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Prom ‘he N. V. Mirror.
THE DEPARTED.
Why comes he not! our own bright boy !
The glory of our hearts—
Our hope —our sunbeam —anil our joy—
Our shield ’mid sorrow’s darts !
V. e pine fur his dear gladdening tone
As for some spell divine!
As men for founts in deserts lone,
So for his glance we pine!
Why comes he not ? the pale spring flowers
In beauty round vs Wave —
The rose its perfumed treasure showers—
Where lingers he our brave 1
Hath pleasures, in the stranger's land.
His heaTt from home beguib 1 1
Bends he ’mid wealth's forge tfnl hand ?
Or hath fame lured our child ?
He comes not—heme no charm can boast—
Life’s garden seems a wild :
A casket with the jewel lost—
We mourn to meet our child.
Ceflße your vain tears ! ye dream of one
Whom earth may claim no more :
The dove from you forever flown,
The lamp whose ray is o’er.
Beyond the stars there shines a world
Where storms may never blast,
Where mercy’s pinion ne’er is furled—
There hath the lost one pass’d !
n ■ ■ I —i in i —ri- ~rn
TO MATILDA * * * * *
Thou Orb of love supremely ble6t,
With charms thatcannot die ;
Oh ! who would ever feel dopiest,
While gating on thine eye.
Thy spirit bouyant as the air,
Thy Seraph-features too,
And lovely hand that’s snowy fair;
Have equals here but few.
Thy smiles add lustre to thine eye,
And beauty to thy form ;
Who could with thee one moment sigh,
Or exil’d be forlorn.
Could I the wealth of worlds possess.
And then those worlds could sway ;
From tliee I’d say they’re Tittle less,
Than roses at mid-day.
For what can wealth or power be,
Within this vale of tears,
To him who is deprived of thee,
Sweet soother of all cares.
Beauty like thine shall even shine,
Rrsplcmlontly in death.
And then, Oh death ! ’twill he divine,
And purer than on earth.
Forgive tli' encomiums of this verse,
For they are what you merit;
You” real wortli 1 can’t rehearse,
I writwbut from the* spirit.
JURISPRUDENCE.
’Twas fashion once for men alone
To seek judicial places ;
But Ladies now, impatient grown,
Are looking into cases.
Tho’ some the novel plan deride,
Still others disagree;
Men arc by women sometimes tried,
Without a special pica.
Tho’ some would have their better parts
Known merely by report
Yet we would have, with all our hearts,
Ev’en Ladies go— io court.
Their eloquence is all divine.
We give it our applause ;
Their arguments are always fine.
And sure to win their cause.
In Hymen's Court the Graces long
Have o’er on- claims presided :
’Tis there among the sueing throng,
We’d have them all decided.
There’s no appeal from their decree,
Tho’ actions are laid over ;
The cure must always final he,
.issunpsit or in trover.
But we’ll not have our case demurred.
If trial it wall bcaT one; —
'We’re sure to have, when we are heard,
A liberal and a Fair one.
CCELEBS.
TUJti *TIISCEI,EZ.VIST.
fLowersC
The followipgbeautiful passage is from the
Jook of the Seasons,” by the poetic Quaker,
iiiiam Howitt,
■‘Of all the minor creations of Clod, flowers
em to be most completely the cfl’usions of
4 love of beauty, grace and jo}’. Of all the
nor objects which surround us they are the
st connected with our absolute necessities.
Vegetation might proceed, the earth might
clothed with a sober green ; all the pro.
srs of fructification might be perfected
bout being attended by tin: glory with
ich the flower is crowned; but beauty and
r r ,ce are poured over the earth in blos
s of endless varioti* ?, radiant evidences
he houndh ss benevolence of the Deitv.—
y arc made solely to gladden the Imurt of
•, for a light to 1 is eyes, for a living in
n*ion of grace to his spirit, for a perpetu-
Jrniration. And accordingly tiny s. ize
or nffcetions'tne first moment that webe
thein. They hound about m flowery
j ?nwsiikc y*r:gfawn?—tliey gather all
co;ne near—they collect beans—they sit
jg tfcem, and sort them, and sing over
, and caryss them till they perish in their
>. We sec them coming wearily into the
sand villages with their pinafores full,
vith ; osi'.'s half us large ag themselves,
rate h ( ruin shady lanes,iu tlie grass of
i '* fi, Ids by the treasures they have gath
-1 .ml have l-ft behind, lured on by others
rxfliti r. As they grow up to maturity, i
! s.-.un , iti their eyes, new characters j
Then they are strewn around |
dir po-trv-of *ho earth. * * *
fte ucicnt Ureekjt v'hos? souls pr^-eini-J
HIE MACON ADVERTISER, AND AGRICULTURAL AND MERCANTILE INTELLIGENCER.
nently sympathised by the spirit of grace and
beauty in every thing, were enthusiastic in
their love, and lavish in then use of (lowers.
