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I.—-- t Liberty is eternal vigilance.
t 1 Federal Union.
I r ,., r( >ii> —in the Georgia Journal
B^th/instant, 1 have read an.acldrcss
l hc ; -itjzcns of the United States, sign-
K\v II Crawford.’’ i which the autlior
■ '"hnv name in rather an unfriendly
I 1L5 ;.,, r ,;. 0 us manner more so, I presume,
have done at a calm and lucid
fej’thispublication limited in its circula-
W , the people of Georgia, where Mr.
iibrdandmvselfare both fully known 1
nki not deem it necessary to pay the slight
attention to his denunciations. But the
,„ r Mr Crawford once had in the United
£S; iV mislead some portion of the read-
Kc' whole of his disparaging charges, I
f , the most unqualified denial. lle knows
* 11 be false. He knows that I have been
uJ, waling Republican, throughout my
, . j- e> He knows that lam no ‘Vttftt
! ” He knows my firmness and indepen
* (rm mortified experience. He knows
, a ’/d,oii"fi in mV youth I supported him
various minor offices, I abandoned him a-
L (in y OW n popular interest, and contrary
E wishes of many of my personal friends—
Bn I believed that the interest of my coun-
Bicu'iired me to do so. He knows that
Intimate knowledge of his political course
Leed me, tiiat lie was utterly unworthy
the public confidence to which he as-
Mi.
b cause in my youth I had supported Mr.
vvford for a seat in the Legislature, and o
.offices, and when he aspired to the Pres
liCV of the Unit* and States, I preferred An
l j a ckson, Mr. Crawford accuses me of
[,it of Republicanism' —of) olitical aposta
of making a somerset, <S:c. —Time has
Lin Georgia, when Mr. Crawford had the
:ied means and art to make the majority
(e people believe, that Republicanism
Lted in supporting him in all bis ambi
[schemcs of self aggrandizement, but he
but-lived his arts—his political juggling
mi end
-1.,: peopb’ of Georgia are no longer under
fetation of Mr. Crawford. Tiie passport |
peer and distinction, are real*, or supposed
It ,intrinsic worth of character. The peo-!
bf Georgia do not at present, believe me j
Lvo been a Federalist, because 1 support- j
iiidnn Jackson for the Presidency in
ronco to \Vrn. H. Crawford,
fir copy of Crawford’s letter to Mr. Raich,
lh passed through my hands, was tmexpec
r received !*y me, witliout any previous
Wedge of its existence- l transmitted it
Hr. Calhoun, with the feelings and cpin-
II thru entertained, and if 1 labored under
■ misapprehension in regard totheopin
l :)f others. 1 was not singular in that ros
■—nor do 1 feel that 1 have any cause of
Hie, for my feelings then expressed; they 1
■ continue to be creditable to me in the !
■nation of every honorable man—although j
H were written without the slightest expec- {
Hnuf being laid before the public.
Hr. Crawford is entirely mistaken in rc-
Btoray humble pretensions. 1 made no 1
Heisions to the spirit of prophecy or
Hi.mtDix.VßV sagacity.’ 1 stand amongst
■number, wliom Mr. Crawford reproaches
■ the epithet of ibnorancr, for having
Hpnvd and supported General John Clark :
Hnst the oppressions and persecutions of
■ Crawford and liis co-workers. I have j
Hr submitted to the humiliation, of setting
Hl* political creed of any man—as the un- 1
Hy standard eforthordoxy- I have a much j
H>r standard, ’l’m: Constitttion or my I
Bmey, in arriving at a true interpretation |
ava| l myself of the lights of those
B : nul statesmen, who have sealed their
■'v to their country, hv the tenor of their
Hbhv's.
H supported Mr Crawford for the
Buhncv, | nave no doubt he would have
H |,|(r| id me a pure Republican—But as l
H'iime doubts upon the subject of his uni-
B Krpuhlieantsm, I will, in conclusion,
B n "il.itew interrogatories to Mr. Craw-
B, tow it;
B l : Bid you, or did yon not. draft and
Uithe Augusta Address in the, year 175*8
■ unitinih it confidence in the firmness,
and wivloM" of the administration of John
H,I’’ 1 ’’ lSc: 'd It yea, what was year uge at that
B'-J. \\ as it not one of vour first acts in
Btuateyf the United States'in the year 1807,
■ i.i? auisl Binbartro, recommended by
t 0 save pur immense mercantile
HL A ll,l j f desolating sweep of the French
H 1 ’ a ' l ' kriii.-li orders in < lotmeil ? And was
Bril I'r ‘ su . re u ‘ n considered the. touch stone
■ I 11 ) lcanisin 1 And was not your vote then,
B,'n' r corded, with the Federal minority
B^ ,n 1 nnrithy Pickering?
