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Political*
K j ?rORF
From the Cos nmittee of the “State Rights
• A <D Fhee Thvdg Part*.” of Charleston,
naninwusly adopted o.i L ucs.lay Lccniug
. etst-
Thc State Rights and Free Trade Party,
s ave seen with deep TcgTct the correspondence i
Which has recently taken place between a
portion of our fellow citizens, styling them
solves the “Union and State Rights Party,'
and the President of the United States, on
toe occasion of their invitation to the Presi
dent to unite with them, in their late jxirty
celebration of the Anniversary of American
Independence. It is well known that an in
vitation had heretofore been extended to Gen.!
Jackson, in behalf of the citizens o( Charles
ton, and with the corpial concurrence of all,
oartics, inviting him tx> honor us with a visit,
at his earliest convenience, rmd the promise
flail been held out to us, that “the man whom
the people delighted to honor” would come !
among us as a welcome guest —not lor the
purpose of mingling in our domestic strifes, or
throwing the weight of his name into the scale
of any p-arty, hut for the purpose of receiving
the friendly tribute of our attachment and af
fection. Instead of this, we have seen the at
tempt openly made, to bring Gen. Jackson
into South Carolina in order to connect him
wi th a party wo one ol the strongest and most
decided party movements ever witnessed in
this community. When the ground was ta
ken by the Union Party, that the Anniversa
ry of American Independence, should be
commented by them as a party, in a celebra
tion from which the members of the Free
Trade and State Rights Party were necessari
ly lo be excluded, the patriotic feeling of ma
ny even among themselves revolted at a pro
ceeding, which manifestly sonveyed a harsh
and most unmerited imputation against their
political opponents, and which no one could
fail to see, was calculated to engender ani
mosities the consequences of which no patri
ot could contemplate unmoved. Though just
ly indignant at this proceeding, the State
Aights and Free Trade Party stilled as much
as |M)ssmle the expression of theii feelings,
and proceed in the spirit of peace to cele
br ate the day by themselves, merely proclaim-1
ihgto the world with one voice their unaltera
bl e attachment to Liberty, their perfect fideli- j
ty to the Constitution, and their entire devo
tion to the Union. They did hope that such
conduct on their part and especially this pub
lic declaration of their true sentiments; would
have shielded them from any further imputa
tions. They had indeed been accustomed of
late to listen totthe denunciations of the party
against whose fatal policy tbelr efforts had so
hong and so faithfully been directed—and
they had seen themselves denounced in cer
tain pmsse9 as “ the Disunion party,” Con
scious however of the integrity of their prin
ciples—and the entire disinterestedness and
patriotism of all their views, they have treat
ed such attacks with the scorn and contempt
which they merited. They cannot but regard
’however the late invitation to the President
Taken in connexion with his reply coining as
■the invitation docs from a respectable source
as entitled to a different treatment at our
hands. The character of the proceeding, and
She whole tone and temper of the corres|vond
ence manifestly imputes to the State Rights
and Free Trade party of Charleston, a settled
thostility to the Union, and a determined pur
pose to bring about, not a redress of our greiv.
•nces, but a dissolution of the confederacy
and General Jackson as the-executive, magis
trate of the United States is given to under
stand that such are our view s, but that there
is a party among U 9 ioho are really attached
to the Union and determined to preserve it,
and he is in effect invited to come and unite
-With them in putting us down, if this be
Jtot the true interpretation of this proceeding,
it is most manifest that it is that which has
been put upon it, by Gen. Jackson h-mself
Who, in allusion to the “civil convulsion ” with
Which he is told this community is threaten
ed, strongly deprecates “a separation” of the
States—and at the same time holds out as
-** as insurmountable "barrier to any plan ol
Disorganization,” the exertiou of the exe
cutive power of the Union.
We have looked in vain ia the 'records ol'
party for a parallel to this extraordinary pro
ceeding. Amidst the most violent political
struggles which have heretofore taken place
in South Carolina we believe no precedent is
to be found for an attempt on the part bf ei
ther of the contending parties tq hold up to
the world their own brethren, as disorganizes
and disunionists, much less to invite the co
operation of the national executive to put
them down. But we trust that those who
-Suppose, that the States Rights party are to be
in the smallest degree influenced in their
Course, or the State of South Carolina to be
deterred from the prosecution rights— by mea
sures like these have grossly mistaken the true
Carolina spirit, which even when smarting
Under a sense of injury, may be conciliated
by kindness and forbearance, but can never
be driven from its honest purposes by injus
tice or menace. We deprecate this proceed
ing the more, because nothing could possibly
tend more directly to give encouragement to
the supporters of dhe American System, and
to call into action those feelings which may
put an end to all hope of-redress and make re
conciliation impossible. It is with the most
unfeigned regret that ‘the‘State Rights and
Tree Trade Party find in Gen. Jackson’s re
>y to the invitation of the Union Party, evi
dence of the partial success of the effort?