Thrv scattered them in the porticos of their
temples—they were offered on the altars of
some of their deities—they were strewed in
their conquerors’ path—on all occasions of
festivity and rejoicing they were strewn
about, or worn in garlands. The guests at
banquests were crowned with them—the
bowl was wreathed with them—and vvhercev
er they wished to throw beauty, and to ex
press gladness, like sunshine, they cast flow
ers.
“Something of the same spirit seems to have
prevailed amongst the Hebrews. ‘Let us till
’ourselves,’ says Solomon, ‘with costly wine
and ointments, and Ifct no flower of the spring
pass by us. Let us crown ourselves with
rose buds before they be withered.” But
amongst that solemn and poetical people,
they were commonly regarded in another
and higher sense—they were the favourite
symbols of the beauty and fragility of life.—
Man is compared to the flower of the field,
and it is added,‘that man withereth and the
flower fadeth.’
“In our confined notions, we are often led
to wonder why beauty, and flowers and fruit,
should be scattered so exuberantly where
there are none to enjoy them. But the
thoughts cf the Almighty are not as our
thoughts. * * * —To Omnipotence creation
cost not an effort, but to the desolate and the
weary, how immense is the happiness thus
prepared in the wilderness! Who does not
recollect the exultation of Villant over afl w
er in the torrid waste of Africa. A magnifi
cent lily which, growing on the banks of a riv
er filled the air far around with its delicious
fragrance, and, as he observes, had been re
spected by all the animals of the district, and
seemed defended even by its beauty.—The
affecting mention of the influence of a flower
upon his mind in a time of suffering and des
pondency,in the heartjof the same savage con
tinent by Mungo Park, is familiar to every
one.”
From the Lady’s Book.
A SK ETCH.
Site was all light and loveliness; and her
eye, deep and lucid as the sapphires, beamed
with animation. The amber curls that wav
ed around her head, like streaks of sunshine,
shaded a brow fairer than the swan’s white
down. She was all smiles and innocence
like a bright influence diffusing love and har
mony. But now a change came o’er her, and
she faded—she the fair, the gay ! The sunny
smile had vanished; ami the check’s bright
hue had fled. The crystal drops that hung
upon her eye’s dark fringe, like dew upon the
rose, kissed her fair soft cheek. She was all
sad and lovely—like a lone bird whose dul
cet notes are hushed. Her young affections
had been given to one who asked them not,
save in the silent language of the eye; and
had left her without one word of sorrow or
regret. He 100 loved, but breathed it not,
save to his own heart, or in the murmur of a
dream; but quickly fled the beauteous vision
which had bowed the heart that stern mis
fortune could not shake. But years passed
on, and lie returned. Once more bis footsten
pressed his native shore; and she was there
jstill meekly—beautiful even in her despair;
and they have met again, and he lias knelt—
she wept, then smiled—and her gentle spirit
clung to earth again! R. L. I).
MARRYING FOR FUN.
A marriage which lately took place in
Wilsborotigh county, Pa. and which was an
nounced a few weeks since, turns out to be
a ludicrous affair, and took place under the
following circumstances: The parties, togeth
er with a number of the young beoplc of both
sexes in the neighborhood, had been invited
to the wedding of another couple, and had as
sembled at the house of tho father of the
bride where the nuptials were celebrated.
After the ceremony had taken place,a young
gentleman, one of the guests, proposed to a’
young Jady present, tube married for fun,
and they stood up together upon the floor for
! that purpose.—Tho magistrate, who it seems
j was willing to contribute his share of the fun
consented to gratify their humor so far as to a
gree to marry them a ftp’s worth—a second
contract followed to be married to the value
of a “/cry,” and in this way the“fun” proceed
ed for some time. The magistrate, it appears,
at last became rather tired of the sport and in
formed the young couple that if they persist
ed in their demand to be married for fun, he
would marry them in earnest —They dared
him to do it after his repeated admonition to
them((ho’ they contended, itvvas“all in fun,”)
he actually pronounced them “ husband and
wife,” and, as it would seem, not until they
J had separated and retired each to their own
; home, did they begin to understand it any
thing more than being “ married for fun.”
