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your pocket.” . I The officer replied merely by a signi ficant nod of ihe head. Young Las Cases, w/io was with his father, had re ceived his instructions, and Queen Hor tense’s necklace was dropped into the officer’s pocket unperceived, though quite within sight of all the Governor’s staff. But the greatest difficulty yet remained to be accomplished—that of conveying the treasure to its owner. Two whole years elapsed ere this could be effected. • ••#•• It occurred to the Emperor Napoleon , that he had, for some time, been the ob ject of more vigilant watchfulness than before. He could not stir from Long wood without observing an English offi cer, who kept his eye upon him, following him like a shadow. One day, Napoleon remarked, that the officer was watching him more closely than usual; and turning round, he exclaimed angrily, “What is the meaning of this? It is very hard that I cannot lake a breath of air without having a spy on my footsteps!”—Then cutting short his walk, he hurried back in the di rection of Longwood. The Englishman turned back also, nnd coming close up to Napoleon—“ Sire,” said he, in a tone of profound respect. ‘Begone, sir!’ said Napoleon sharply.—‘There can be no communication between me and your employers. Begone, I say!” ‘Sire,’ resumed the officer, with an air of perfect composure, ‘your Majesty is under a mistake.’ He then hurriedly ut tered the words—“ Count Las Cases—l have something of value.” ‘Ah !’ exclaimed Napoleon. ‘Tell me what you have to say!" ‘I beg that your Majesty will continue your walk without seeming to notice me. 1 have a packet which 1 have carried about with me for two years, seeking an opportunity to deliver it. Will your Ma jesty contrive to let me throw it into your ‘hat!’ Napoleon uncovered, and passed his hand across his forehead, which was an habitual action with him when endeav ouring to recollect anything. By a move ment as quick as thought, the necklace was thrown into his hat. ‘Now,’ said the officer in an under tone, ‘I trust your Majesty will pardon my im portunity. 1 have fulfilled my mission, and you will see no more of me. May God bless and preserve your Majesty !’ • * * * About the end of April, 1521, some days before his death, Napoleon desired General Montholon to come to his bed side. ‘My friend,’ said be, ‘I have under my pillow a necklace of considerable val ue belonging to Hortense. I had good reasons for not allowing any one here lt» know that I possessed an article of such value. When I am gone, take it into your care, and when you return to France, (should you ever be so fortunate as to re turn there,) give it to Hortense. Should sorrow have hurried her to an early grave, give it to her children—my nephews.” Montholon promised to fulfil those com mands. ‘Now,’ said Napoleon, pressing his hand, ‘I die satisfied.’ The malady continued to make rapid progress ; and when General Montholon was assured that Napoleon had hut a few hours to live, he took his post, like a faith ful sentinel, at the bed-side, of the inva lid. At length, Dr. Antoinarch pronoun ced the fatal words, ‘All is over!’ and Montholon, gently raising his sovereign’s head, drew from beneath the piilow the treasure confided to his care. After many adventurous journeys in America and in various parts of Europe, Montholon returned to his native France. Having performed what he felt to be ns first act of duty, that of embracing | ais aged mother, he sat out for Arcnem .berg, to restore to the ex-Queen of Hoi land a necklace, now doubly consecrated as a memorial of happiness and misfor tune. For a long time she preserved it with feelings of sacred veneration ; but in a moment of severe pecuniary distress, she found herself compelled to part with . Tire King of Bavaria offered to pur chase it, by settling on the cx-Queen an , annunily of 23,000 francs. Necessity ! ratified the bargain, and two years alter- ‘ wards Hortense was no more. A Great Wirwall, —We have it from reliable soi ree that a German larmer, hy the name ol Geo. J. J, Geyer, living near the village of Lewiston, Fulton county, Illuniig, is about to start on a trip to Europe, for the purpose of taking possession of the snug fortune of two million six hundred thousand ilollars worth of property. He recently received a 'etter from the firm of Rothchilds, at Frankfort, tat Lug that a lawsuit which had been pending for ore than thirty years in the courts of Germany, md in which his wife was one ol the heirs at law, ,ad been decided io their favor; and that a division the amount io, litigation tvas about to take place, id tliey wished to know his pleasure concerning oe-amount coming-to his wife, which is slated to be hi. round numbers tiro million sue hundred thansaiid JdUars. Geyer emigrated to this country fifteen ears ago. and settled In Fulton county, where lie 4s followed the ocpflpanunof a- firmer. • At the one he left Germany tlie gaining of th* suit Stas AV'iSidered doubtful.