1> • iL Mhen Mr. Jefferson and the Re-!
B- 'butv determined to abandon the Kni
■ > nut prepare tor more decisive measures, I
B, '" Jt tl !°" °Pl>osed to its repeal ? And do
■ ' think, that the embargo was oxpeili
■ ''*■ i:t stage, when you voted against
Bi • ll “ 1 jse in its continuance, when you
Biw in J
WJ-M- Bid yap, or did you not, about
BC-y- 'J' O wild affections upon the
8.i.;! 1,1 * * w ' r ' ai *d commence your political
di llie Federalists ?
Bid you not treat Mr, Madison’s
Bf ’C'pusing preparatory measures fori
Be' "and adiqonish tlje .Senate a-
Bth. ,’,r’ ! p !> l ,r '“P‘ lra tory to war ? contending
Hi", hmuaraj ought, to have been ailher-
H ~kd you not afterwards, when tie.
Bullies" 1 ,Il . evital,lp i pronounce it worse than
B j' 1 ddnk of supporting our Commerce
Bp ,p ( . ’ lll j M lien the question of the late war
B ot "Ji , ',rti.' |,Jre ( ’ o,, sresn, (though you fiual-
B kb. 110 n ( l ? a . 51,r,; 0 was not your support,
Bon'-, 1 ! I ‘‘‘Clicieut, and equivocal; during
81,B 1, !*!,,, 110113 Slr| igglc in the Stmau- of the
Bririit" s ' you once raise your
Bji. I ll p i ' l,orl!
Bd'ii'l;!, o’. ! )ill y°’- not soon after the war
Bp r ‘ . r< -'* ,l feT , ‘ from responsibility and
r i ' Bourt, and there remain in
H a "ar, danger, and responsibility bad
Bi’-'b'm' , Allho Sh yw shrunk from tlie're-
H: so'.r,-f, SUsta,n, ng the War, were you not
B i* l .. In o' ;rt 10 ret,ir " of peace, ambitiously
B' "liwe'wi •’ ? XUHi cei s "ra.bl means, to Unit
■'a i*. J"’ . 1 n - Te 'tfnl' people h 4 jjlmost
B'• I !' ! ’* ! ' r l |, ' J 'vd ih live reward of the long
Bit ||, l “ 1Sot Mr. Monroe?
B' , 'ri !,■ l” ,rJi "inst this subject further, and
I ' 'ks iVicmh, wli.it benefits*
j has Georgia ever derived from the services of Mr.
Crawford ? What justice is there, in denouncing
every man, who has too much independence to
yield obedience to the dictatorial mandates of an
aristocratic few ? WILSON LUMPKIN.
Monroe, 29th August, 1831.
MACON.
v- ' vv'i'A'A' Vn\ \\' i t•/>//,//,/>•:v/y
“Our Book relates to all the acts and employ*
rnents of man.”—Juvenai.
Tuesday, Sept, 1881.
OCP The Advkhtiser will - hereafterbe issued
on Wednesday iaoruings and Friday evenings,
New ( niton.
A parcel of new cotton of this year’s crop, the
first which has reached our market, was received
at Messrs. Blanton and Smith s Ware House on
Saturday last. It was raised on the plantation of
Mr. John Jones of Houston County, and sold for
9 cents.
It is estimated by intelligent planters, that in
consequence of the increased ravages of the wet
Ho!, the present crops of cotton will fall short,
considerably. In our next, we will present the
disastrous accounts which wc havqtoeceived from
various parts of this and the neighboring states.
Accounts from Mississippi, Alabama, and South
Carolina, represent their cotton as very
much affected by’, that destructive disease. In
deed from the general prevalence of the late
storm, we are apprehensivo that all the cotton
growing States are lahoring’under a similar aflke
tiofi.
of the &si (Prior four!.
On Saturday last, an election was held at the
Court-House in this place, for a Justice of the In
ferior Court, to till the vacancy produced by the
resignation ol Luke Boss, Esq. which resulted in
the election ot Senaca Bennett, Esq. The
votes we re,
For Senaca Bennett, 177
Nathan C. Muuroe, 133
On the same day, Timothy Matthews, Esq.
resigned his seat as one of the Justices of the In
ferior Court for this county.
iTlucon.
