frontier agaiust hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the whole Union, would be promoted by it. In the earlier stages of our uatioual existence, the opin ion prevailed with sumc, that our system of confederated States could not operate, successfully oxer an extended territory, and serious objections have, at diffeieat times, been made to the enlargement of our bouuluri. b. These objections were earnestly urged when wc acquired Loui siana. Experience has shown that they were not well founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of country lias been extinguished. ISew States have been admitted into the Union. New Teriitoriea have b<*en created, ami our jurisdiction and laws extend over them. As our population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and strengthened. As our boundaries hive hern enlarged, and our agricultural population has been spread ovci a large surface, our federative system has acquired additional strength aud security. It may well be doubted whether it would not l»e in greater dan ger ol overthrow, if our present population weie confined to the comparatively narrow limits of the original thir teen Slates, than it is,now that they are sparsely settled over a mote expanded territory. It is confidently believ ed that our system may he safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits; and that, as it shall be extended, the bonds of cur Union, so far from being weak ened, will become stronger. None can fail to see tne danger to our safety and future peace, if Texas remains an independent State, or becomes i an ally or dependency of some foreign nation more pow j erfttl than herself. Is there oue among our citizens who j would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas, to occa | siona.l wars, which so often occur between homering Utile - i pendent nations? Is there one who would not prefer free intercourse with her, to high duties on nil our pro 'ducts and manufactures which enter her ports or cross her frontiers? Is there one who would not prefer an un restricted communication ’vith her citizens, to the frontier obstructions which must occur if she remains out es the Union? Whatever is good or evil in the local institutions of Texas, will remain her own, whether annexed to the j United tales or not. None of the present States w ill be j j responsible for them,auy more thi. l they are for the local I institution* of each other. They h;rre confederated to gether for certain specified objects. Upon the same prin ! e.Jple that they would refuse to form n perpetual union with Texas because of her local institutions, our fore j lathers Would have been prevented from forming our pres ent Union. !*• reciting no valid objection to the rneas- I ere, ami many reasons for its adoption, vkally affecting the peace, the safely, ftiunlte prosperity of both countries, 1 shall, on the broad principle which fanned the basis and produced the adoption of our communion, and not innnv narrow spirit of sectional policy* endeavor, by ulj, consti tutional, honorable, and appropriate mentis, to consum mate the expressed will of the people and government of the United States, by tlie tcunttexarion of Texas to our I' Union nr the earliest practicable period. Nor will it ItfUM.ino in a less degree my duty to nesert and maintain, by all constitutional mount l , the right of the i United State* ih that portion of ottr territory which lies j beyond the Rocky mountains. Our title to the country I of the Oregon is “clear and unquestionable*" and already I arc our people preparing to perfect that title by occupy ing it with their wives and children. But eighty years ago. our population was confined on the west by the ridge of the Alleghrthies. Within that period—w ithin the life f time, 1 might say, of some of my hearer#—our people, irt | creasing to Tnattv millions, Imvc tilled the eastern valley j of the Mississippi; adventurously ascend'd the Missouri 1 to it« head springs; and arealreadv ensreeed inestahli*h i ing the blessings of self-government in the valleys, of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The wot Id beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of oil' - emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately wherever they m vbe upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws, an I the benefits of our republican institutions, should he extended over them in the distant regions which thev have selected for thmr homes. The increasing fa cilities of intercourse will ensilv bring the States, of which the formation in that part of our territory cannot he long delayed, within the sphere of bur federative Union. In the mean time, every obligation imposed bv treaty or conventional