—Si. Louis /Vh» Era. v- t<> . may detin •vii it is the will, and not the ' as supposed by most ol persons,that ..„„ c the man. The many advantages of educa tion are not |i>r a moment brought in question, as it would be the height ol vanity in any person loj assert that it is not the fruitful jiarent of much > good. But admitting this lo lie a tact, those who from indigent, or other circumstances, ate depriv ed of a regular course of instruction in youth, should not despair because they have to contend with difficulties which others do not. No, never; hut take courage and strive to emulate the worth of the many useful men of bygone days, who had to contend with difficulties unknown to the present age. By a knowledge of the biographies of the 1 most useful men that ever lived, it is known that they were self- made men. The world owes a debt j of gratitude which it never can pay, to men who ! have won their way unaided, to eminence aad I usefulness, whose names will live to the latest gen-' eralion, to teach what can be accomplished by the energy and industry of man. The usefulness of those immortal men, however, would have been lost to the human race if they had despaired, because they were deprived of the opportunities which are now generally considered lo be indispensably necessary. When they start ed out u|»on the long and tedious journey ol life they were well apprised of the many trials, with j which they had to encounter; but with a firm de- ! termination and a constant aim lo do good, they j were enuk'ed to ttiumph over every opposing object. And it is alone by a manly and independent course like this, that you need ever ex|>ect to rise above your picsent [msitton in society, it matters not what may be your circumstances in hie, vour opportunities or your order of talents. No man, either of •ancient or modern times, has ever benc fitted his fellow men, without keeping the object ol his aim constantly in view. •• Whatsoever thy hands lindcth to do, do with all thy might,” is the language of the inspired writer—than which per haps a more uselul admonition was never given to young [lersons. And, indeed, it might be said with much propriety, that the above injunction is app'icable to success in any engagement of life. Whatever you undertake, then, take hold with a fixed resolution never to give up, until success crowns your efforts; and if this be the resolve, you need not entertain any doubts as io the result; but on the other hand, if a different course from the one already slated, he pursued, it is evident that you never will rise far above your present position. In ihe present stale of the wot Id the means of' improvement which are within the reach of all, are sufficient to give respectability in socie ty, su far as a knowledge of men and things are concerned. Then it is very important lor those who have but little time to devote to reading, to make a wise and proper use of every spare mo ment; ami they will soon discover by the adoption of tins course, that they will rcapmany advantages and be amply repaid by employing themselves in this manner. It is, however, 100 often the case, that people do not give to time its true value.— The daily loss of a lew moments of time is gener ally looked upon as unworthy of any notice. But Uns is an egregious mistake of too many persons. Tfiose whose lime is principally devoted to agri cultural pursuits,speud a great many moments in idleness, which, if they were occupied ;u reading useful books and newspapers, would be of more real benefit lo them than they imagine. The loss of a lew moments every day in the course of a long life time, is much more Ilian one might readily suppose. I know that people arc not so particular in tiieir calculations; hut this does not destroy the lorce of my conclusions. Youth is the proper sea | son lor improvement, while the mind is strong and | vigorous, and susceptible of useful impressions.— I Avail yourselves ol every opportunity that may | present itself to cultivate your minds; if you do i this, when you arrive lo years of riper manhood, I you will be loved and respected for knowledge by 1 alt who know you, ami your influence will be felt through every vein and avenue of society. Every youth, whether nature has done much or j little (or him, is under the highest moral obliga tion to cultivate tiis mental faculties to the extent of his opportunities. It is a prevalent idea among certain classes of people, that a young man Who earns his living by farming, should not devote any of his time to learning, as they contend that he can get along in his occupation just as well with | out an education as lie can with. Ami l have long since believed that