Out literary "character has been very much mis
represented abroad. A late Alexandria, [II. C.]
paper stated, that “in Macon, a town containing
; a population of 2GOO persons, there is nut a single
Teacher .” This statement, as might reasonably
i he expected, attracted the attention of every
Knight of the Ferular and Horn Book, who had
no “little school-boys Jackies” to whip, as well
as the notice of tiiuse, desirous to improve their
situation by the presupposed attraction held out
:to them. In consequence, our worthy Post Mas
ter and his Post Office, have been inundated with
letters from Pedagogues of all descriptions from
North, South, East, and West, lamenting in pa
thetic terms, our illiterate condition, and patriot
ically offering their services to come among us,
and teach our Tyro’s “how to shoot”—not mar-
A/es—but “young ideas.” Now, “Be it known
to ali Men” and Women, “to whom those pre
sents shall come,”
That the Alexandria Paper has most shameful
ly traduced our goodly Town of Macon—and that
tor the better edification of those abroad, we rive
the following facts, viz.:
That, four years are yet to elapse, before we,
the aforesaid Town of Macon, reach our tents,
and yet wo have a population verging upon 3000
souls, which is annually increasing. That we
are too, as plentifully supplied, within our corpo
rate limits, with Doctors, Lawyers, and Teach
ers, both ecclesiastical and literary, as we arc
with eithpr blackberries, musquetoes, or cat-fish.
That we have five schools in town, three of which
are Classical, beside a female academy in our vi
cinity—all of which are respectably conducted.
And that, for our County, the traveller cannot
speed through it quick enough to save the tym
panum oi his cars from the cracking reports of
B-A-K-K-B, (Baker,) and CON-with a coil, an 1
STAN with a stap, and TI with a ti, and NO
with am, and PLE pell, with a Constantinople ,
unless, perchance, he most religiously invokes
the genius of Dilworth and Webster to protect
him from these thundering and appalling detona
tions, which like the percussive ery of a popular
assembly in Rome, killed as our veritable histo
rians say, 200 black Crows, more or less, that
' were flying over the Campus Martius at the time
when the cry was uttered.
This statement of ours may ho considered
whimsical —but it is no less true as regards the
main facts. We make it to prevent future mis
representations abroad. W e would, however,
seriously observe in conclusion, that although we
are in a thriving way, yet our increasing resour
ces are amply sufficient to support and encourage
as many enlightened, industrious, and enterpris
ing men as may choose to come among us, —and
that wo are as ready to give them as hearty a shake
of the hand, and as hospitable a reception as they
will meet with any where.
]?lr. TBt Sdoiiaid.
In reporting the opposition which was made to
Mr. Lamar's Free Trade Resolutions, we were
actuated by the most liberal feelings towards the
antagonists of that measure. We. well knew,
that the people of Georgia, almost to a man,
viewed the present Tariff, as an act of injustice
and oppression—and knowing this, we were
surprsied that thore could he iouud in this commu
nity an individual, aspiring to their confidence,
! who was so lost to their interests, as to endeuv
! or to circumvent the patriotic and constitutional
j attempts which they have been so long making to
olefin redress n* the hands ol tip; Genera 1 Gov
ernment. It is true, that we might liave conten
ted ourself with merely saying, that Mr. McDon
ald was opposed to the Resolutions, without no
ticing his Interrogator;/ ; as such a course would
have superceded the necessity of his ingenious de
fence, and placed him, without the necessity of
further comment, where he has always been, in
the ranks of dist{ffccted the opposed to the best in
terests of Georgia. We could have done this—
but, as we felt a disposition to give him all the
benefit which he could derive from especial plea
ding oi political quibblings, in explaining away
his heresies, it would he only fair and honorable
to bring him before the public in such a tout/ that
neither his words nor arguments could possibly
he misconceived. We have effected our object
and shall now proceed to prove, from the gen
t.eman s own letter, which will he found in an
other part of our paper, that we liave represented
him correctly. Before doing this, however, we
must observe, that Mr. McDonald’s intimation
that we got the statement of the proceedings on
the Free I rade Reso! Nations, trom a malicious , am
bitious, and interested informant, is altogether
gratuitous—the assertion is a mere coinage of his
own disturbed imagination* The facts of the
meeting, as we furnished them, were received
from authentic and respectable sources, the cred
ibility of which could not have been affected ni
ter by ourpresence or absence. But now to the
letter:
Mr. McDonald confounds inexpediency with in
justice and oppression , and therefore concludes
that a law of Congress may be constitutional, and
at the same time unjust and oppressive . If a Ju
rist, or Statesman, supposed to be acquainted
with the laws or economy of our government j
were to hazard, as Mr. McDonald has done, such 1
a monstrous absurdity as this, he would not only j
forfeit all pretensions to the confidence of the !
