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„ _ A poet’s hand and prophet's fire,
Struck the wild waddings ot’ his lyre.”
TO ANNA MARIA.
Smooth be your path of life and strewn with
flowers,
Her fortune’s sunshine—there retiring bowers;
No rougher storms, than mild refreshing
showers,
And those fall gently •
Ne’er may the withering blast of grief destroy,
Or envy’s baleful canker-worm annoy,
Those sweet unclosing buds of infant joy,—
That bloom around thee!
May the fair myrtle with the olive join,
And all life’s gayest flowers their sweets com
bine —
To form a wreath for that pure brow of thine,
• My lovely Anna.
*To bless thy steps may these bright emblems
grow,
And grace th se walks where s reams of wis
dom flow,
Deriving loveliness from the mild glow,
Of truth and virtue !
May watchful angels keep thee as ,hou art,
And guard from every snare tliy youthful
heart.;
And mayest thou never from the path depart,
That leads to heaven !
c. a. w.
TO HELEN.
Helen—farewell! tfiy spell is o’er,
The charm which bound, now binds no more
My heart, thy chilling scorn hath riven,
And from thy shrine it3 votary driven.
Lady adieu! ’tis winter now—
Cold as the gloom that shades thy brov’,
The hollow blasts that round me sigh,
Remind mo ofleves broken ties.
Helen—to thy bright smile, farewell 1
Never shall babbling-echo tell
That I have loved—and thou hast scorned--
That thou hast triumphed—l have mourned.
Lady—my friendship still is thine-
All other claims I now resign,
I still can wish thee joy and peace,
Although with me these blessings cease.
M j^ 00000
Free Trade t onvenl ion.
From the Philadelphia Gazette.
Wednesday, October 5.
At 12 o’clock, the meeting was called to
tjrdcr.
The Minutes of the last meeting were
read by the Secretary.
The following Letter from James Ronald
son, Esq. of Philadelphia, was received, and
read to the Convention.
'J’o the President and Free Trade Convention at
Philadelphia.
Cedar Street, Sept. 11, 18:31.
Gentlemen: The character? of the members j
ot' this Assembly, have led us to conclude, j
Xhat they have met, not to distract tlar public j
mind, by theorizing abstract arid doubtlul,
principles of civil right; but to develope use-'
till forts —the know ledge of which, may ad-;
vancc the general prosperity of the United j
States, and the comfort and respectability oi j
our fellow-citizens. j
The World has seen the greatest Divines,
and most learned men, meet in Council, to!
determine the abstract rights and obligations !
of religion, and has seen them part without
having acquired credit for themselves, or
lmncfitting socie:y. The results might have |
Been far happier, had the same Assembly
confuted its attention to those practical sub
jects of moral duty, in which every individu
al has to play his part.
Now fact*, iu the deliberations of com
merce, and political economy, are useful as
simple good morals arc, in religion.
These prefatory remarks are intended to
introduce to your notice one of these—an
occurrence of common nature —but to explain
the cause of which, may have a bearing on
the object for which your Honorable Body
lias assembled.
Four years since, being engaged with an
'undertaking of some magnitude, (the con
struction of a cemetry, on anew plan,) and
js its success was very doubtful, economy cf
expenditure was an important object.
A large quantity of Iron was required, for
Tailing, Arc. Accordingly, I personally wait
ed on the principal Iron Founder's, inquiring
on what terms it might be furnished.
The lowest price was sixty-tire de'hirs per
ton; six tons being wanted. Thi was in the
wear 181*6.
This present year (1831) having occasion,
4o enlarge the cc.nctry, there is needed about
-the same quantity of iron—and of the same
description.
OriAvriung to the Iron Masters, 1 find that
-they are ready to furnish the same quantity
of iron, ntfffty-fvc dollars per ton.
This is a strikingly obvious fall of price;
and the •fact must be interesting to your
Honorable Body.
I trust tiie communication w ill be assigned
to its proper motive, viz. that you may, by
facts, and not theory, understand what the
policy of our government is producing, in the'
affairs of our country.
And I would respectfully recommend, that
this Convention would upjKiint aVommittee
to inquire into tlu- causes which have reduced
the price of Iron in four yearS, $lO per ton,
or 15 7 per cent, on the highest price.
And 1 would further respectfully suggest,
that the Committee be further instructed to
report an Opinion on the following Query :
“Y\hat would be the effect, on the price of
Iron, of perfect confidence, on tne part ot Public
a .and iron Manufacturers —that the present system
1S n .,t uncertain and vasciilating, but a permanent
ouui"
A similar reduction hts taken place in the
crticlu of Sugar, which equally deserves
your .special attention.
There arc other commodities, the produce
qf your country, ar.d of the labour of your fed
hi^-citizen*, which arc regularly coining into
■la.kct, of improved quality, and reduced
price—these will, iiogjkwbt, 1,1 A )e course of
your investigations, Be difly considered.
Ail which L submitted, in the
sincere hope that your Honorable Conven
tion may prove a benefit to your country, and
be produc lire of no evil.
JAMES RONALDSON.