the prevalence of such an opin ion has inflicted more lasting injury to the agricul ! lural prosperity of our country, than any other cause; but more liberal alid enlarged views are beginning to range the circles of society. When such erroneous ami misconceived opinions shall 1 die away, and the scientific principles ol agricul j ture be better understood, oral least more apprecia ted, we may look lor anew era in tiie history of the planting interest of the staveholding states; and until such a stale of things shall take place, we need not look for any great improvement. Let more of our voting men, instead of going into the ‘learned protessi ms,’ devote their time and talents to the improvement of agriculture, and they will accomplish more good lor the human race, and gain more credit to themselves, than mingling in the noise and bustle of the political world. Demetrius. PRESIDENT POLK. A Nashville correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer, gives the following interesting notice of the President:— Although the whigs have carried the state, I think our brethren throughout the Union must admit that the democrats of Tennessee have fought the good fight. In 1540, the majority against us was 15,000; in 1643, we reduced it 3,900; and in 1544, we have brought it down to 113. Does not this show a steadiness and in flexibility of purpose on the part of the democracy—and are not the indications of a glorious resurrection in our next sum mer’s contest, bright, cheering, and pal pably certain ? It is now about twenty-five years since I first became acquainted with Jatne K. Polk. He is a native of North Carolina, though raised (as we back-woods-men say) in Tennessee. He, however, finished his education at Chapel Hill, in tire former stale. He sprang from a good stock ; and though his parents dwelt in the humble walks o r life, yet no family in Tennessee were more respected. As regards world ly goods, though not in affluent circum stances, they had a sufficiency to give all their children the best of educations, and a sufficient start with which to begin life. .*.' . . James K. Polk can boast of a classical j as highly finished as is taught at srsity of’ North Carolina —and no in ha? ever left that respectable aent who has taken more pains upon what was there given to Jied law m the town of Nashville, i direction of that distinguished nd statesman Felix Grundy, nhe was always a favorite; and well asserted, that under his e, the seeds of Democracy, which .übtless sown in him very eaily in •re to take a deep and vigorous Oh! that his early tutor had but .1 to see the distinguished eminence to .licit his favorite pupil has arrived. I jo not think Mr. Polk remained at the Bar more than seven or eight years before he engaged in public life. His success as a lawyer was every thing he could wish. His first public employment was that of chief clerk to the Legislature of Tennes see; and, according to my best recollec tion, he was twice returned as a member of that body, by the county of Maury— the county hi which his father first settled in Tennessee, and the county in which the son has ever since resided. About this time he married. He married the daughter of Joel Childress, a merchant of Rutherford county, Tennessee. Mr. Childress was born and raised in Camp bell county, Virginia—and there are per sons, perhaps, stiU living in Campbell, who will remember Mrs. Polk’s grandfath er, as he truly was a hard-fighting soldier of the Revolution. So, you will perceive that that famous “Old mother of States” —though not as Byron says, “the lone mother of dead empires”—has a deep in terest in Mr. Polk’s family. Her amia bility of character, intellectual accom plishments, and suavity of manners, will secure her the affection of all who may cultivate her acquaintance. 1 think it was in the summer of 1525, that Mr. Polk first became a member of the Congress of the United States—in which body he was continued by the same constituency for fourteen years—at the end of which time he voluntarily with drew from that body—became a candi date for the office of Governor of Tennes see, and was elected. It is known too, that he was twice elected Speaker of the House; and as his public services in the councils of the nation are too well known to need recapitulation from me, l shall pass them over without remark. With regard to Mr. Polk’s private char acter, it is purity itself. Against that, no one lias ever uttered even a suspicion. I cannot better develope the estimation in which he is held at home, than lo slate the fact, that in the recent election, in his own county, near 360 persons who voted the whig ticket last year, came forward and voted for him. His private affairs he manages with prudence and economy—he always eschewed speculation and debt— and, though not wealthy, has still a pro perty