people, but afford the most convincing proof of i
his incapacity to serve them, either in a political
or judicial capacity. What! is it come to this,
that in a free country, boasting of the purity of
its institutions, weean find a man so ignorant or
depraved as to assert, that her constitutional dis
pensations are unjust and oppressive?—and then
paradoxically conclude, that such dispensations,
because he deems them constitutional ought not
to he resisted by every peaceable and energetic
means in our power? Unfortunately, we have
such a man among us, and he is to be found in
the person of Charles J. McDonald, Esq- for
merly Judge of the Flint Circuit, and now a can
didate for the same office at the ensuing election.
By Ills own declarations, he has convinced the
people, that lie does not understand the difference
between inexpediency, and injustice and oppression
—and that he is utterly ignorant that the former,
implies mere!}- inconvenience and unfitness, and
that the latter involve in their definitions wrong,
cruelty, iniquity and crime*. By this admission,
lie directly tells the people, that it is their duty to
yield a passive submission to wrong,cruelty, and
crime: and that to oppose such tyranny, even by
by a resort to first principles, is not a right to
which they are entitled, it is in vain for the
gentleman to get over the dilemma in which he
has placed himself, by his garbled and unhallow
ed appeals to the sacred, venerated, and patriotic
opinions of Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson.
The attempt to enlist them in the support of sue},
anti-republican doctrines, by irrelevant quota
tions, is at once a slander upon their irropr.acha-,
tile characters, and an insult to the good sense of
the American people.
During the period of President Washington's
Administration, the Tariff of duties upon imports
was barely sufficient to answer the disbursements
of the government; the resources of which was
then so limited, and its exigencies so great, that a
resort to extraordinary means, was inadequate to
a rigorous support of its operations. But even
under the heavy pressure of fiscal affairs, result
ing fro'm the exhausted resources of our country,
and the impoverished condition of the three mill
ions of her inhabitants, Washington refrained from
recommending to Congress any measure which
aimed at the PROTECTION of one branch of
industry to the detriment of another. It is true,
that when turning hfs patriotic attention to the
welfare of the States, he advised us as a people,
without reference to particular “benefactions'’ or
sectional monopolies to Improve and promote,
equally and alike, our Commerce, our agricul
ture, and our Manufactures. Never, however,
did it enter into his equitable and enlightened
policy that one portion of the people of these free
and independent Stales should be taxed for the
benefit of the other. And if irt a crisis of the ut*
most exigency,he should refrain from the advo
cacy of such a partial and unjust ordinance, how
abhorrent to him would be its recommendation |
now, when the National Debt is almost extin- J
guished, when the whole resources of the coun
try are in full play, and when we are “almost lit- )
erally floating upon the high tide of successful ex* 1
periment.” Such a recommendation, in his esti
mation, wou;d at this time he treason to the Coun-'
try, particularly when it is recollected that the
PROTECTORS now call for an imposition of
duties at hundred per rent, greater thali
what was considered necessary for the purposes
of revennue, at a period when the Treasury of the
U. States could not show one dollar in the thou
sand as much as it now can.
The financial situation of the government, du
ring the administration ot Thomas Jefferson la
bored under similar embarrassments, but the pro
tecting largesses which are now bestowed Upon
the manufacturers were never asked for, nor advo*
cated by him. But, as it will occupy too much
of our time at present to expose the fallacy of Mr.
McDonald, in appropriating to himself the opin
ions of that illustrious statesman, as well as those
of the present distinguished Chief Magistrate of
the U. States, we are compelled to reserve the
continuation of our strictures for the next runnier.
Afrer which, wc will endeavor to prove, that it is
the insidious, or unintelligent movements of such
men as the Hon. Ex-Judge that are lighting up
the torch of civil discord and blazoning to the
world the odious features of Nullification. 'Pis
they who raised the storm which is beating upon
our heads; and alarnfed at its fury, they arc now
seeking shelter from the violence of the elements
they first niit in motion.