stipulations should be sncrcdlv respected. In the management of our foreign relations, it will be mv aim to observe a careful respect for the rights of other nations, w hile nor ow n w ill he the subject of constant watchfulness. Equal and exart justice should character ize nil our intercourse with foreign countries. All alii nn«*es having n tendency to jeopard the welfare nnd honor j of eur country, or sacrifice any one of th ’ national inter ests. will he avoided; nnd vet no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with foreign governments, hv which our navigation nnd com merer mav bo extended, nnd the ample products of otir : fettile soil, as will ns the manufactures of our skillful nrtizans, find a ready market nnd remunerating prices in foreign countries. In taking “ care that the laws he faithfully executed," n strict performant e ofdntv will he exacted fmm all public officers. From those officers, especially, who are charg ed with the collection and disbursement of.the public rev enue, will prompt and rigid responsibility he inquired. \nv culpable failure or delay on llieir part to account for the moneys intrusted them, at the times and in the man ner required bv law. will, in every instance, terminate the official connection of such defaulting officer with the gov ernment. Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must ! almost of necessity he chosen by a party, and stand pledg ed to its principles and measures, vet, in his official action, he should not he the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibility, end faithfully carries out in the executive department of die government the principles and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmind ful that our fellow citizens who have differed with him in opinion are entitled to the full nnd fro’ exercise of their j opinions nnd judgments, nnd that the rights of all ate en titled to respect nnd regard. Confidently reiving upon the aid nnd assistance of the co-ordinate departments of the government in conducting our public affairs, I enter noon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me bv the. people, again humbly supplicating that Oivine Perng who has watcficd over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue ITis gracious benedic tions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous and happy people. _____ Forgiveness—A Turkish Parable.—\ traveller, who spent some lime in Turkey, relaies a beauti ful parable which was told him bv a dervis, and which seems even more beautiful than Sterne s celebrated figure of the accusing spirit and the recording angel. Every man, (said he,) lias two angels, one on his right shoulder and one on his less. When lie does anything good, the angel on his right shoulder writes it down and seals it; be cause what is once well done is done for ever. When he does evil, the angel upon his left shoulder marks it down, hot does not seal it. He waits till midnight. If before that lime the man bows down his head and exclaims—“ Gracious Allah ! I have s | nne d forgive methe angel ruhs that out; but iT not. at midnight he seals it, and the angel upon the right shoulder weeps. Mr. Cai.hopn.—The follow which we find in j the Norfolk Beacon, we (relieve to be entitled to j credit“lt is raid that Mr. Calhoun was offered [ the mission to England, but that he declined it. THE REPUBLIC. SASH EL M. Editor. MACON, MARCH if, IST.. “ TIIE CONSUMMATION. At length the clouds are dispelled—the ‘lost pleiad’ restored—and bright beams the sun of Republicanism as ou the aupi cious morn when on the plains of York lown the proud and dominant Cross of St. George, prone before the American Eagle, recognized the might and triumph of freemen contending for the establish ment of a free , sovereign, and independent government. As then, so in the present in stance, the few have proved victorious over the many. Fadeless as the evergreen, be the civic wreath around the brows of the illustrious statesmen by whose virtuous courage and abilities the national honor has been vindicated the diplomacy of St. James baffled, the ‘area of freedom’ ex panded, and the greatness and glory of the Republic exalted. On the bright list of immortalized names, whose memo ries are destined to receive the homage of unborn millions, towering above the rest in the moral strength and beauty of patriotism stand John Tyler and John C. Calhoun. Even with more truth than the Roman, may the first of these ex claim ‘ Exegi monumentum <ere perenniusP Proscribed by one party and feared and betrayed by the other, with unblanched cheek and steady eye he moved right on j to the consummation of his object. And basing bis actions upon those eternal truths ' written in characters