amply sufficient to sustain hi3 fami : ly, and lo dispense to his numerous friends j abundant and generous hospitality. He j is distinguished fur his plain, affable and agreeable manners. During the recent canvass, his enemies charged him with timidity and a want of personal courage. It is true Mr. Polk is not a brawler. If he ever came in personal contact with any one of his species, it has escaped my knowledge. But that fact fixes no stain :on his firmness; for I believe I may safe ily say, with the exception of the affair with Mr. Wise, I have never heard of a ! personal insult being offered to him. Does not this speak much in favor of the j character of one who, for twenty years, j lias been engaged in much of the political ! strifes of the day ? I The public career of Mr. Polk, accord : ing to my view of it, gives strong eviden ces of his firmness of purpose, of his un wavering consistency, and his personal | courage, too. Fourteen years in Con i gress, dining a period of wonderful chan ges, and vicissitudes, and mighty events ; | yet the doctrines with which he started, | the positions which he first took, he main | mined and occupied to the very end ! Look at many who started with him in ! Congress—where are they ? They have ; boxed every point of the political com pass ! They cannot tell either their lati tude or tlieii longitude ; whilst the same I star of democracy has continued to he his polar star throughout the voyage. Whilst lie was Speaker, did the rancor of ihe op position drive him from his propriety ? Did the political friends of Judge White J succeed in driving him, against his will, into flic ranks of that party? The very office he now holds shows that they did not. That office is the fruit, the reward of the firmness and courage which he dis played upon that, to him, eventful and trying occasion. Mr. Polk is in the possession of excel lent and confirmed health. In his habits he is exceedingly industrious, and can stand almost any amount of fatigue and labor. He has kept pace with, and has always made it his business to study and understand, all the leading topics of the day, in which his country has an interest, as any one may ascertain who will give himself the trouble to lest it. As to who will constitute his Cabinet, I know nothing. He stands unpledged and uncommitted; and as he has the whole Union out of which to make his selection, and as he can have no motives save those which look to his country’s welfare ; I opine he will bring around him a liody of advisers of whom the people will be proud. Mr. Polk’s temper, though marked with firmness, is entirely free from rancor; and moderation, in my opinion, will be a distinguished feature in the measures of his administration, however, perfectly consistent with the great political princi ples which he cherishes. The Bill reducing postage to Jive cents under 300 miles, and ten cents for greater distances, to take effect after the first of Ju ly next, is no?/ a law. THE REPUBLIC. | SAMUEL M. STRONG, Editor. We owe an apology to our patrons for the non-appearance of the Republic last week. We were unavoidably disappoint ed in receiving our supply of paper order ed some time since, and were unable to procure any in town. We have taken steps to prevent the recurrence of any such disappointment for the future, and the Republic will be issued regularly as usu al every Wednesday morning. COTTON MARKET. Since our last, accounts from Liverpool, to the 4th inst., have been received ; showing an advance in England in the price of this great staple of nearly 3-8 of a cent. This news has given a spur to prices here, and although the quantity offered from waggons has been limited, considerable animation has been displayed in most of the Ware Houses, and sales have been made to some extent at an ad vance of from 1-4 to 3-8 of a cent upon our last quotations. This news has had a very favorable effect upon all of the seaboard markets. The following remarks we clip from the New York Herald, of the afternoon of the 21st inst. Cotton. —By some unaccountable carelessness our remarks in relation to this staple were omitted yesterday morning. This was particularly vexatious, as the effect of the European advices was anx iously looked for by the operators, the sales yesterday amounted to 4000 bales, at 1-4 a 3-5 advance, to-day the market was well supplietl and the improvement of yesterday sustained, the sales amount to about 3000 bales, making for the two days sales of 7000 bales, prices are how ever very irregular and towards the close there was rather more disposition io sell. THE NEW ADMINISTRATION. It is far, very far, from our intention to create the least shade of suspicion as to the success of the new administration, for we have not ourselves the slightest. We believe that Mr. Folk will make not only a highly popular