JBr. Bounpkiu's Letter.
This gentleman writhes under the exposition
of Ids political mmndarings, as exhibited by the
Hon. V. m. 11. Crawford, in his Address to the
People ot the United States. The bitterness of
teeling, and the mortification of spirit which Mr.
L. evinces in his Letter to the Editors of the Fed
eral l nion, seals the truth of Mr. C’s statement.
• s 'ucli an angry ebullition, made up of inuendoes
and abuse, could never come from an honest po
litician who was desirous of justifying his con
duct lx-fore a reflecting and patriotic people.
Mr. L. need not think to divert public attention
from his tergiversations, by putting interrogato
ries to Mr. Crawford. It is an old and shallow
trick, which has been resorted to unsuccessfully,
by as great delinquents as Mr. L., and by wiser
heads than the one which he carries upon his
shoulders* All that he lias got to do, is, to dis- 1
prove the charges which have been fixed upon
him. Let him convince the People, in the very
teeth of his RECORDED VOTES, that he was
not THE GREATEST MONOPOLIZING
RESF.RVER OF PUBLIC LANDS, that ever
figured in our Legislature,—and that he did not
propose an OPPRESSIVE SYSTEM OF TAX
ATION, which, had it been adopted, WOULD.
HAVE RUINED ALL THE POOR PLANT
EILS IN THE STATE. Let Mr. Lumpkin do
this, if he can —and it will then be time enough
for him to file his speculating Interrogatories a
gaiiist Mr. Crawford.
-■ .. ■" 'x'jj- m
i out in Mii imt ions.
For tin- Jlacvn Advertiser.
Mr. Slade,
Your remarks on the subject of
Mr. Lamar’s resolutions, in your paper of the
sth inst, met my eye for the first time, last
evening. Not having observed you at that
meeting. I was not a littlp surprised to disco
ver that you had given a partial history of its
proceedings, in such manner as to leave the
impression upon the public mind that you
were both a spectator and a heater. Before
you professed to report truly the speeches and
opinions of gentlemen whom you did not hoar,
it appears to me, that it would have been de
cent in you to have inquired of them, if they
had been correctly represented to you, and not
to have confided in any statement which the
inalifec or ambition of an interested informant
might have imposed on you. lam not oppos
ed to placing the public in possession of my
opinions. 1 declared on a former and public
occasion, that I believed the law constitution
al, but inexpedient. Now, sir, it seems that
concentrating all the faeultiesof youf nrindon
the subject, you cannot conceive how an op
pressive or unjust law can be constitutional;
but perhaps hv the exercise of your ordinary
powers Of discrimination you may he enabled
to distinguish between the expediency and
constitutionality of a public measure. I pro
pose to show you that 1 am not singular in my
opinion of the constitutional power of Con
gress to pass such an act—but before 1 pro
ceed to this it may be proper to correct the er
ror which you have Committed in giving my
interrogatory to tile public. You say that. 1
wished to be informed “if the Free Trade
convention at Philadelphia, can act constitu
tionally ?” Now, Sir, 1 asked no such ques
tion. I asked in what manner the Convention
at Philadelphia could effect a repeal of the
Tariff! Or, in what manner they could con
stitutionally act upon a law of Congress to ef
fect its repeal ? 1 reiterate the questions to
you. It will be fully for you to say, as you
intimate in your remarks, that the object is
to exercise the constitutional right, of the peo
ple, “peaceably to assemble and petition the
government for a redress of grievances.” it
is intended for no such purpose. The people
can petition at home, and I can assure you,
sir, that the complaints of the people, spon
taneously expressed, will always he more effi
cacious in accomplishing their wishes, than
when assembled by the call of ambitious and
designing demagogues, and urged to expres
sions of discontent. The Convention at Phi
ladelphia Can only pass resolutions to produce
IVesh and more violent excitement amongst
the people, who have been already Ibngenough
distracted by party and political dissentions.
IFsuch a Convention could succeed in bring
ingabout a reduction of the duties on imposts,
it would he more desirable, but inasmuch as
tiie decisions and resolutions of the delegates
can have no binding influence on Congress,
their proceedings can he expected to have no
other effect than the excitation of the afigry
passions of the community—-such an effect
every patriot must depfecate.