of adamant upon the 1 hearts of the virtuous and patriotic great — he has almost alone and single-handed placed the keystone upon the arch of out ■ national greatness —demonstrated the fix edness of republican principles on the American continent, and, by a fearful les son taught the ‘giant mistress of the ocean’ that though the sceptre of her power may be waved mistress over continental Eu rope, that here in this land, strewn with the hones of the heroic, watered by the blood of revolutionary heroes, and peo pled by a race baptised in the clear foun tains of constitutional liberty, no prince or power, or potentate on earth, shall cross the bright path of our destiny, or prostrate the virgin soil of these western shores to, the embraces of a corrupt and domineer ing despotism! Proudly erect, with that mens consent- reed, the solace of the patriot as well as the balm of the Christian, he has withstood alike the blandishments of power, the barbed and bitter arrows ol sarcasm, the ruthless hostility of enraged partisans, that worse than all political ad vocacy, the qualified support of Democratic leaders, and the temptations that ever be set the man occupying the highest politi cal station known to civilized government. Power has passed from his hands unahas ed, and he retires from his exalted position into the calm circle of social and domestic quiet. But gratitude for the great servi ces rendered his country will not, cannot pass froifl the hearts of the people. Star after star will shoot up from the I western horizon until our banner, already , sparkling with the brilliancy of twenty- i eight stars, shall become yet more lustrous i by die united blaze of our glorious con stellation. And as each moves up to plant itself upon the azure field of the American banner, they will radiate the path of the illustrious statesman whose wisdom Tind moral courage dispersed the clouds that so long shut out their light from the world, i What shall we say of the part old Reg- ; ulus hath borne in the great triumph?— We speak of John C. Calhoun, tire iron shaft of democracy, upon whose summit the storms of parly malevolence and envy have beat in vain. He to whom Texas is so greatly indebted (or the happy adjust ment of her re-union with the States, the south for the security of its institutions, and the whole.couritry lor the vindication of our national honor, both in ISI2, when i we t riumphed by arms over Old England, j and in 1545, when with the courage of a i patriot and the profound genius of the statesman, lie again defeated her in the field of diplomacy. In proportion as de- j traction exudes its envenomed poison, and j intrigues thicken around him, does he ap-1 pear in bolder relief, and towers in the pride of unapproachable dignity and in- I tellect above the impure elements that rage in harmless violence around him.— Faction cannot conjure up the storm strong enough to harm him, nor envy and intrigue pluck one leaf from the unfading laurel that adorns his brow. Office cannot ele vate, nor the incense of popular adoration add one ‘cubic to his stature.’ He has lived to see oue, at least of his great measures consummated—he has liv ed to carry it over the unexampled oppo sition of traitors at home, and the fierce scowls of an armed and threatened alli ance abroad; lie lias liveil indeed to see in the language of his eloquent compatri ot an ‘empire added to the Union, and a Gibraltar to the South.’ He 100, it is said, retires to the serenity of domestic life. But he takes with him the applause of the American people, not the empty articulations of praise bestow ed by heartless sycophants or indiscreet friends, but the genuine and deepfelt ad miration that spontaneously springs from the bosom of the people for inappreciable services rendered by a pure and exalted patrtot. PARTIES, BALLS, WEDDINGS, &c. The last two weeks has been a real carnival, in our beautiful city of the hills. On such an evening the beautiful Mi3s on another a ball, on another a party, on another the union of loving hearts, and again the mazy dance and twinkling feet. We were out at the party ol the hospita ble Col. ————, when in one r°oro wc saw five brides. “Behold the brid p g rt>om | comcth” would have been rather inaptly (applied. “Get out of the way old Dan Tucker” would have been on the occasion refered to rather more appropos as we could’nt turn ’round in the room without touching oue of the “cooing turtles.” THE INFANT SISTERS. These very interesting children ma theii last appearance in this city this eve ing, on which occasion they take a brnc f The high satisfaction which their peril mances have given render it only nec sary to announce the fact, that they tak<_ their leave to night. MURDER