President, but that he will administer the government on the mosiapproved principlesofthe Republican school, and that strict justice will be done to all sections and to ever}' interest in the country; and that his administration meet the approval of all who are truly and in heart Democrats. Yet, while we believe this, we also believe that those are his best friends who will speak out plainly j at the first inception of any scheme, even though it may be put on foot by real or pretended Democrats, calculated to em barrass the parly in any of the great geo- : graphical divisions of the Union. For if j there is one curse more to be dreaded than j another, by parties as well as by individ uals, and Heaven would in mercy let it pass, the first prayer that should be sent up by each incoming President, ought to be that the scriptural curse, “a man’s chief enemies were those of his own house holt!,” should not be visited on him. These remarks have suggested them selves to us from observing the course of a few leading democrats in the states of Pennsylvania and New York, who since the election of Mr. Polk, have been using every means in their power to make the new administration lend its influence to the advancement of particular interests in ! those States. Pennsylvania and New York it is true are great states —empires in them selves—but they do not make up the en tire Union; and while we are free to con cede to them equal advantages with the other states in the emoluments, as well as in the protection of the General Govern ment, we are not willing to allow them any thing more. The only assurance therefore that Presi dent Polk can give the great Republican party of the country that their labor to re deem the government from federal misrule has not been in vain, is to adhere in all things to the strict letter of the great issues made before the people of the country during the late campaign. Nothing short of this can do it. Nothing short of this will satisfy the great bulk of the party ; and the men who would influence the ad ministration otherwise, if they could, are not its friends. There is a class of men, i at the North, some of them Democrats too, who value the South only as it can be plun dered by tariff exactions. Such men should have no influence with the ad ministration ; for if they are permitted to have any, or to an extent sufficient to weaken the moral influence of the issues made during the recent canvass it will be most disastrous to the party. — The South has always freely and cheer fully borne her portion, and sometimes | more, of the burthens of the Government, : without any special advantages from it, 1 and is willing to do so now. Let the new administration remember this,and dial no section of the Union contributed more to wards placing it in pnwerthandid tire South and South West; and none will give it a sincerer or more cordial support, so long as it adheres to the measures and princi ples for which the battle was fought.—; The South is tranquil and satisfied now. But while we say this, we warn, stsch as would forget what is her due; to re member that the winds, too, have their seasons of quiet, and the ocean its calms; but that these periodical changes do not destroy the fury of the one nor the over whelming force and power of the other. In this connexion we subjoin the follow ing able article addressed to Senator Walker by a correspondent of the Rich mond Enquirer, k contains much judi cious and seasonable advice, and we hope that it will have its due influence in the quarter for which it was intended : A correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer »a nd the following letter to the new .Secretary of the Treasury. TO ROBERT J. WALKER, Es«., Secretary of the Treasury. Sir:—l an< vour political, and I dare add, your personal friend, although 1 have scarcely the honor of your private acquaintance. In yesterday’s En quirer, there is a rapid sketch ofyour life and your services, which is calculated to make a very favor able impression upon the public mind, I recognise in you one of the first champions, tvlio brought Gen. Jackson to the public notice, as a candidate for the Presidential chair. I admire you especially lor your devotion to ihe cause of Texas. Upon that subject, you have the highest claim upon the gratitude ol'lhe United States, as well as ol Texas. If the Republic of the “Lone Star,” voted you a statue in 1837, tor your services in her cause, no man will dispute your pretensions at the present time. No man lias done more lor her than Robt. J. IFalker, no man has done more to bring her back into the Union, not even excepting the Hero of the Hermitage himself—no man better deserves your reward —and 10, you have it, in part, in the distinguished office which you have received in the Cabinet of Mr. Polk. You are now the Secretary of the Treasury and that important office calls you to the highest duties which falls within the scope of the Executive pow er. You have assisted in settling the question of Texas. But there is one other important measure to adjust, and if you are equally successful in dis posing of the Tariff, as you have been on the sub ject ofTexas, von will again receive the thanks of your country. Mr. Polk will have then, it is to be hoped a smooth sea to navigaie. The Republican party will be better united, and the country more tranquil than it has been for several years past.