But this, I suppose, is a measure preparato
ry to a forcible resistance Of a law of Con
gress. Mr. Crawford in the brightest days of
his intellect and of his fame, declared that he
knew of hut two modes of resisting the autho
rity or execution of a law dfCongress, the one
was by an ekercise of the elective franchise,
and the other by an appeal to the sword, that
the former mode is constitutional, that the
latter is unknown to the constitution* Now
sir, the avowed object of the Convention at
Philadelphia is to act upon a law of Congress.
What constitutional action can by that body
Ik: brought to bear upon the law? Will you
repudiate the sound doctrines of your leader,
and adopt new principles as political emer
gencies may require ? If so, you should aban
don a calling whose only object should be to
direct the people in the ways of prosperity and
happiness.
You ought to reflect, that the first sfcp of
disorganization, is a direct attack upon the li
berty of the country; and that all history
shews to us that the march from anarchy to
despotism is but short. But sir, I proposed
to shew to you that I am not singular in the
opinion that Congress has the constitutional
power to,pass the law under consideration.
Men whose capacity to form such an opinion
cannot be questioned by you, find w/lio tho
roughly understood all the powers of Con
gress under the Constitution, maintained the
same doctrines. Gen. Washington, in his
message to Congress in 1790, in speaking of
tire interesting objects which should engage
their attention, remarks, that “ their” (a free
1 people’s) “ safety and interest require that
I they should promote such manufactories as
! tend to render them independent on others,
' for essential, particularly, for military sup-
I plies.” Now you perceive that that great and
(good man believed that Congress had the
[tower to promote manufactories, or why pre
sent the expediency of the matter for their
consideration. Mr. Jefl'erson, in one of his
communications to Congress, remarks—that
“ Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and
navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity,
are then most thriving when left most free to
individual enterprise. Protection front casual
embarrassments, however, may sometimes be
seasonably interposed. If in the course of
your observations or enquiries, they should
appear to need any aid , within the limits of
our constitutional powers, your sense of their
importance is a sufficient assurance they will
occupy your attention.” Here isunequivocal
evidence of the opinion of President Jefl'erson,
that Congress possesses the power under the
Constitution, even to aid or protect, manufac
tures. He presents the subject for the consi
deration of Congress, leaving the means by
which it might be accomplished to their dis
cretion. Li another place, Mr. Jefl’erson re
marks to Congress—that “ Tocujtivate peace
and maintain commerce and navigation in all
their lawful enterprises ; to foster our fishe
ries as nurseries of navigation, and for the I
nurture ol man, and protect the manufactures , 1
adapted to our circumstances,-&c. Ac. are the
landmarks by which vve are to guide ourselves
in all our proceedings.”
11 more unequivocal testimony were requir
ed to prove the opinions of Mr. Jefl’erson, it
may be found in a subsequent communication
to Congress, when asurplusof revenue wasa
bout to be accumulated in the Treasury—lie |
says, “the question therefore now comes for- !
ward, to what other objects shall these sur
pluses be appropriated, and the vviioty- surplus
ol import, after the entire discharge of tile
public debt, and during those intervals when
the purposes of war shall not call for them?
Shall )vc suppress the impost, and give that
advantage to foreign over domestic nutnufac
tor es? On a few articles of more general and
necessary use, the supjwession in due season, I
will doubtless he right, but the groat mass of j
the articles ou which impost is paid, are I
foreign luxuries purchased by those only who j
are rich enough to afford themselves the use of
them. Their patriotism would certainly pre
fur its continuance and application to the great
purposes of the public education, roads, ri vers,
canals, and such other objects of public im
provement as it may he thought proper to add
to the constitutional enumeration of federal
powers,” Here is a recommendation of Mr.
Jefl’erson, not only to continue the duties, but
to continue them when it was not necessary
to do so for purposes of revenue, for the encou
ragement of domestic manufactures, and sug
gests the propriety of adding to the enumera
tion ot federal powers, to enable Congress to
dispose of, for the public good, the funds
which would necessarily arise from its conti- j
nuance. Will you declare that Gen. Wash
ington and Mr. Jefl’erson were not republi- J
cans! Apply your new test of Republican |
orthodoxy to them and what w ill you make of
them! Will you venture to assort that they
were federalists, or that they were unfriend
ly to the country ? Docs not General Jack
son maintain that the Tariff is constitu- j
tional, and do you intend ou that account
to oppose his re-election (o the Presidency ? j
It is known that you support a candidate l
for the state legislature who believes that
the Tariff is Constitutional; and I say not '
this sir, to disparage the pretensions of any j
candidate for popular favor, but to shew the
elasticity of the principles of a man who can
support one person with such principles, while
he would make it the ground of objection to
another. You would he insulted if l were to
call yon a rtullilier, but if yttu Contend that the )
law of Congress commonly known as the Ta- j
ritj’act, is unconstitutional, you cannot be tin- j
aware, that the Nullification party of South-j
Carolina originated this opinion, and that j
they make it the ground-work of their Untir
ing hostility to the general government. They
endeavor first to impress the public with a be
lief of the unconstitutionality of the law, and
knowing the just at tachment of the people to
the Constitution, they then ekeite them against!