Learning now, however, that they were real
ly caught in the marriage noose, if become a
matter of serious concern to fee the magis
trate with a few more ftps and keys to“loosd
the tic” which by this time was getting ra
ther burdensome, and which was rendered
not the less so by the continued rallying of
i their comrades. They were soon given to
understand, however, the truth of the old
i trite saying, that a magistrate can tic a knot
j with his tongue tirat lie cannot untie with i is
i teeth, and as vve learn, have given up all
hopes of a legal separation short of an appli
' cation to the Legislature!
The transaction reminds us of another wise
saving, which we would urge' to the con
sideration of the voting couple, and which is,
“he careful how you ntedd'e with edge
tools,” a magistrates’ tongue being a danger
ous instrument for those to meddle with,
who only and, sire to he ‘married in fun.’
The young ladies in Topsham celebrated
the late 4th of July bv a procession and pub
lie exercise in the Gourt-hous *. An oration
was delivered by Elizabeth Walker, and a
poi m I>\ C.iroiinoC . Green. (< utlemon were
not admitted to hear the performances. 1 \
token ot the independence of th-> ladies, we
suppose.] All the young ladies had their
heads ornamented with wreaths of roses.
We are not strong enough in number to be
victorious, but vve are enough to .lie u ith von
or in (Mending our country Knskiexcc.
MR. CALHOUN'S SENTIMENTS.
From tho Pendleton (S. C.) Messenger, Aug. 3.
(CONCLUDED.) *
I have ncr.v said what I intended in refer
ence to the abstract question of the relation
ol the States to the General Government, and
would here conclude, did 1 not believe that a
more general statement on an abstract ques-j
tion, without including tint which may have j
caused its agitation, would be considered bv
many imperfect, and unsatisfactory. Feel
ing that such would be -justly the case, I am i
compelled, reluctantly, to touch on the Tariff, j
so far, at hast as may he necessary to illus- j
irate the opinions which 1 have already ad-;
vanced. Anxious, however, to intrude as lit
tle as possible, on the public attention, 1
will be as brief as possible, and with that
view,will as far as may be consistent with my
object, avoid all debatable topics.
Whatever diversity of opinion may exist,
in relation to the principle, or the effect on
tlm productive industry of the country, of the
present, or any other Tariff of protection,
there are certain political consequences flow
ing from the present, which none cun doubt,
and all must deplore. It would be in vain to
attempt to conceal, that it has divided the
country into two great geographical divisions,
and arrayed them against each other, in opin
ion at least, if not interest also, on some of
the most vital of political subjects; on its fi
nance, its commerce, and its industry; sub
jects calculated, above all others in time of
peace to produce excitement, and in relation
to which, the Tariff’ has placed the sections in
question in deep and dangerous conflict. If
there be any point on which the (l was going
to say Southern section, but to avoid, as far
as possible, tho painful feelings such discus
sions are calculated to excite, I shall say)
weaker of the two sections is unanimous, it is
that its prosperity depends, in a great meas
ure, on free trade, light taxes, economical,
and, as far as possible equal disbursements of
the pub 1 .- revenue, and unshackled industry,
leaving them to pursue whatever may appear
most advantageous to llicir interests. From
the Potomac to the Mississippi, there are few
indeed, however, divided on other points,
who would not, if dependent on their voli
tion and if they regarded the interest of their
particular section only, remove from com
merce and industry ever shackle, reduce \he,
revenue to tlie lowest point that the wants of
the Government fairly required, and restrict
the appropriations to the most moderate scale,
consistent with the peace, the security, and
the engagements of the public; and who do
not believe that the opposite system is calcu
late.] to throw ob them an equal 'burthen to
repress their prosperity, and to encroach on
their enjoyment.