Which have been made to infuse into his mind
distrust aud suspicion as to our true motives,
prmr ,ples and objects. We cannot but regret
that Gen. Jackson did not find in the ac-
Itnow ledge “private worth, and public virtues”
uf our citizens, (his own long tried, and most
devoted friends and supporters) conclusive
evidence that “the sentiments inconsistent
with an attachment to the Union,” which he
informs us "have been ascribed to them ,”
.could not possibly be entertained, and there
fore must have been falsely “ asorihed to
flthejn.” And we re gret still mere that lie has j
not e cu *hat credence to which it was sure-,
ly i iiiitt r d,W> the solemn and unanimous do-
C jrat rvn recently made at a pnolic meeting i
Of the State Rights Pa-ty in this city, “that to
iaviciatj urn wmc Fxatit
THE MACON ADVERTISER, AND . AGRICULTURAL . A'AG MElll.h Yjlf UJVf ELLICENC
according to the true principles of the Consti
tution is our sacred and imperishable aim.”'
We shall not stoop to make further profession
of our attachment to the Union. This has
been conclusively shewn by our past conduct,
as well as by thai forbearance which has in
duced South Carolina, ( whose principles arc
our own) to refrain for ten years from the aa
sertion of her sovereign right's, in deference
to “a flVsTeio,” which her Legislature, sever
al years since,solemnly denounced as “utter
ly unconstitutional, gro-sly unequal anil op- J
pressive and such an abuse of power as is in- j
compatible with the principles of a free gov
eminent, and the great ends of civil society.”
The State Rights and Free Trade Party are
at a losshow adequately to express-their as
tonishment at the course pursued by their op
poitcnts, especially when they call to mind
the fiiet that the grounds which we now oc
cupy in relation to our existing controversy
with the Federal Government, are the very
same which have been over and over again
taken by the Mate, with the almost unanim
ous concurrence of all her citizens. Can it
be possible that our opponents remember the
language of the Protest adopted by both'
branches of our Legislature in 1929, or the
resolutions passed in the same year by the
Senate by a vote 36 to 6. (Jr do they mean
to denounce as treasonable, the re-ordered
sentiments of South -Carol ina 1 Least these
things may ba-e been forgotten we will here
quote a portion cf the proceedings referred
to, and leave it to the world to decide who
ate most unmindful of the obligations of pat
riotism those who maintained the sentiments
in 1928, and now denounce us for supporting
him, or those who refuse to abandon the high
grounds so publicly and solemnly assumed by
the State herself. In the proceedings of the
Legislature in December -1828, (in reference
to the American System) wc have the follow
ing solemn declarations,“that this Legislature
are only restrained from an assertion of tiie
sovereign rights of tjieState (which they
declare to be purely a question of expediency,
and not of allegiance'') —“in the hope of the
abandonment of a system, partial in its nature
unjust in its operation, and not within the
powers delegated to Congress.” Andfurther,
“that ae South Carolina from her climate,
situation and peculiar institutions not only is,
but must continue to be, wholly dependent
upon agriculture and commerce, not only for
tier prosperity,but her very existence if by
tho loss of her foreign commerce her products
should be confined to inadequate markets, the
fate of this once fertile State, would be pov
erty and utter desolation.” And that, “Im
pressed with these considerations, they feel it
to lie their bounden duty to expose and resist
all encroachments on the true spirit of the
Constitution.”
In the proceedings of the Senate, to which
we have above referred, (and which passed the
House hy a majority of sir to one) it is amongst
other things stated, that “to use and exercise
powers not delignted by the Constitution, or
to extend the verbal meaning as the express
ions ol that instrument, so include, by ingen
ious implication, powers not meant to be con
nected by the States, who met 'in confedera
tion, is on the part of the General Govern-1
meat, usurpation ; to act upon powers thus
assumed, and to compel opedience to them,
is tyranny ; to permit such usurpations with
out remonstrance, and if need be, resistance,
is to betray the rights of the people ; to change
a cot federated, into a consilidated govern
ment ; to sanction tyranny, both in principle
and practice; and to deliver our citizens and
their property, bound hand and foot, to a des
jtotism whose existence and character, was
never contemplated, dzc.”