Congress and the government for refusing the )
repeal of the unconstitutional act. This is ]
the course of the Nullified, and in this man- •
ncr Nullification is to he insidiously intro-1
duced into Georgia* Your malevolent chari- i
ty impelled you to select a motive to apply to !
me for Opposing the resolutions; and in the j
exuberance of your kindly feelings you have !
imputed to ine An uncompromising attach- !
incut to the Tariff’and a settled opposition to i
the expressed will of the people bf Georgia. !
Now, as you have professed to he ignorant of
the difference between an unjust and oppres
sive law and an unconstitutional one, it w ould
he useless to argUe with you upon this point.
Feigned or w ilful ignorance is always hard to
combat; arid 1 win content myself bv saying
it is improper and impolitic in my opinion, to
impose duties to an amount more than suffi
cient to meet all the exigencies of the gov
ernment, and that in a national view, the pro- j
tcctive system should not he extended be- !
yond what is necessary for supplies, which j
are essential in time of war. If Sir, you are
desirous of knowing iny motive in opposing j
the resolutions ; it is an uncompromising at- •
tacinnent to the union of the states, and an j
unalterable and steady hostility to every
measure which tilav, in my Opinion, tend even
remotely, to theif dismemberment: The un
ion is the ark of our political safety : The j
people of these states united from Maine to j
Iyouisiana, in the bonds of fraternal Nr patriot
ic feeling, can preserve for themselves, for
over the .tossings of liberty and free govern
ment! but it torn by violent dissensions, they
may look for nothing but perpetual discord :
among themselves, and may expect to fall an
easy pfey to an invading enemy. The peo
ple of these United States more than all oth
ers have occasion to be grateful to a kind
Providence, who seemed to be for us in the
storms of our revolution, a pillar of fire by
night, and a pillar of cloud by day, to lead us
to independence and deliver us from bond
age, As remarked by General Washing
ton —“every step by which (We) have advan
ced to the character of an independent na
tion} seems to have been distinguished by
some token of providential agency.” Nei
ther the bickerings of jealousy, nor the strifes
of ambition, should lead us to forget arid
abuse the great blessing which wO enjoy—ln
governments of the republican form the will
of dfe majority must necessarily govern, hut
I this will shouln not he ex ./ms* ; to the op
pression of the minority, for this would even
tually lead to evil consequences—when gov
ernment ceases to be for the benefit ot the
governed and incases of intolerable oppres
sion there is a right paramount to the consti
tution, possessed, from nature, the right of re
volution, to which resort may be made. But
distant, far distant, he the day, when a citizen
of one member of this great confederacy may
be inet by that offanother, when they may not
greet each other as brethren.
ciiarles j. McDonald.
FROM THE CEORGIAN. “
The follow ing is an extract of a letter from a
correspondent at Milledgeville, to the Editors.—
The Troup party will most assuredly, (if
the intelligence which I have received from
all the counties of the state is to be relied
on, and 1 think it may) have a majority in the
Senate from six to ten; in the 11. of R. about
20 to 25.—-Changes in our favor may be look
ed for with confidence in the senatorial branch,
in the counties of Baldwin, Jones, Jasper,
Bibb, Monroe. Newton, Marion, Crawford,
Carrol, Thomas, Early, Baker, Lowndes, Co
lumbia, Richmond, and I learn by a letter
from Camden, that Mangiun will succeed over
Stewart in Glynn. I know-of but three coun
ties where there is even the prospect of a
loss.
Some apprehension is felt by those who are
over tiinnl, in regard to the Governor’s elec
tion. The large vote Mr. Lumpkin received
for Congress, is the “raw head and bloody
hones” which alarms them. It is illusive; it
has deluded the Clark people*—and they will
find it so to their cost. Mr. L. cannot receive
such a vote again, for any station, as wiley
and hypocritical us he is, he cannot deceive
the people now r . In those large north-western
counties where it was said Governor Gilmer
had lost ground in corisequcgCcof Iris Indian
measures of last winter, I am asssured by an
intelligent -gentleman who has just returned
from a visit to that section of the State that
the loss is trivial—-and that he will receive
very nearly the unanimous support of the
Troup party.