On all these deeply important measures,
the opposite opinion prevails, if not with equal
unanimity, with at least a greatly prepondera
ting majority, in the other and stronger sec
tion; so much so, that no two distinct na
tions ever entertained more opposite views of
policy than these two sections do, on all the
important points to which I have refuted.*—
Nor is.it less certain that this unhappy con
flict, flowing directly from the Tariff', has ex
tended its It to the halls of legislation, and
has converted the deliberations of Congress
into an annual struggle between the two sec
tions, the stronger to maintain and increase
theymporiority it has already acquired, and
the other to throw off, or diminish its bur
dens ; a struggle in which all the noble and
generous feelings of patriotism, are gradually
subsiding into sectional and selfish attach
ments.* Nor has the effect, of that danger
ous conflict ended here. It has not only di
vided the two sections on the important point
already stated, hut on the deeper and more
dangerous questions, the constitutionality of
a protective Tariff, and the general princi
ples and theory of the Constitution itself;
the stronger,in order to maintain their superi
ority, giving a construction to the instrument,
which the other believes would convert the
General Government into a consolidated, ir
responsible Go vernnu-:t, with the total de
struction of liberty ; and the weaker seeing
no hope of relief with such assumption of pow
ers, turning its eye to the reserved sovereign
ty of the States, as the only refuge from op
pression. I shall not extend these remarks,
as 1 might, by shewing that while the effect
of the system of protection was rapidly aliena
ting one section, it was not less rapidly, by
its necessary operation, distracting and cor
rupting the other; and between the two, sub
jecting the administration to violent and sud
den changes, totally inconsistent with all sta
bility and wisdom in the management of the
affairs of the nation, of which we already sec
fearful symptoms. Nor do I deem it neces
sarv to enquire whether this unhappy conflict
grows out of trne, or mistaken views of inter
est on either, or both sides. Regarded in
either light, it ought to admonish us of the
extreme danger to which our system is expos
ed, and the great moderation and wisdom ne
cessary to preserve it. ]( it come from mis.
taken views, if the interest of the two sec
tions as affected by the Tariff’, he really the
same, and flic system instead of acting une
qually, in reality diffuses equal blessings,
and imposes equal burdens on every part, it
ought to teach us how liable those, who are
differently situated, and who view their inter
ests under different aspects, are to
come to different conclusions; even when
their interests are strictly the same; and con
sequently, with what extreme caution any
system of policy ought to he adopted, and
with wliat spirit of moderation pursued, in a
country of such great extent and diversify as
ours. But if on tho contrary, the conflict
springs ro-'ly, from contrariety of interests,
if the burden be on one side, and the benefit
on the other, then we are taught a lesson not
less important, how little regard vve have for
the interests of others, while in pursuit of pur
own, or at least, how apt vve are to consider
our own interest, the interest of all others;
•The system if continued, must end, not only
in subjecting the industry and property of the
weaker section to the control of the stronger, but
in proscription and political disfranchise mcnt.~
It must finally control elections and appointments
to offices, as well as acts of legislation, to the
great increase of the feelings of animosity, and
of the fatal tendency to a complete alienation
brtvyeen the sections.
and of course bow great the danger in a eoun- j
try of such acknowledged diversity of inter-
csts, of the oppression of the feebler by the j
stronger interest, and inconsequence of it, of j
the most fatal sectional conflicts. But which- j
ever may be the cause, the real, or supposed j
diversity of interest, it cannot be doubted,
that the political consequences of the prohib
itory system, he its effects in other respects,
beneficial, or otherwise, are really such, as 1 i
have stated; nor can it be doubted, that a
conflict between the great sections on a ques
tion so vitally important, indicates a condi
tion of the country, so distempered and dan go i*-
ops, as to demand the most serious and prompt
attention. It is only, when we come to con
sider of the remedy, that, under the aspect I
am viewing the subject, there can be, among
the informed and considerate, any diverity of
opinion.
Those who have not duly reflected on its
dangerous and inveterate character, suppose
that the disease will cure itself, that events j
ought to be left to take .their own course;
and that experience, in a short time, will
prove, that the interest of the whole, commu
nity is the same, in reference to the Tariff’, or
at least, whatever diversity there may now be,
time will assimilate. Such has now been
their language from the beginning, but un
fortunately the progress of events lias been
the reverse. The country is now more divi
ded than in 1824, and then more than in
1816. The majority may have increased, but
the opposite sides are beyond dispute more
determined and excited, than at an preced
ing period. Formerly the system was resis
ted mainly as expedient; but now, as uncon
stitutional, unequal, unjust, and oppressive.