— But I will not disguise from you the fact, that the measure is as difficult in itself, as the result may be glorious to yourself. You must bring to its con sideration as much firmness as discretion—as much correct theory as copious details, as profound a sense of what is due to the obligations of public faith, as to the interests of a suffering people. Are you prepared to do your duties in this spirit, or to tem porize away our rights, and fritter away your own character? As your friend, and still more the friend of our country, I sincerely wish you every success and every qualification which could belong lo a Gallatin or a McLant. I would warn you against too much confidence in present appearances. The South is now seem ingly quiet. But it is like Vesuvius, belbre the vol cano bursts forth. She is indignant at the oppres sions under which she is now laboring. She will never rest satisfied with the act of ’4-2. She has withheld her wrath, because she has been plunged in all the excitement ol'a Presidential election. She has been struggling lo elect a President who would j assist her in obtaining justice and rebel'. No sooner did she succeed in this object, than the great con troversy about Texas came on—and though many ofher sous demanded immediate action upon both these questions, yet it soon became obvious, that j there was no time to carry both objects at the late 1 session of Congress. The Tariff admitted of more , delay than Texas—ami to this last question, there fore, they ultimately concentrated all their extr lions. Bui Texas now carried you may expect the Tariff’cause to he called up from the docket— : aud,llie ablest advocates devoted to its prosecution. ! Even South Carolina intended to waive her rights until the Presidency first, and then Texas, were de railed. South Carolina, oppressed as she has been, betrayed bv a violation of the public faith, as pledg ed in the Compromise act, was willing to pause liir a time. Bill you cannot expect her to slumber Ibr ever. Virginia, and all the South, will uniie with her in demanding justice at the hands of the next Congress. I need not remind you .Mr. Walker, that the pre- j sent “hill of abominations” was the illegitimate off spring of necessity. The Treasury was impover- j ished and in debt, and the friends uf.Vr. Clay re fused to give any relief to that Government with-1 out severely taxing the South Ibr the benefit of the j Northern manufactures. You recollect the whole j history ol’lhe odious transaction, and you manfully I stood up in your place in the Senate, and voted ! against the hill of Its 12. It was carried, you know, by a majority of one only. You heard Mr. Rives j denouncing it as worse in many respects than the | abomination of ’2B, and ns completely prostrating! the Compromise Act of ’33. In what spirit it was received by the Republican Party ol'lhe South, it is scarcely necessary tor me |o sa v. The following extracts from the Richmond Enquiier of Augusl 26, and September 2d, 1842, may not however be altogether out of place: “ But this bill, this new ‘Bill of Abominations,’ is too oppressive to be borne. It is not a Revenue bill, bin a Protective bill, and it therefore violates the spirit and inteiilioti of the compromise act of ’34. It disturbs the ‘public faith.’ It infringes the ‘treaty of ainilv and peace.’ Il cuts off many of the articles of importation on which duties ought to he laid, and revenue collected. It prohibits them Ibr the benefit of the domestic monopolist, and re- I vives the odious system of protection, in one of its i most oppressive forms. Ii is, therefore, contrary i to the spirit and principle of ihe compromise act; I and, therefore, the whole .South, the whole agri ! cultural and commercial interest, should make war | upon it, the moment it shall he thrust upon the Statute Book. The South must he roused, and i Virginia will be the first to raise the standard of j opposition to this fraudulent and iniquitous nteas j tire. We appeal to the Senate lor assistance. We appeal even to the moiterate Whigs Ibr co operation. .Surely, the Southern Senators tiave not entirely tbigotten the great lessons they have learned in days ot yore. Surely they have net abandoned every principle which they once pro fessed. Surely, they