That, “the several States, South Carolina
among theurest, have also their own distinct,
reserved, undelegated rights, which it is e
-I’tally their bouiulen duty to watch over and
protect from all encroachment; and this duty
the State (of South Carolina) will riot neglect,
but, on all occasions, if need be, w \\\, faith
fully, to the utmost, and at all hazards ixr
form."
That, “the system of late years, introduced
among us, termed the American System, in
cluding the right of protecting domestic man
ufactures, by .taxes imposed upon the consu
mer, (not for tiie public necessities, or the
public good, but to foster and protect one fa
vored class of citizens at the expense of all the
rest) including the whole plan of internal im
provements, by means of roads and canals, by
which certain States are benefitted at the ex
pense of the common Treasury, is a system,
not only partial, unjust and oppressive, but is
entirely as a whole, and in all its parts a gross
and in* reusable usurpation on the part of the
General Government. This American Sys
tern has been gradually imposed upon the
i Union, by means and meuseres unjust and
unauthorised. It admits of no defence, on
constitutional principles. The powers claim
j ed, and Conner ted with it, are no where clear
ly to be found in that Constitution. It erects
the manufacturing States into a favored Aris
tocracy. It degrades and depresses the char
acter, the industry and the prosperity of eve
ry agricultural State. It imposes burthens,
tor which the South receives no equivalent.
It renders us, in fact, tributaries end laborers
for the benefit of the manufacturing States.
Against this state of things, South Carolina
has repeatedly remonstrated in vain. She
i has been contemned in her sovereign capacity
j her rights have been trampled upon ; her re
j monstrances lie neglected on the table of
Congress ; her oppressions have been almost
| yearly increased; and no system of redress
i has been held out to her hopes or her entrea
ties.” And it was therefore Resolve*!, “That
; ,llc A rta °f Congress for the' protection of do
j mestio manufactures, are unconstitutional,
and should be resisted ; and the other States’
are inuited to 00-oporatc with South Carolina
in the measure of resistance to the same, Ace.
(hi those proceedings, no further comment
- is accessary than this, that tiie evils thus
| complained of still remain undresssd in every
particular and disturb the peaeg and hnrmonv
of the Union. The State Rights and Free
trade Party have hitherto submitted with,
most exemplary patience and forbearance to
the grossest imputations upon their patriotism
they have all along manifested a sincere de
sire to preserve t> # . public peace and to cul
fivate thn most friendly relations, towards
those differ from them in political opinions. 1
•aej itavc .not-v r r ., . . '
indulge any fccliags of p- jsonal lipstiUiy-io*-
wards thciroppbbents. 'They have tart com
plained, and will not complain of any fair and
candid efforts to point'out wluffaay bo suppo
sed to be their errors of opinion, and if it can
he shown that their principles are false' in
themselves, or calculated to produce the fatal
consequences attributed to them, they shall
he ready and willing to acknow ledge their er-j
or! but they are icon, and claiming also to
be i>atriots, will not submit to be branded as
Disunicmsts and Traitors.
Be it therefore resolved, That the iir-puta
tion unon the States Right and Free Trade
Party, of their entertaimngany designs against
the Union of these States, come from what
quarter it may is A BASE CALUMNY.
’■sr v>*-
OUR LIBERTIES.
In these "Times of political rejoicing, fftr.ny
riot he improper to mingle reflection .with our
festivities; and to consider what those po
litical blessings are, which gl iddco our hearts;
how they are liable to be impaired or lost;
and how they may be perpetuated.
Independence —Previous to the revolu
■ tion ot 1776, wc were not an independent na
tion We constituted the North American
Colonics of Great Bntaii^—-Each Colony had
a Governor, King of Eng
land as is Chief And although
we enjoyed a reasonable share of internal lib
erty—had our local legislatures which regula
ted our domestic concerns—and were but
slightly and occasionally interrupted in the
pursuit of our social and municipal prosperi
ty vet these political privileges, we seem
ed to enjoy rather as a matter of courtesy,
than of right. The supreme authority was
vested in the Crown and Parliament of Great
Britain. At the veiy time when, on account
of our complaints, they refrained from the ex
ercise of unreasonable authority, they declar-,
cd their right to blind us in all cases whatso
ever. Whatever privileges we might enjoy
by the favor of our superiors, we were accor
ding totho theory of the government, power
less and dependent. Wo were-Provinces of
the British Empire. AH our advances in po
litical prosperity could only swell the great
ness and augment the pride of the. English
Monarchy, to which we appertained. While
wc inhabited a widely extended fertile coun
try, several of the colonics embracing sepa
rately more territory than the mother count
ry, yettlmt country claimed ever us an an
tliority completely despotic, and which could
not fail, whether exercised or not, to check
our noble aspirations, and to repress the. spir
it of enterprise,; to render us, in fact, if sub
missive to this auhtority, tf tame unpromosing
and degraded people.