Then relief was sougiit exclusively from the
General Government; but now, many driven
to despair, are raising their eyes to the re
served sovereignty!’the States, as the only
refuge. If we turn from the past, and pre
sent to the future, vve shallTind nothing to les
sen, but much to aggravate the danger. The
increasing embarrassment, and distress of the
staple states, the growing conviction, from
experience, that they are caused by the pro
hibitory system principally, and that, under
its continued operation, the present pursuits
must become profitless, and with a conviction,
that their great and peculiar agricultural capi
tal, cannot be-diverted from its ancient and
hereditary channels, without ruinous losses,
all concur to increase, instead of dispelling
the gloom, that hangs over the future. In
fact, to tirose who will duly reflect on the sub
jeet, the hope, that the disease will cure it
self, must appear perfectly illusory. The
question is in reality one between the export
ing A non-exporting interests of the country,
i H ere there no experts, there would he no
Turijf. It would be perfectly useless. On
the contrary, so long its there are states,
which raise the gn at agricultural staples,
with the view of obtaining their supplies, and
-which must depend, on .the general market ol
the world, for their sales, the conflict must
remain, if the system should continue and the
disease become iqpro and more inveterate.—
Their interest, and that of those, w ho by high
duties would confine the purchase of their
supplies to the general market, must from the
nature of tilings in reference to the Tariff’, be
m conflict. Till, then, we cease to raise the
great staples cotpm, rice and tobacco, for the
same markets, and till we can find some oth
er profitable investment for the immense a
mount ol capital and labor now employed in
their production, the present unhappy and
dangerous conflict cannot terminate unlesss
with the prohibitory system itself.
In the meantime, while idly waiting for its
termination through its own-action, the pro
gress ot events, in anothei quarter, is rapidly
bringing the contest, to an immediate and
decisive issue. We are fast approaching the
period, very novel in the history of nations,
and bearing directly and powerfully on the
point under consideration, the final payment
of a Ion" standing funded debt; a period that
cannot be sensibly retarded, or the natural
consequences of it eluded, without proving
disastrous to those, who may attempt either,
if not to the country itself. When it arrives,
the Government, would find itself in posses
sion of a 'surplus revenue of $10,000,000, or
81'-',000,000, if not previously disposed off
w hich presents the important question what
previous disposition ought to he made; a
question which must press urgently for de
cision, at the very next session of Congress.
It cannot be delayed longer, without the most
distracting and dangerous consequences.
The honest and obvious course is, to pre
vent the accumulation of the surplus in the
treasury, by a timely and judicious reduction
of the imposts; and thereby to leave the mon
ey in the pockets of those who made if, and
from whom, it cannot he honestly, nor consti
tutionally taken, unless required by the fair
and legitimate wants of the Government. If,
neglecting a disposition so obvious and just,
the Government should attempt to keep up
present high duties, when the money was no
longer wanted, or to dispose of this immense
surplus by enlarging the old, or devising new
schemes of appropriations, or, finding that to
bo impossible,it should adopt the most dan
gerous unconstitutional and absurd, project
ever devised by any government, of dividing
the surplus among the States; (a project,
which, it earned info execution, could not
fail to create an antagonist interest between
the States and General Government on all
questions of appropriations, which would cer
tainly end in reducing the latter to a mere
office of collection and distribution,) either of J
these modes would be considered by the sec
tion suffering underlie present high duties
as a fixed def< rmination, to perpetuate forev
er what itconsiders the present unequal, un
constitutional, and oppressive burden; anil
from that moment, it would cease to look to '
the General Government for relief. This
deeply int< resting period, which must prove
so disastrous, should a wrong direction be jriv
on, but so fortunate and glorious, should a
right one, is just nt hand. The work must
commence at the‘nest session, as I have sta
ted, or be left undone, or, at leas:, lie badiv
done. The succeeding session would be too
short and too much ngitated by the Presiden
tial contest to afford the requisite leisure and
calmness, and the one succeeding would find
the country in the midst of the crisis, when
and would be too late to prevent an accumula
tion of the surplus, which I hazard nothing
in saying, judging from the nature of men
and government, if once permitted to accu
mulate, would create an interest strong e
noiigh to perpetuate itself, supported as it
would be by others, so numerous and power
ful ; and thus would pass away a moment,
never to be quietly recalled, so precious if j
properly used, to lighten the public burden; j
to equalize the action of the Government; to
restore harmony arid peace; and to present to
the world the illustrious example which could
not fail to prove most favorable to the great
cause of liberty every where, of a nation the
freest, and, at the same time, the best ant!
in'st cheaply governed; of the highest eaith
!y blessing, at the least possible sacrifice.