WILL OUT t Col. Nutt of Vermont, the independent and courageous democrat by w hose assis tance, Col. Samuel T. Bailey was enabled, to regain bis servant whom the Vermont abolitionists had enticed from his posses sion, has made their leader and the author, of the appeal to the abolitionists retract his libellous charges made against him. Col. Nutt’s triumph over Hutchinson and his abolition friends proves what a bold honest and learless man und patriot can do in defence of Southern rights even in the hot bed of abolition. A few such men would soon extinguish those unholy fires that hum so fiercely up on the altars of a wild, misled and reck less fanaticism. The thanks of every Southern patriot are due to Col. Nutt for his noble conduct in that transaction, and we feel assured that his “bearding the lion in his den” will be generally applauded by the whole body of the Northern Dem ocracy and that enlightened portion of the Northern Whigs that are not like the great majority of that party at the North, steep ed in the doubly distilled gall of abolition ism. The following which we take from the “Age” published in Woodstock, Ver mont, gives a correct statement of the aifiiir. From (lie Woodstock (Vt.) A<n>. COL. SAMUEL NUTT AND KID NAPPING SLAVES. The public will remember a horribly j bloody story got up just before the Scp- I ternber election about Col. Nutt, and S. T. Bailey, Esq. of Geo., attempting to regain possession of a run-away slave belonging to the latter gentleman. The awful affair was announced in the Vermont Freeman, the State Abolition paper, Aug. 26, after the following man ner : | Hold the Miscreant up, that freemen may look uqton him ! J Ma. Editor:— We learn, from un ! doubted authority, that on Wednesday, i ike 14th of August iust:, a female was in open day caught, bound with bed cords, ! and thrown into a waggon, (as a sheep or swine would be cast,) and started for the land of slavery ! —and this 100 in the free air, amid the free hills of Vermont, in the town of Hartford, in Windsor county!! It seems that an animal, dressed like a ; man, (though it would be libelling human i ity to call him a man, because destitute | of those qualifications which constitute a man,) by the name of Bailey, from the ! slate of Georgia, carne into Vermont a few weeks since on a visit to his relatives, bringing with him this female, whom he called his slave. She having been inform ed that her pretended owner had no legal claim to her by our laws, concluded for the future to be her own owner. She therefore left the place of her master’s temporary residence and sought, a retreat among some friends of suffering humanity a few miles distance, until this SOUTH ERN HYENA, her master, should re turn to the ‘chivalrous’ land of robbery and blood. But this specimen of the no ble generosity of the slaveholder was not thus to be balked. He procured a mis erable being, by the name of Col. Samuel Nutt of Hartford, a Justice of the Peace for Windsor County, to turn catehpole and fertet out the lurking place of the slave. And having found her place of re treat these two magnates, a Georgia Slave holder and a Vermont Magistrate, procee ded to bind their fellow being hand and foot, iu open day, in the presence pf sev eral females, threw her in a waggon, and the slave holder drove off with his victim —neither of whom have been since seen in the vicir.it}', and ere this time, no doubt, she has suffered the full measure of the penalty which slaveholders always inflict on those ‘chattels’ who presume to think themselves human beings and entitled to the rights of humanity. Vermonters! what think ye of slavery on your own Green Mountain soil? What think ye of that Bailey, the slave holder? What a noble President of the United States he would be/ How he would be careful to guard the rights of the most humble individual of the community! But, freemen of Vermont, that dastardly Bailey is no worse than your Polk and your Clay. Nay—not so bad. He stole but one human being—They steal their dozens. lie in this instance, committed but one robbery, a conjoint robbery against God and man—they rob God and man by the scores. They trample ou human right—blast human hopes—crush human happiness by the wholesale ! God Al mighty save our country from such rulers! God Hhnighty either bring to repentance, or spew out from his church on earth, every such false professor as can betray the son of man by voting for either the one or the other! Christian ! where is thy faith—in God or man ? As for Samuel Nutt, the slaveholder’s catehpole, his deeds will be recorded in characters so tangible, that neither he, nor his purse, nor his posterity, will for get the slaveholder’s catehpole, Samuel Nutt. Yours, See., AMICUS. From