Mr. Mitchell said that he had a (imposition
to submit to the Convention, which he thought
of great importance. He knew that ha was
not a practical man, and therefore felt great
timidity in submitting any thing which was
peculiarly of a practical nature. Of one !
thing he was certain: If hisroposi{joa was
weak or ill-advised, it woullfye rejected by
the good sense of the Convention; and if he
should stumble on a good sugL r <J®ui, he
would have the happiness to reflect that his
labours had not been in vain* Mr M. said,
that one of the most unjust and oppressive
featured of the tariff was the mode in which
duties were assessed. According to his un
derstanding of the Ae,t, there were three sets
of duties—specific minimum and ad valorem
duties. The two first, were fraught with in
justice, and violated every principle of com
mon sense. In both of them, the rate of duty
was low where the article was high and of
superior quality. It was specifically a tax on j
the poor, laid on articles of food and clothing.;
As in the instance of Coffee, the offal of the j
West-India market selling at 9 cents a pound, j
paid the same duty with the delicious coffee j
from Arabia, which cost 25 or 30 cents -the !
pound. Here the poor man paid the duty of;
33 1-3 per cent, on the cost of what he drank,I
while the rich man paid only a duty of 10 per J
cent. This was contrary to every principle j
of common sense. So it was with the duty
on Woollens. The coarse woollens worn by '
the poor man paid 75 or 100 per cent, duty
on the cost, \vliile the fine woollens of the rich
man paid no more than 45 per cent. Mr. M.
said this was intolerable injustice. Mr. M.
was for abolishing those duties, and substitu
ting an ad valoromduty on all imports. This
was the fair duty. The hurt lien or tax was
proportioned to the pockets of the consumer, j
lie begged leave to submit the following lie- j
solution:
Resolved, That the General Committe do inquire
into the expediency of recommending to Congress
the abolition of specific and minimum duties, and
the substitution (if an ad valorem duty on all im
ports. He moved that it should be referred to the
General Committee.” Adopted.
On motion of Mr. Jones, of Georgia, it was
Resolved, That the Coorcntidn accepted, with
grateful acknowledgments, the copies of the Re
port of the Committee on Commerce, presented
to them through the medium of
Mr. Mumford, of Netv-York. .
The Secretary informed the President,that
Letters of Invitation to visit the exhibition of
the Franklin Institute, were deposited on
his table. There was a Letter of Invitation
to each member of the Convention.
The President repeated the notice from
the Chaii.
On motion of Col. Preston, of South-Caro- j
lina, it was
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed toia- !
quire where the General Committee would be !
prepared to report.
Col. Preston and Mr. Roane, of Virginia, !
who were appointed on this committee, re-1
turned with information, that the General j
Committee would make a Report, either in ;
full, or in part, in a few minutes.
Col. Basset, of Virginia, offered a resolu
tion that a committee be appointed to raise
funds to defray the expenses incident to the
meeting of the Convention.
Mr. Richard Price, of Philadelphia, said
he hoped the resolution would not be adopt
ed. The Pennsylvania Delegation had made
arrangements for defraying the expenses of
the meeting.
I)f. Tidy man, of South-Carolina, said the
Convention was indebted to the politeness of
the Philadelphia Delegation for the arrange
ments made for the accommodation of the
meetiug: but there would be expenses for
printing, which he hoped the members of the
Convention, generally, would be suffered to
defray.
Mr. Price said that the expenses of print
ing had entered into the calculation of the
Piiiladelphia Committee.
Many gentlemen said they could not con
sent that the Philadelphia Delegation and the
citizens of Philhdelpbia, should bear all the
' expenses of the Convention, and it was
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to
confer with the Philadelphia Delegation on the
subject -
About 1 o’clock, the General Committee
entered the room.
Mr. Gallatin, the Chairman, said they
aiust request further time for consideration.
One of the papers, the Committee had been
directed to have prepared, had been submit
ted to them that morning. It was a long and
elaborate document. They had not yet had
time to go through it, in the manner they de
sired. If further time was granted to the
Committee, it would probably prove a saving
of time to the Convention. He was instruct
ed to say, that the Committee would be pre
pared to report at 4 o’clock.
Col. Swctt, of Massachusetts, said it was
important to economise time; and the Con
vention might profitably employ its time in
; transacting other business, while the Com
| rnittee was engaged in its deliberations. Ma
ny oftho members would soon be anxious to
go borne, as they had other business to attend
to. He would therefore move that the com
mittee have leave to sit, during the sessions
of the Convention.
Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, said he should
regret the adoption of this course. The con
tinuance of the Convention in session, while
the Committee was necessarily absent, would
subject those members who were on the com
mittee was necessarily absent, would subject
those members who were on the committee,
to an inconvenience to which they ought not
to be subjected.
Col. Strctt withdrew his motion; and it
was resolved that there should he a recess till
4 o’clock.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Convention met at ■! o’clock-
On motion of Mr. Barclry, of Philadel
phia, it was
Resolved, That Judge Baldwin he invited to
take a seat within the. Bar.
Mr. Barclay in answer to an inquiry made
by some members, said he had seen Judge
Baldwin amongst the auditors of the day.