As the disease will not, then, heal itself,
wc are brought to the question, can a remedy
he applied, and, if so, what ought it to he ?
To answer in the negative, would he to as
sert, that our Union has utterly- faded ; and
that the opinion, so common before the adop
tion of our Constitution, fruit a free Govern
ment could not he practically extended over
a large country, was correct—and that ours
had been destroyed-by giving it limits so
great, as to comprehend, not only dissimilar,
but irreconcilable interests. I am not pre
pared to admit a conclusion, that would cast
so deep a shade on the future, and that would
falsify all the glorious anticipations of
our ancestors while it would so greatly lessen
their high reputation for wisdom. Nothing
but tile clearest demonstration, founded on
actual experience, will ever force me to a con
clusion so abhorrent to all of my feelings. As
strongly as I am impressed with the great dis
similarity, and, f must add, as truth compels
tne to do, contrariety of interests in ourcoun
trv, resulting from the causes already indica
ted, and which are so great, that they cannot
cannot be subjected to the unchecked will of
a majority of the whole, without defeating the j
great end of Government, and without which
it is a curse, justice ; vet I see in the Union,
as ordained by the Constitution, the means, if
wisely used, not only of reconciling all diver
sities, but also the means and the only eflec
fectual one of securing to ns justice, pi *ce
and security, at home and abroad, and with
them, that national power and renown, the
love of which Providence has implanted for
wise purposes so deeply in the human heart ;
in all of which great objects every portion of
our country, widely extended and diversified
is it is has a common and identical interest.
If vve have the wisdom to place a proper rela
tive estimate on these more elevated, and du
rable blessings, the present and every other
conflict of like character, may be readily ter
minated ; but if, reversing the scale, each
section should put a higher estimation on its
immediate and peculiar gains ; and acting in
that spirit, should push favorite measures of
mere policy, without regard to peace, harnio
rty or justice; our sectional conflicts would i
then indeed, without some constitutional I
check, become interminable, except by the I
dissolution of the Union itself. That we
have, in fact reversed the estimate, is too cer
tain to be doubted, and the result is our pres
ent distempered and dangerous condition.—
Ine cure must commence in the correction
of tho error, and not to admit vve had erred,
wot; 1.1 he the worst possible symptom. It
would prove the disease to he incurable thro’
the regular and ordinary process of legislation:
and would compel finally, a resort to extraor
dinary, out I still trust, not only constitution
al, but safe remedies.
No one would more sincerely rejoice
than myself, to see the remedy applied from
the quarter, where it could be most easily and
regularly done. It is the only way by
which those who think that it is the only quar
ter from which it can constitutionally come,
can possibly sustain their opinion. To omit
the application by the General Government,
would compel even them to admit the truth
of the opinion; or force them to abandr n
our political system in despair; while on the
other hand, all their enlightened and patr.otic
opponents would rejoice at such evidtg CG r <
m i .. rt .1 .. ! . 1 .1
mode rat io- and wisdom on the port oft l ir
General Government, as would supe rsedo a
resort to the higher powers of our polit y*-,}
system, as indicating a sounder of
lie sentiment than has ever herd ofore e Usted
in any country, and thus afl’orditig fi rc | • r j K . s ,
possible assurance of tho perp.-tuatioi J O f ol , r
glorious institutions to the latest "or
Ft I * , , b Jtldl.tJll.
or as a people advance in k nowled Cc j n the
same degree they may dispense tuth mere
artificial restrictions in governin' ~l t • -, n( f wo
may imagine, (hut dare rot exg ec t to see *>
a state o; intelligence so move , rsnJ am} h] [
that a.l the guards of I’berty mav ho (Ii
sod w, • , except arrodightr red public ooin
um acting through tlie rigV £of Rl!lTr , irc . ! bm ,
it presupposes a stt te vvb ere every class and
every section of the co U rc, nuniy are capable of j
estimating Jhe effects o', every measure, not!