Our revolution released us from this state
of dependence. It threw off all foreign au
thority and gave us an independent place
among the nations of the earth. This event
freed us from political degradation, and placed
us in a position, where if true to ourselves,
we might aspire, without presumption, to tile
highest attainment in political prosper'd..—
The acquisition of this Independence may
well be commemorated with the most lively
demonstrations of joy.
Popular Government.— -Independence
was itself a mighty acquisition. But if our
forefathers had immediately set about crea
ting an American Monarchy, or, if you please,
thirteen American Monarchies, with regular
orders oi Nobles, titled arid legally endowed 1
Clergy, Gentry 1 &c. &c. to keep the people
m order, and to live upon their substance, in-'
dependence itself might have been rendered
a questionable blessing. But bur father were
much more rationally employed. It was well
for them and for us, that they had been far
removed from the Princely Governments of
Europe, The forms to which they had been
accustomed had been chiefly a republican
character. The Royal Governors, indeed,
might be said to represent his British Majes
ty ; but as the local Legislatures, which were
joined with them in the government of the
colonics, mere the plain representatives of the
people, their manners and temper of govern- 1 ’
inent became measurably assimilated to the
popular character of the Legislative body.—
These circumstances were favorable to the
| introduction of a rational government. But
| the enlightened state of the public mind was
I the chief guarantee, that the simple, just,
! equal ami economical plan of a republican
j government would be chosen, in preference
J ofmonarehialor aristoeratical systems, which
! are founded in fraud and injustice ; elevating
a part of mankind to irrational pride and
splendor, while the rest, oppressed and doom
ed to constant toil, for the benefit of the fa
vorite few, are not permitted to think for
themselves, or to enquire into the conduct of
thoir rulers. When such governments have
been of long standing, in a country, prudent
men, who perceive their injustice, are not
much inclined to disturb their foundations,
lest they should occasion a state of anarchy
productive of inure evil than good. In the
United States, the case was different. The
supreme authority had been cast off". The
States, individually, and collectively, were at
liberty, in organizing political institutions, to
adopt such as they thought best. Tnc state
men of the day, with snipe few exceptions
perhaps, were too enlightened to propose
monareliial institutions ; and the people, had
they been proposed, were too enlightened to
submit to thorn. Many English writers, on
the principles of government, had contribu
ted greatly to produce this enlightened state
of the public mind. Few thinking men, who
had read the political works of Lock *rd Mil- 1
ton, could be ignorant that Monarchy -was a
system of government founded in gross injus
tice, and an imposition on the mass of man
kind. But |>o!itieal truth was still more
broadly exhibited to the popular view, on This
side ol the Atlantic by American writers.—
Paine and others, while they advocate a sepa
ration from Great Britain, attacked also the
principles of monarchy and aristocracy, and
while they exposed in strong and plain bin-1
guage, the injustice and absurdity of these |
principles, alternately aroused against them I
i the indignation ixd the ridicule of the p to -1
| pie.
So democratic had the people become in
feeling, at tlie time ofthe Declaration of In- 1
dependence, that this important docirtnent
was as remarkable for the broad principles of
equality and liberty which it laid down, as
for the derided mapnerin which it declared
the national independence of the State?.— j
And perhaps it was owing, ss much to then i-!
qualified annunciation of these principles of j
equality, as to the heroic f’:ru'.:ic.->s it mauifes- 1
ted, in casiingpff’ the authority of Great Br;i- 1
am, that it met an approving response—we i
were about to say in every American bosom- j
There were exceptions; be- we would not
remember them now.