From the Washington City Globe.
MIL BRANCH.
To the Editor of the Globe :
Washington, 31st August, 1831.
Sir-—Mr. Branch, in a letter dated 22d
inst. to the Editor of the “Roanoke Advo
cate,” written for publication, says, he told
Maj. Eaton, that if he “would obtain the con
“sent of Iris brother-in-law, Maj. Lewis, to
“read a confidential correspondence which
“passed between Maj. L. and myself, in the
“winter, of 1827-28, on this disturbing sub
“jeCt, he would then be convinced of the dis
interestedness and correctness of my
“course, Ac.”
“I might have gone further, and said that.
“Maj. Lewis, in 1827-’2B, when there could
“be no unworthy motive to mislead either of
“us considered Mrs* Eaton an unsafe associ
ate for his daughter, although he v.as now
“endeavoring to induce Gin. Jackson to
■ “drive me out ot the Cabinet, because 1 wool 1
I “not compel my daughters to associate with
| “her.”
I will not stop to enquire by what right a
gentleman arid a man of honor presumes to
speak of a correspondence, considered by
both partieg to be confidential, without ask
ingor obtaining permission. Upon that point
I leave him to his own reflections. As to
the circumstances alluded to in that corrcs
pondcnce, I have to sav, that the gossip tales
hf this City, had reached mein Nashville;
and not. having the means to ascertain their
truth or falsehood, residing, as I did, 809
miles from Washington, it wrs natural for me
to desire information from some friend on the
subject, before I permitted my daughter trt
reside in the family. Maj. Eaton under
whose protection I placed her while going to
school in the City, at that time boarded with
Major O’Neal, the father of Mrs. Eaton.
When I came here in 1829,1 found Mrs.
Tiinberlake, Hit wife of Maj. Eaton, whom I
believe to be one of the purest men living.—
That he had joined himself forlife to that lu*
dy, was, to me, the strongest evidence of her
purity ; and having here an opportunity to
enquire into the reports I had heard, 1 satisfi
ed myself that they were totally without
foundation. Had Mr. Branch been disposed
to tell the whole truth, he would have said,
that I had become so completely satisfied,
with regard to the subject 6f rny enquiry,
that when l brought the same daughter to
this city again, one of my first acts was to
take her to insist Air. atid Mrs* Eaton, at
whose house we spent much of our time.
The honor of attempting to degrade and
drive from society the wife of a confiding and
deserving friend upon reports, which, to use
his own language “he did not pretend to inti
ntatc that there was the least truth inf I wil
lingly leave to Mr. Branch. Ido not envy
the rutin, u ho, under such circumstances:,
would not only sacrifice the wife of a friend,
hut flic mother of the two 6r(*han daughters,
whose reputations would be destroyed with
hers.
1 have only to add, that the charge of my
“endeavoring to drive him. (Mr. Branch) out
of the Cabinet, because he would not compel
his daughters to associate w itli Mrs. Eaton,”
is wholly unfounded; and it Str. Branch did
not know it to be so, he might have known it,
• if he had made the proper enquiry.
f atn, with much respect,
! Your obedient servant: W. B. LEWIS. *
Liverpool, July 23,183 L
The sales efCotton this ivek amount to
bales of all descriptions. The market has been
(lull and depressed throughout the week, and ia
many cases low prices liave been accepted for the
lower qualities of American, while good and fine
Coirtmand the full previous currency, and aro
Comparatively scarce; 1000 bales American
were taken on speculation, principally Up
lands at 5 per pound. The import of the
i week is 17,800 hales, and since the Ist January
jit reaches 5*20, 800, against 510,900 to this period
‘hist year; there ki decrease in the supply from *
| the United States 0f45,000 bales.
%%/ r ILL be sold on the first Tuesday in Dec* m-
V V her next at Forsyth, one Lot of Land NY
11*2 in the seventh district of Monroe County
sold as tile property of Catharine Danser, late of
Jefferson county- deceased, Sold for the benefit
! of the heirs and creditors of said deceased.
GEORGE WY COLLINS, Adm’r.
j Sept. 5,133 L 41—OOds