this flaming text, the Granite Freeman, an abolition paper printed at Concord, N. H., preached as follows, I Aug., 29. Slavery in Vermont. —A slaveholder | brought his female slave to Hartford, Vt. recently, and she refused to return with i him. She escaped from him but by the • assistance of a Justice of the Peace, was ab so, u same tex. More of the the last Green Mountain 4 i muuication detailing the particulars . case of kidnapping or slave-catching, in Hartford, Vt., doubtless the same person who was hurt ied through on the cars from Nashua to Boston on the 16th. It appears that one Bailey, from the state of Georgia, went to Vermont a few weeks since on a visit to his relatives, taking with him a woman whom he called his slave. She, having been informed that her pretended owner had no legal claim to her on the free soil of Vermont, sought a retreat among some friends of humanity a few miles distant. But the ‘chivalrous’ son of Belial was not to be balked. He procurf ed a dastardly catehpole by the name o- Samuel Nutt, a Justice of the Peace, and by their joint efforts the woman was fer reted out, caught in open day, in presence of several females—bound hand and foot —thrown into a waggon, and by the slave holder hurried off ! All this in Vermont—the land of Allen, and Warner, and Harrington! in Ver mont, whose laws have made it a penal offence in any citizen or magistrate to as sist in the execution of the infamous law of Congress of 1793, for the rescue of fu gitives from slavery ! Sons of the Green Mountains! Let the‘deep damnation of his taking off - ’ ring over your bone-strewed battle-fields ! Let Bennington and Hub bardton speak for the slumbering dead ! Let the bones of old Harrington rattle un der the clods of Clarendon ! Let the clank of the slave-shackle summon you from every hill and valley! Vindicate your violated charter-rights by voting for liberty on the third of September! Well, Col. Nutt and Mr. Bailey were “taken up” tried and acquitted. The trial was attended by Judge Hutchison who, we understand was satisfied that the charges in the Freeman were false. Col. Nutt, shortly after addressed a letter to the editor of the Freeman calling on him for the name of the author of the scurrilous and bombastic effusion of Au gust 23d, signed “Amicus,” and inform ing him that he must do one of two things, back out or back up. Iu reply to which pressing call, the Freeman’ of Oct. 25th contained the following : Mr. Editor :— You, and your readers will doubtless recollect a communication in the Freeman of Aug. 23, animadvert ing upon what was then believed to be a cruel case of the forcible abduction of a slave from our state back into slavery. That communication was penned the same day on which that transaction was related to me and substantially as I re ceived it. My informant is an intelli gent and pious minister of the gospel who tarried in Hartford, (the scene of the supposed transaction,) the night imme diately following it. He related the facts in presence of five or six persons, includ ing myself, and gave the names of citizens of Hartford, (some of whom 1 knew to be men of undoubted integrity,) as his au thority. On the strength of such author ity I furnished you that communication, reciting the history as it was related to me, and which I myself believed to be the true statement of facts, as did also my informant, for he remarked at the time, that there could be no doubt of the fact, coming from such reputable author- “y- But, Mr. Editor, I rejoice, for the hon or of our State as well as for the credit of the persons supposed to he implicated, that the most revolting portion cf the transaction as related in the communica tion referred to, proves upon judicial ex amination, unsupported by evidence. I now learn that Messrs. Bailey and Nutt were arrested immediately after the sup posed offence was committed, but were discharged on the ground that no force was resorted to reclaim the slave; hut that she voluntarily surrendered herself to the service of her master. It is only within the last three days that I became acquainted with these latter facts, and I avail myself of the earliest opportunity to retract all the statements and remarks thereon in that former communication which are inconsistent with the facts as herein represented. This Ido cheerfully, not only as an act of justice, in this part i cular instance, to the gentleman supposed ! to have been connected in the affair, as; represented, hut because also it accords i with a plain rule of duly by which 1 have j ever been, and hope ever to be actuated —never knowingly to he instrumental in either circulating, or, when I could pre vent it, of keeping in circulation, a false report, injurious to the character of anoth er. Respectfully Yours, O. HUTCHINSON. Chester, Oct. 19, 1844. It will thus be seen, that so far as Col. Nutt was concerned, the bloody tragedy turns out to be a cutaneous eruption of the brain of some over zealous friend of the ‘down-trodden slave.’ We have no ob jection to people manifesting what they may consider laudable zeal for ‘the slave,’ but when their zeal gets so far ahead of the truth as it did in this case, and is man ifested in unjust aspersions upon the re putation of our worthiest citizens, it is time for sober-minded people to pause, and for the public press to see that justice is done. Truth. First appearance in Macox, this Evening, AT THE FLOYD IIOUBE SALOON. To commence at 7 o'clock. INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS, By Mr. S. T.itlir, late of the Sparta Female College. CO" For particulars see bills of the day. March 12 1845. ’ 22 It This Evening, March 12, FOR LITTLE EMSIA AND ELIZA’S BENEFIT, AND THEIR LAST APPEARANCE. THE Children, only 4 and 6 years old, will appear in their most diverting characters and pleasing songs, and on this occasion Will dance the Irue POLKet, they being its importers into this country. Mr. Horne lias kindly granted the free use of ti e Saloon for (his occasion and Mr. FElt- GUSON liberally volunteered his services. He will appear clad in true Scottish uniform, and play upon ihe Scotch and Irish Bagpipes. OO* For particulars see Bills. Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 It Law Notice. A. P. POWERS & L. N. WHITTLE, Have associated themselves in the practice of the Law, and will give prompt attention tosuch bu siness as may he intrusted to theif care. —They will attend the following courts:— Bibb, Crawford, Monroe, J \rigfs, Jones, fViikin son, Houston, Pulaski, Henry, and Pike. Office over E. B. Weed’s store, second door from Wm. B. Johnston. Macon, Marcli 12, 1845. 22 Sra f/g e, mjymj. cnjSßiArk THE subscribers, Agents lor iheProteetive In surance Company of Hartford, will insure Dwelling Houses and other Buildings, Furniture, Merchandise and Produce, against loss by fire. They will also lake Inland and Sea Risks, on the most favorable terms. CHARLES DAY fc CO. Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 2t J Fire Insurance. THE NEW YORK EQUITABLE insu rance COMPANY continue to take risks on buildings, furniture, cotton, and merchandize, on the most favorable terms. ISAAC HOLMES, Agent. Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 St <jJIGHT CHECKS ON NEW YORK, Do. do. “ Charleston, For sale hy C. DAY & CO. March 12, 1845. 22 21 JUST RECEIVED, A LARGE and splendid assortment of SPRINO and SUMMER GOODS, at a very low price for Cash only. For sale at the Store next door to Graves, Wood St Cos., and formerly occupied by Messrs. Kay 8t McNeil. Bv A. BETTMAN & BRO. Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 ts WA N TE IL FOUR NEGRO MEN, for whom liberal wa ges Will be paid by ISAAC HOLMES. March 12, 1845. 22 ts Messenger copy. JVew Family Grocery. AA. A. KOB HUTSON, HAS just received and offers at tVioU sale and Relail, on reasonable terras, the following complete assortment of FAMILY GRO CERIES. Everything is of the very best quality. Country merchants, planters and families in the city can now supply themselves with every thing they want, and will do well to call and examiaa for themselves. CO" F.ntrance opposite Scott, Carhart & Co's., and next door to Geo. M. Logan’s. Pickled Beef, Black Tea, Smoked do. Cloves, Pickled Pork, Nutmegs, Do. Tongues, Spices of all kinds, Smoked do. Qyanne Peppier, Codfish, Beans, Fresh Salmon, Canal Flower, Sardines, ltice do. Mackerel No. I, Rice, Do. “ 2, Tobacco, Scaled Herrings, Segars, Butter, Snuff, English Cheese, Brooms, Lard, Blacking, Butter Crackers, Carb. Sods, Soda Biscuit, Sal jEratus, Pilot Bread, Lemon Syrup, Pic Nic Crackers, Copperas, Adamantine Candles, Glue, Spertn do. Isinglass, Col’d Wax do. Indigo, Family Soap, Madder, Toilet do. Mace, Castile do. Matches, Capers, Mackaroni, Olives, Vermacifla, Olive Oil, Rose Water, Pickles, Cologne do. Catsups, Rotten Stone, Mustard, Barth Bricks, Preserved Ginger, Starch, Dried Figs, Washing Soda, Currants, Pipes, Raisins, Powder and Shot, Prunes, Saltpetre, Almonds, Epsom Salts, Hazlenuis, Seidiitz Powders, PtcanNuis, Soda do. 1 English Walnuts, Turpentine, Cocoa, Table Salt, Chocolate, Champaigne Wine, Java Coffee, Claret, dm African do. Madeira do. Rio do. Port do. Crushed Sugar, Malaga, do. Pulverized do. London Porter, Loaf do. Fine Brandy, Brown do. Do. Gin, N. Lard Lamps, Sugar House Treacle, Solar do. Hyson Tea, Sup. Sperm Oil, Imperial do. Do. Lerd Oil, Ite. Together with a large lot of CROCKERY. Maoon, March sth, 1845. tl ts