The truth of our Declaration cf Indepcnd
icncc was self-evident; hut King "George r -
quired proof; and it was verified and est.ib
-1 lis.’ied by what has been called the last rca-\
J .so? of Kings W : i'ii he had fought, an Jeon-
I qu£rcd, iu support of this declaration and the
principles vi,;eh it contained, it ’was" not to
be supposed tint they would ho abandoned in
the organisation of government. These pri i
rffpu.s were, not abandoned, hut were recog
nized ami acted on, in the establishment of
State Constitution'., and in that of the Fed
eral Government. The noble doctrine of
thp filial right? of man which had been avow
! effin thg better days ofthe Greeks and of the
ltoihaiis,l)Ut which had been laid aside in
practice for centuries, was now again solcmly
re-acknowledged and boldly carried into prac
tice, on< a broad scale, in the face of the world (
—of lyings, and Nobles and of the People.— j
I The recognition ofthe equal rights *bf man by
thirteen Mates, just entering on 'fresh exis
tence, in the new world, was a delightful
spectacle. This spectacle is now brightened
when we sec the number of confederated free
Stateshaost doubled: and it is still further
brightened when we see the enslaved nations
of Europe beginning to follow our example,'
by tlyowing off the oppressor’s yoke ; and i
when we see Kings and King’s Ministers bow
ing to the majesty of the people.
NAT?bNAL Strength.—Two important ac
quisitions of the revolution have been men
tioned, independence and popular govern
ment; but something more was yet wanting.
Independence must be maintained ; and our
liberal doctrines of government, which tyrants
hate, were to be supported. To this end, it
was necessary that a close union among the
states should be effected. A mere confede
racy was first tried; but ready concert aud
national strength were still wanting. After!
earnest consultation and discussion, by the !
most powerful and improved minds, and by!
the people generally, our present Federal!
Constitution was formed, organizing a gener-i
al government, whereby the States, while they !
retained tlieijr distinct existence, for the reg- j
ulation of internal affairs, became as one na
tion, in relation to foreign powers, and for;
certain general concerns. j
If any doubt the necessity-f such a bond;
of union, let them read again the history of
i the Republics of Greece ; that they may see
how nobly they breasted all opposition when
they were united, and how easily they be
came a prey to tile splendid but feeble" gov
ernments which surrounded'them when they
cherished jealousies and animosities among
themselves. Our strength is in our union ; {
dissolve this, and we soon would become a j
wrangling and contentious cluster of little na
tions—instruments of discord, to be played up
on by surrounding nations to our own destruc
tion. The weaker State among us too, would
be liable to be politically crushed by the pow
er of the strong. If any doubt it they may
find the melancholy proof of it in the history
j ol a feeble people, who, though primitive A
lncricans, have had to share in our union.
Spirit of the Age.
•<*V>
POLITICAL ILLS.
The Protecting System. —To this system
we have ever been opposed. Our opposi
tion is founded on principle; and not on mi
nute calculations of the commercial or pe
cuniary advantages or disadvantages of the
system. The most minute and careful polit
ical economists differ as widely as the poles,
in regard to the effects of the tariff, and in re
gard to the causes of the rise and fall of the
prices of our staple commodities and of for-'
eign articles. The investigation is compli- !
cated and intermidahle ; we should despair of
arriving at precise certainty on the subject;
besides we dislike to make a counting-house
of our head, where there is a much shorter
and readier way of coining at the truth. A !
tariff for protection, unless it be a defensive!
measure against the wrong of some foreign !
power, is a violation of individual liberty j
| Our infant manufactures, it is said ought to '
be protected. But protected against whom t j
Against foreign competition, ft will he an-!
swered. But on whom doestiie restraint, im
plied in the very term protection, immediate-;
ly operate? Certainly on our own citizens.—
They are restrained, by the high duty, from !
purchasing the foreign article, and thus nidi- j
rectlv compelled to purchase of the domestic !
manufacturer. This restraint upon ourselves, i
we are informed is for our own good. And •
so does the Emperor of Russia tell his en-;
slaved subjects, that his despotic authority is]
exorciucd for their good. But our notions of ;
free government will not even allow the pco- {
pie to be made happy and prosperous by force, j
Individual liberty is above all peace. It j
shotild be interfered with as little, and as
seldom as possible. A protecting system un- j
warrantably meddles with, and attempts to
regulate the pursuits, the industry, and the ‘
domestic affairs of the people. Tlicscshould
be let alone as much as possible by the state {
governments—the general government lias
still leees right to mterfiTre with them. This j
, protecting system then wc regard as one of
j the political ills calculated to impair the free
dom of the people.