have their own consistency as much at heart, as the ambitious interests oftlieir Federal leader.” J “The Globe giVeS us a very copious Report oh ! the very interesting Debate, which took place in the Senate on Saturday last on the Tariff bill, ft j occupies nearly one broadside of that journal— j but, extensive as it is, we shall attempt to lay it all belbre our readers, as giving the views of different ■Senators, and the reasons which compelled them to vote for the obnoxious measure, and as shedding ! some light on their future course. The Tariff bill received the votes of four Democrats, viz: Messrs. Buchanan, Sturgeon, Wright, and Williams, (of .Maine.) Without'their vote, one or more of the ! Whigs, who voted against the bill, would have j been compelled to show their true colors, and vote !on the other side, to save the bill. If the vote of j the Democrats had been withheld, and the bill had | tailed, we understand, that one of the Whigs, who voted in the majority, would have moved are-con I sideration and then, the hill would have enlisted j more of the Whig votes itl its behalf. I “The four Democrats voted for the bill with great reluctance—Three of them, (Buchanan, Williams ! and Wright,) with a proScstando. The full report jin the Globe gives us their speeches. They will I be found extremely interesting. .Mr. Buchanan j assigns the alternatives between which he had to choose—(the saving of the publie lands, the secur ing of a revenue to the Treasury w ithout litigation with the merchants, and the saving of certain man ufacturing interests—and the voting for a bill which he does not approve, for which he says, he ‘would not vote, were it not for the unparalleled condition of the existing law, the treasury and the country’—a bill, which he pronounces to he ‘ex travagant in the protection it affords and, in some | instances, is altogether prohibitory.’) He‘accepts it now. as much the least of two evils, and looks forward with hope to better times for an adjustment of the Tariff; on a scale more consonant with all the great and various interests of the Union, with- ( out sections.’ “With every disposition in the world to treat witheverv liberality gentlemen who have hitherto distinguished themselves in the Democratic ranks, yet we beg leave most respectfully to say, that we shall hold' them to the letter and spirit of their averments—that we shall never rest satisfied until this ‘bill of abominations, is expunged from the Statute Book, or completely changed in its enact ments—and that we shall count upon .Messrs. Buchanan, Sturgeon, Wright and Williams, to' co-operate with us, and take the cross upon their I own shoulders. Repeal! Repeal!'! is now the word, ffe must get back to the spirit and principle of the Compromise Act—to which the ‘public faith’ 1 is pledged—and which, was in ’33 the ‘Treaty of Amity and Peace’—or the South never will be satisfied, never! ft is in vain that .Senator W'hite, ' on the‘27th August, congratulates the fUhig Com mittee of Philadelphia ‘on the passage by both Houses ol a permanent Tariff lull.’ Permanent * cannot be. Perinaneut, the revenues of the conn try will not permit, the interests of tlie roanuf.r lurers themselves will not permit it to be—Perm nent, the interests of the agricultural »ndcomrn*V ctal interests— the rights of the whole South ern not suffer it to be. Everything fobids it the factious purposes of the Clay Clique.”’ CC * >t You, Sir, voted against the bill. It w " ag Us) . stood, on all hands, during the last campaign th -Mr. Polk was vehemently opposed toita iniquitieV He exclaimed in his speech to the people of-Mad son and adjoining counties in April, 1843, and de* dared that “the difference between the Fede-a 1 and the Republican parties is, whilst they are th * advocates of Distribution and a Protective Tariff —Pleasures which we consider ruinous so the interests of the Planting States, ive have steadily and at all times opposed both.” I have no fears that Mr. Polk will not carry out the pledge under winch lie was elected.* t cannot pertnit ntyselfto doubt, that you will discharge your duties with an eye to these considerations. The subject, however, is, as Coffiplitated iff some of its aspects, as il is important in others -May I then respectfully suggest, sir, the propriety of collecting information, as stain as possible to assist you in guiding your course ? -Mr. .McLane you recollect, was the Secretary of the Treasury in 1832. The excitement was rising to its height in South Carolina. Every body saw that some thing must be done to appease the public discon tent. Gen. Jackson was the first to see it and determined as tar as he could to relieve the people. Congress was about to take up the subject. A call was made upon the Secretary for a Tariff bill. He replied at once, Give me time, and you shall have