oidy as it may affect Jtsr !f, bnt ewy
class and section ; a u l off „„ thp
sublime truth, that t Ac highest and wisest pol
icy copyists in mr jnt ainii,g justice and L
mo an harmony . J ilml
pared to thes p s che.nes of mere gain are but
rash am! drugs. I fear experience has ah
r ° ro i: ’ r *"■ ‘>om
. f and t.rat we must consequently'
m .d.°o'- nr!<l dums - v ’ b,,t approved
mode o.c: .tekingpower in ord- rto prevent,
abuses; hut I do trust that though
f ‘n U ,m porfi we are at h ast so much so as
, V c ff la h!e 9fremedying the present dis<ir
(if' P in 4 Ins ~1..... ■
tIJ| m ir 0rd ‘ n , ;, e V " aV ’' a,,d ,hI!S prove
1 , lvll “ ns Ptddie opinion fs so en'ightencd
* our . Political machine so perfect, as rarely
t'. require for its preservation, the inferven
turn of the power that create and it. Ho .; is this
to be effected ?
The application maybe painful, hut there
raedy, I conceive, is certain and simple
them is but one effectual cure, an lion, st re
duction of the duties to a fair system 0 f reve
nue.aJapte! to fbe just and ‘conititutionnl
lh ?‘ tllc ° v i ernment. Nothing short of
this will restore the country to peace and har
mony, and mutual affection. There is alrea
dy a deep and growing conviction in a large
section ofthe country, that the impost, even
WthT’r i:1 cstre,,,cl .v unequal,!
am. that it is mainly pair! by those who furnish '
mt ,!ns °* pn.vinpthe foreign exchanges of 1
the country, on which it is laid ; and that the j
c-tse is not. varied,taking into the estimate the
ei.tjpc action of the system,whether the produ- i
err or qppg.imer, pays in the first instar'-e. I
Ido not propose to enter
discussion of a point so complex and W
trd ; but as it has necessarily a stro" COn, ‘®
Ucal bearing on the 'subject an.ler corl P , ra< B
tion, m all its relations, I cannot pass
out af • v general and brief remarks. 1U "B
If the producer in reality pays fl
doubt, but the burden would Llinly
tlie section it is supposed todo. Th, i ''"B
tiiat the consumer-pays in the first b, J B
renders the proposition more eomolev "‘"‘ B
w, l! reipnre, in order to understand-U ’ ' 4 B
Irarien in reality fulls, on
consider the protective, or as its ff ~-u 1 ?, B
the American System, und< r lts tliree-fni i'B
peel, o. taxation, of protection, and of XT'I
bution ;or as performing at the s srn „ ,-B
the several funct.onsofa revenue to thnP I
ernment, of affording protection to'corsl
branches of domestic industry, and f,, rn ; , ?*■
the means to Congress of distributing"ill
sums through its appropriations ; all o 7 u-Sl
are so olendm in their effects, that it j s • I
possible to understand its true operation ni I
out taking the whole into thecsti. at o
Admitting, then, as supposed, that lie *4 I
consumes the article pays the tax i„ I
creased price, and the burden falls wholly
the consumers,without affecting the nrodurcr J
as a class,) which, by the by, is for from V
mg true, except in thesirglo case ifihr J,
such a one, where the producers have a
poly of an article, so indispensable to life Z
the quantify consumed cannot be afffcCu
any increase of price,) and that consider
the light of a tax,merely the impost dutiefj
equally on every section, in pronnrfi ‘
to its population, stiM when combined S
its other effects, the burden it imposes ,
tax may be so transferred from one
to the other as to take it from and place J
wholly on the other. Let us then apply
retnark }lls t to ds operation as a of
protection. * ‘
7’hc tendency of the fax, or duty, on the
imported article is, not only to raise its price I
but also, in the same proportion, that of th*
domestic article of the same kind, for which
purpose who" intended for protection, it H
, f t ,' aul : and of course, in determinin'-
where the system ultimately phes £
burden in reality, this effect also must ke
taken into the estimate. W
If one of the sections exclusively p rw f! lcPa
such domestic articles, and the other p £
scs thetn it, then it c |, ar that „ iht
amount of such increased priccsl the tax !,
duty, on the consumption of the foreign arti‘
cJes, would he transferred from the sect
producing the domestic articles t„ fX
that purchased and consumed them , °T*
latter in turn, be indemnified by V *- ,OSS ,he
Cd price „r,he “S
none wwl venture to assert to '
with the great staples of the
ionn the basis of our exports ih? > *“ C r
winch is regulated bv the fore ’- * / ,ncc , oi
domestic market. Tot'.n r 'v n and Hot the
the increased price of the
tic articles both, i„ or.nsr , T*, ~OT *
on the former, is in rea " C ? .° f .| *® d ! Jfy
est sense, a tax, wf- i) ( . ; 'f !