Spirit of the Age •
Infallible Rules to discover ti Husband and
UV/'o. — Ifyou see ;i mail and woman with lit
tle or no finding fault, and correct
ing one another in company, you may be
sure they are man and wife. If you geo a
lady accidentally 1- t fall a glove, and a gen- 1
j tlcman that sits next her telling her to take j
| it. up, she is his wife. Ifyou sec a lady pje
| seating a gentleman with something sidewavs, !
| at arm’s length, with her hoftd turninganoth- j
er way, speaking, to ft ft n w ith a look and ac-1
centdifferent from' that she uses to others,!
you.niffy be sure he is her husband. In tine,
ifryoii sft.a gentle-nan and lady in the same 1
otach,* in profound silence, the ono looking
out at the one side, the other at the other side
never suspect they mean any harm to one an
pt-V-j the-.-r.ro alr a > iilrricd. * * *
ITiE SimVOF THE STATE.
In political,discussion (says Blackwood)
we Igvc occasionally to be if not poetical, at
least picturesque. Fancy is one of feeling’s
best tilies; and reason is never so strong us
when backed' by imoguiatu:i. Therefore,
we arc partial lo that image, (bough it be as
old as the Island—tiie b'hip of the Mate. It
i an image that presents itself in many lights
and shadows.. See the Ship of the State, how
she strains, and bow her scams appear to open
as she pitches LaiuMubbcrs, looking at her
from the shore, swear that she is about (o go
down. But an old Tar like Christopher gives
her three cheers as she sweeps alongwith all
her streamers. Ay, while her hull is hidden in
the hollow, he secs the ‘meteorflagof England,
aloft in heaven, and to his excited spirit these
ups ami downs are full of power and glory.
See the Ship of the State in a storm, close
reefed and close-hauled, yet with more than
an inch of canvass, for she has not taken in ev
ery la? —not she indeed—of her weather bea
ten and weather-beating Russia duck, but
wings her i.ay'still exiiltingly against the wild
est wind. The shore shrinks, ‘.She will foun
der!’ But lo ! ihe Ocean Queen has eaten
for herself a foamy path out of tiie wind’s eye
close past the surges roaring along that range
of cliff's, and having a free oiling now, lo ! how
she whitens as sin; stands out to sea, herself
her own sunshine in the storm she loves! See
the Ship of the Si ito s :adding under bare
poles, anbiier poop pursued by mountains.
Let but one overtake her and down she goes
to Davy’s Locker. But her wheel is ‘instinct
with spirit,’ and sullenly she swings and
sways along the snow-crested pitciiincss of
her rolling path, not perhaps quite so smooth
ly or steadily as the Rocket e.i the rail-road
between Liverpool and Manchester, but as
safely, and most majestically, as becomes her
who holds in fee the roarings of the Atlantic.
See the Ship of the State on a Ice-shore close
in among the breakers. She must go to sticks
now, ‘like ocean weeds heaped on the surf
beaten shore.’ No, she must not; for who
ever saw her, even when taken aback in the
trough of the sea, miss stays? Her jib fills—
and now her foresail— there she has it —and
away she moves on another taek, along with
the seamen, as far dr as fiairless, while the very
air is black as the sea, and the sea, but for
catheads, as black as Erebus. Sec the Ship
oi the State with all her masts gene by the
board! Now she must settle down iu death.
No.—-She is brought np by hor sheet anchor,
and shall ride out the storm all night, while
stretch and spring her cable—till Neptune
lays his Lead in a lull on Thetis’ bosom, and
at morning the bay shall be bright with boats
—many ot th in bum ones—gliding all around
her steadt'asts hadoiv. Or see her, since the
worst will come to the worst, driven ashore!
The crews ofthe whole licet have got her off
again ! —she floats ! —she floats!—for what
signifies the bruise in her bottom, and a few
hundred tons <if "bilge-water! Taken into
dock, and laid down for repairs, like a hill,
side in the sun, seen shall her forefoot again
be iu the foa,-n
‘Her march, upon the mountain wave—
Her home,'upon the deep.’
Having thus quoted Campbell, let ns con
clude with Wordsworth, and finish the poet-,
ical or picturesque pait of this our poetical
article, by bidding, for a while, farewell to
the Ship ofiStute in these beautiful liacs:—
‘Like a ship on some calm day,
In sunshine sailing fur away—
Some beauteous ship, that hath dm plain
Of ocean for her whole domain.’