one. The delay being granted, Mr. McLane address ed a Circular to gentlemen in the most important points of the country, to obtain information on the trade and manufactures of all—to ascertain what articles would admit of reduction—what duties should tie imposed. The mass of information he received in reply was extensive and valuable. Up. on this species of statistics, tie founded the bill, ab terwarJs called Verplanck’s bill—Mr. V. being Chairman of the Committee on Finance. It was the prospect of passing this bill, bv the force of Gen. Jackson’s name, that alarmed-Mr. Clay into his celebrated Compromise Act—celebrated not more for the solemn pledges,which Mr. Clavgave at the time, than the shameless treachery with which he has subsequently violated them. But I submit a similar course for your imitation. The mass of answers to Mr. -McLane’s Circular is now in your Department. -May I suggest to your consideration, that you hunt them up, examine them carefully, and send forth a similar Circular, to collect the same information—to direct vour own course; and to enable you to reports simi lar hill, with the mass of statistics on which it is founded, to the next Congress?—Thus you will proceed with lull information before you; and Congress will act with more promptitude, deci sion and wisdom. A FkIEND TO THE Ad.MIMSTRATIOH/ TO BE OR NOT TO BE 1 In tire Senate, on the lOtlt instant, Mr/ Berrien submitted the following resolu tion (or consideration: Resolved, That in executing the author ity conferred by the joint resolution of Congress entitled “a joint resolution Ibr the annexation of Texas to the United Slates,” the President of the U. States will best conform to the provisions of the Constitution by resorting to the treaty making power, ibr the purpose of aceoin-' plishing the objects of that resolution. Resolved, That the Secretary he direc-' ted to lay belbre the President of the U. States a copy of this resolution. March 11, 1546'/ Mr. McDuffie moved to lay the a hover resolution on the table, which passed in the affirmative by the following vote : Yeas —Messrs. Allen, Asldcv, Atchin son, Atherton, Bag by, Benton, Breestv Cass, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hanne. gan, Haywood, Huger, Johnson of Lou isiana, Lewis, McDuffie, Niles. Semple, Sevier; Speight, Sturgeon, Woodbury,* —23. Nays —Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Ber rien, Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Dayton, Evans, Greene, Huntington, Jarnagin, Johnson' of Maryland, Mangum, More head, Sim mons, l’helps, Upham, Webster, Wood bridge—2o. Here we see the expiring efforts of Wbigery, true to the last to their English opinions and instincts, attempting to thwart and defeat this great question by placing it in the hands of the treaty ma king power, where two thirds are neces sary to carry’ it through at the next ses sion, which would be impossible as the Senate is at present constituted. But the Democrats put an extinguisher on this foul attempt to defeat the measure by voting the resolution down. What will Senator Berrien’s constituents, the people of Geor gia, say to this ? Even many of his own political associates will say that he is un worthy the confidence of a Southern constituency. Away with him. “Let no such man lie hereafter trusted.” TIIE OFFICIAL organ. We are rejoiced exceedingly to learn by authentic advices from Washington, that ‘Blair’s Great Globe’ will not be the organ of the new administration. A dif ferent arrangement will be made. The | official paper will probably be under the editorial charge of J. F. H.Claiborne, late member in Congress from the State of Mississippi, now one of the editors°L . e _ New Orleans Jeffersonian. Mr. Clai borne is a gentleman, an enlightened and liberal Democrat, and one ol the ablest J political writers in the country. Tin* change is right. Benton, and Blair and Rives, after their stubborn efforts to ! defeat the annexation of Texas, and the ill temper exhibited 1 after the nomination ol Mr. Polk, as well as throughout the campaign, could hardly have expect that it would be satisfactory to the p art y throughout the country to retain them- Without any particular claims upon t e party, they have grown not only rich bu insolent and dictatorial from d 3 SU P port, and it is time that they should m way for better men. MR. WOODBURY*' .. It is generally conceded now that t ' 3 distinguished Senator will be the e ® the administration party in the hereafter, and distinguished- as man) members of that body are both or abilities and public services, there one better qualified for that P° sll !. o p' more deserving the confidence . idem Polk, and the party that electe than the Senator from New Harapsh «• His principles are as firm as the gran hills of his own noble State, and a P as the springs ofher own native mountain