creased price of the ' ‘nri l ‘'° lu *
the section prodnei ".u 3 ;otjnt -V •>*
amount of such i, ’ tb j‘“ h and tk,t a Mho
sella to the other l * and P r,ces on what *
than the dut l it '°\ IS .- r(iltor or h ' s? -
the system w' tj 1 " ‘ ,M,pflrtßd mkk? >
tax; if wrer t , „ S * °l >era,casa bounty or
ty: if 100... \ j^ lc d tffcrcocc would be a bourn
rv othr r reaper 0 * ‘' n ' { r on nia }' lIC e n ,,af in cve
system. relM atld b et ‘he pressure of the
do re-1 very V Iy ?'! \ ‘ WO sectio,,s ’ he re..-
distvilmt’ 41,, 7 0a} bv the appropriations, er.
wj- jf -V. 1 raci section receives hack
p ore, ,ffid*nfc.tho treasury, the equality if
.uush-ex isted will continue; but if one
alb- <CS , ‘ f ss > and thf-' other proportion
‘ mon tiian it fiaid, then the difference in
i m,on tim sections will be to the former a
- ess ami to the Jatfera gain; and the system
in thiyisprct would operate tthe amount of
the difference, as a contribution firm the one
receiving than it paid, to the other that
et'es more—Such w ould be incontestiblv
- riCr ' i (^ ects, taken in all its different as
vi' Cn on die&ry supposed to be most
. aiora , e to prove the equal action of the svs
, that the consumer pays in the first in
i stance the whole amount ofthe tax,
' ° ™ ho "-> on this supposition, the bit'
i ~..i|' U - a, .| anta £ e ® of the system woidtF agth
• nl '' ri oite themselves between the sec-,
tions, would, carry me foo far into details: but
tV.n nTr’’ af,er f,;!! -ndcareful examine
tun hat thev arc such as to exi;lain, wlmf
. nwse would seem inexplicably that one
.JT sh ? uM consider its re pea fa calamity
! 1 ,c ° blessing; and'that such oppo
; te views shouh! b e taken Uy them, asm
Ihe -ret m i of oonmot, in re lotion to
‘ v at fiscal and commercial interests of
, c ° l,f d | • Indeed were there no satisfuc
n explanation, the opposite views that pre
h ’in dm two sections, as to the effects of
the system, ought to satisfy all of its unequal
act ion , There can be no safer, or more L
tmn rule, than to o ppose each portion of the
in rv rqmi lycapablb ofundcrstorulingtheir
hot “ "7 ,nf T. SfS ’ nml iMf'cawT is a much
n i. i junge of the < lTeets of any system of
nuasureson its peolitfar interest,,'than the
other can possibly hr.
But iv Ik flier the opinion, of its unequal no
ion, be correct, or erroneous, nothing ran be
more Mii.iin than that the impression is
, M .° x,(,nf I ,T 5r itself, that the system, un
cler a,fits moihficutions, is essentinllv unequal;
and if to that be added, a conviction still dec
per,an. more universal; that every duly ini
posSd for the purpose, of prefer! ion, iteuot )>•
/;/unequal, hut uneonsfititional, it would be a
fatal error to suppose, th.it-anv remedy. short.
1 , / . thn . t ' VI "'' 1 have fvtat- and, can heal such pc
htieal disorders. 1
] i, or< i Cr ! oUr,<lcrsfand '> mnrr AiHv, the dif
-11 a( J tls *‘Rg this unhappy contest, on
any other ground, it may not be improper to
\ 11 a view of fhc constitutional
objections, that if may he clenrhy seen, bow
j ffi’eless it is to expert that it can be yielded
• 'J'ose wlm have embraced it.
(I ' f Vu the power.**, vr.t'erf bv
lie t -orstitution in Congress, are rut. only re
t . r | C f ! ( v limitations expressly iropc.sc’*?,
1 sf> .V 'he nature end object ofthe rev
f-T ' tiicn,selves. 1 him though the power to
impose duties on imports be oranfed in "<”■
' val f'-jr.r -- •<!■-... • *.. .