Or let us conclude in the words ot a poet whom
we frequently rcniemembor, thougluhe world
has forgotten him;—
‘No fears hath she; her giant-form
O’er wrathful surge through blackening storm,
Maj estical Iy•ca 1 m will go,
,P>lid the deep darkness, white as snow.’
! AN ARMY ON THE EYE OF BATTLE,
j As the morning was fine, the scene looked
highly -pteteresque, and, though painful in
many respects, it possessed an uncommon de
gree oi interest. I need hardly mention, that
there was none of the show and flourish of a
| review to be seen here; for the soldiers lay
J scattered about wearied and dispirited, rag-
I ” e< * ’(heir dress, and many of thorn sickly,
■ or rather broken down in appearance, by the
! fatigues of this celebrated retreat. Most of
| their chins hud been untouched by a razor for
! some days, perhaps weeks, while their hands
| an<J fi aces being rather less familiar with soap
| and water than with the smoke of their mus
kets, and the charcoal of their cooking fires,
; gave evidence enough of the want of comforts
to wnich the army hud boon so long exposed,
i The muskets of the troops were piled in pyr- j
| amida along the ridge, amongst the men who
; were stretched on the ground fast asleep |
l n<n * n any very precise order, but still within
j a few yards on either side of the summit of
the ridge. I observed many of these hardv
I follows lying on their backs, with their hands
j under their heads, and laces half covered by
; what remained of a hat, becoming still more
deeply tanned in the sun. Many, however,
were sitting on the grass, or oil the loose
i > 0 , , which covered the ground,
l ana ‘ oo king in silence with very wistful eyes
towards the ships. Along the whole line of
I however, I observed only ono or two.
-of the olheers asleep. Generally speaking
they were collected into little kAots, bokin”
about them, but seldom speaking, e, ?
one of the things which struck tw , .V* 01 ’
the profound, almost melanch^
which prevailed amongst so r ,
of men. We be-r, n ” ' thousands
nearly at the wCofZ * eXCUraJon
/. , . 11 01 tot nritish position in
Hope’s division ; and
wav amon m, 0 n&,lt I,and ’ threaded our
IZ TnT 1,0 S,c^ ,n £ soU '™> piled mus
lne. !] t! C i Un, u f alo "S ‘he whole
me, till the ridge unon which the enemy was
m posi.ton, lost itself in the valley, just erne
Mtc to the high rocky knoll, fornfing Vhc ex
r me left of the ground occupied by the
French. The 05th, the well known rille
corps, were stationed hereabouts; and I was ’
Se ,y ?,5 nd T (,h ‘ frirrid ahve and merry
‘ ?~ st *^ e odlcrrß ef this regiment. These
gentlemen were m greater spirits than most
oltho others whom we had conversed with.-
\ c were surprised indeed, to find them latmh
tng heartily, and upon askmg the cause,,f
.1 it mirth, were slipup a pig. ,j, (
! regimental cooks were - uttim, upT7*aT
j 1)cr > wliicli the) said would he r . ,; a !
minutes. It seems this unt'orm,, a ; c
| had been disturbed by the Fren-'. r
mmr ti village of Elvina, just in uoef ,‘w.f
spot wuerc tue SSth were stationed. jj e ,
made good Ins rt treat, as be thought,
i right upon our friends the sharp J|j 00 . '*
who m a tree charge and and despatch, (t V’.'
1 with their swords and bayonets. ’] p,
ry soldiers, delighted with their goo V p!’.' 7 '
j pressed us much to stay and partake oft' -
; windfall; but we wished to retrace our .si'
along a part of the line, so as (o „ ai " ';p
road to Corunna, and rctnr.i on board f ,
sunset, as we had been ordered. () tl
! them what chance there was cf our
battle, the officers shrugged their shoebu *
and said they had already bad quite c ,
of that work. There was no earthly S?
tage to be gained, they said, even by vi, •,
while a reverse would now be a very S{ r ° ! '’
perhaps desperate affair; and, therefore tV
had but one wish, which was, to at J,
on board the ships, and La off’ f ro ; n S ?‘,'V R! -'
rascally country, and such a dastardly n/
crastiuating set of use.!, allies ns fh c ’w‘
lards. “Nevertheless,” we
would, no doubt, would make a gooff ,' r
still it you were put to it.” ‘ff 3
that, ’ one of them said; “look at the nr'
they are all worn out and disheartened-if
they are not sleeping, or eating whatever the
can get hold of, they arc looking at the v J
sels, and thinking only of home. Like V"
indeed, they are wishing for any thinw but™
attack from those confounded fellows over t£
way. I pan this we parted—they to their
welcome home while we retraced our s t >n
amongst the weary soldiers, who certainly del
i lo . ok m /; ich a miserable plight, that it seen
;cd its if the enemy would have little more to
I do than to gallop across the valley and cafe",
: f he,nall naj.pingr. Colonel Napier, remark*'
however, cleverly enough, in his account
this campaign, that, “although a British army
may be gleaned in a retreat, it cannot &
reaped, and of this wc had abundant n-oo<".
wit.iin a few minutes after the wretched am
pc a ranee of the troops had drawn from in
such disparaging reflections. 1 had just ask.
ed the commanding officer of one of the r -
gmicnts, 1 forget which, near the top of* tin
position, whether lie thought any thing could
possibly rouse the men up. I„ reply, he sain
witn a very expressive smile, and a slight nod
oi his head, implying that even then he sus
pected what was about to take place, “You’ll
see by and by, sir, if the French there choosn
to come over.” These words were hardly
uttered when a movement along the enemy’s
line became apparent even to our inexperier..
ced eyes.
Captain Basil Hall's Fragment $
—
From the Journal of Health.
THE BEAUTIES OF MUSIC.
“Music exaHs each joy, allays each grief
hxpels disease, softens every pain, ° ’
Subdues the rage of poison, and of plague.”
They undoubtedly entertain a very mean
and degrading opinion ofthe polite arts who
consider them merely as subservient to amuse
ment, or, at most, to that cultivation of mind
which emollil mores, ncc sinii esse feros.
Tiie history of the world evinces tiiat they
have all a much higher and more beneficial
: influence upon thu disposition and happiness
■ of man.
Though wc can no longer indulge except
tor its poetry, in the ancient superstition
which gave personation to the arts, and then
held them up as divinities; yet we cannot de
ny t nut they are important auxiliaries to the
worship oi the Deity, and that they assume
the most attractive form when enlisted in the
serv ice of the altar. Of music, in particular,
we have always been inclined to think, that
not only its best, but most sublime employ
ments are in tins way—and that it is never
so well applied as when soothing the disor
dered passions into peace, or elevating the
devotional feelings of the human heart.”
Wc are not prepared to credit all that some
of the ancients have affirmed respecting the
moral influence of music; nor that,
—“Things inanimate have moved,
Ann, as with living souls, have been informed
By magic numbers and persuasive sounds.'*
We do not expect it to quiet a mob, any
more than to unite a brokon bone. We aro
even willing to admit, that under any state of
society which we have witnessed, or of which
v.e can conceive, the refinement of the Lace*
donians, in making it penal to add anew
string to the lyre, as a species of luxury, or
an engine of corruption, is as absurd as it
w ould lie to deny to music any power ore*
the feelings and passions of man.
Ganus, a musician at Rhodes, when Apol
lonius inquired what he could effect by the
moans of music, replied, that he could make
a melancholy man merry, a merry man mad,
a lover more enamored, and a ,;<? man
That it w soothe^S,^
M° ‘^t^
perionced ! it ? v C ’ mt £X ‘
i ‘ at “ cuffvens what was gap
tota
t:. .. I* 1 l at listened to it admit the fes
" L 1 ~r! , ,£ a pantomine, will venture to
f * ° lts martial effects the annals St
vai u .j testify, and few arc found so low in
T nt as not to have felt a kind of inspiration
ha courage from the sound of a march or the
notes of a patriotic air. The powerful influ.
once of national or domestic music, over the
mind is strikingly evinced in the instance of
the Scottish Highlanders and the native of
Switzerland; certain tunes associated with
their homes and country, being playeil in their
hearing, causes so violent a desire to revisit
them as to induce the deepest melancholy—*
eten terminating in death when circumstan
ces prevent their desire, from being accom
plished 11 facts of this kind are too notori
ous to hear an exemplification, which would
lead at once to the most trite- topics, what a.
>eope must there be w ithin the power of inu
mc, for effects the most salutary to the human
mind from the exhilaration of the mere live
ly tun?, to the sublimity of the anthem—
from the insinuation of tender passion, to the
excitement of martial ardor.
It is not surprising, therefore, that physi
cians and philosophers should esteem music
as mg the least powerlul of the means calcu
lated to'tiil.iluato-apon-owtul heart, te >
lighten if p. * * rn? >—. *