Mr. Ilerrien said the General Committee
was prepared to report, and that, by their di
rection, he would rend an Address to the
People of the United States, which they had
ordered to be submitted to the Convention
for con3idtration-
The Address, which will be prononneed
by all an able and eloquent document, would
fijl five or six newspaper columns. It was
read by Mr. BERItIEN in a distinct, emphat
ic manner, so that it be heard in the mo3t re
mote part of the hall.
It begins with espressions of the most de
voted nationality,—then speaks of the evils
the American System occasions, of the dis
content it produces, and the painful solicitude
it. excites—asserts that these are not tran
sient feelings, and adverts to their probable
ulterior effects, if not soon removed. When
ever a feeling of inequality is produced, it ar
rays against the government a force, of simil
iar cnaructer to to that which supports the
government* As evidence that this “Ameri
can System”produces this feeling of inequal
ity the people are called to look to the char
acter of this assembly—an assembly unpara
leffed in the annals of our country—consist
ing of citizens and representatives of citizens,
assembled from various quarters of the Union,
complaining of injuries sustained, and of rights
violated.
Many of the the citizens (the address
states, not only assert the inexpediency of the
system, but doubt the power of the Govern
ment to establish it. An act may he literal-
I ly an execution of a granted power, and yet in
its spirit iu direct contravention of the con
stitution. An act might, for example, be
passed for the professed purpose of raising a
revenue by a duty on imports, and the duties
might be so high as to put an end to impor ,a
tion altogether. The address then adverts to
the difficulty of submitting to judicial investi
gation acts bearing the title of acts to raise a
revenue, which is a granted power, but in re
ality acts for the special encouragement of
maufacturcs, which is not a granted power.
If a fair appeal to the judicary is denied to
those who suffer, it becomes a case in which
the charter between the people and their
rulers must be considerud as violated.
The people are then called on to examine
the subject in connexion with tlie principles
of an enlightened political economy. Pro
tecting duties, do not create capital. They
only transfer it from one branch of business
to another. They cannot be said to encour
nge American industry, for they take us much
industry from some pursuits as they transler to
others. The restrictive systems adopted by
other nations, injure both themselves and ns;
and our retaliating duties increase the evils
which both suffer.
The reduction of price since 18-1 is de
clared to be common to articles protected and
not protected by the*Tafiff. It is owing iu
part to the diminished amount of circulating
medium, and in part to the astonishing im
provements made in the modes of production.
The fall in the price of cotton goods in other
countries has been greater than the fall in
the United States, a proof that the reduction
of the prices here, should not be attributed to
the Tariff.
The address then adverts to the distinction
between permanent and temporary duties for
the encour-agoment of manufactures. Even
the latter are tmnecessaiy, for where there is
a prospect of permanent gain, individu
als are willing to suffer a temporary loss.
The mutual dependence of nations in one
another, which is created by commerce, is de
clared to be beneficial. They from whom we
buy, are as dependant on us, as we are on
them.
As our remoteness from Europe, makes it
probable that our wars will be few, and our
intervals of peace of the longest duration, the
permanent policy of the country should be a
dapted to a state of peace. But even for a
state of war, the free trade policy is the best.
Money is the sinews of war, and its exigen
cies are best provided for, by enriching the
nation in time of pence.
The American system has a demoralizing
effect, as it induces smuggling.
The system operates very perniciously on
agriculture, and commerce, and also on some
branches of manufactures. A ship is the
proudest specimen of the American arts. It
is one of the earliest branches of American
mannfactures, ship building, having been
carried on extensively since a few years after
settlement of the country. We have raised
ship building from a mechanical to a fine art.
Ibis an art closely connected with our navy
and naval glory. This art, so important to the
country, is seriously injtjree by the tariff.
The duties imposed by the tariff of 1828, on
the iron, hemp and cordage, used in a ship
ofsoo tons,amounts to 2000 dollars. These
duties arc not paid by the consumer of foreign
goods. They fall on the ship builder and
ship owner. They not raise the rate of
freight, for that is determined by the rate of
freight in countries where the shipping is not
burdened with these duties.
if the protecting and prohibitory duties
were repealed, (the Address proceeds) such
branches of manufactures as are adapted to
the state of the country, would continue to
flourish. The rate of profits would he less,
but the business would be more certain, and
intelligent manufacturers say they would pre
ter that condition of things.
In conclusion, it is stated, that the national
debt, which has heretofore annually absorbed
from 10 to 12,000,000 of revenue, will soon
be paid off. On the Ist of January, 1533,
Ihe Government will be in possession of
funds sufficient to liquidate all that which
will be then due. How propitious then is
the moment for the American people to be
the first to establish the principles of free
trade, as they were the first to establish the
principles of free government.
[N. B. The Address was read; at the conclu
sion of which, loiul applauses were given.]
Mr. Jones, of Georgia, then rose, and ex
pressed his admiration of the general charac
ter of the Address. But ns this was a busi
ness of great moment, and nothing should be
clone partially, he would, to allow the mem
bers time for deliberation, and to afford, them
an opportunity of examining the Address,
move that it he laid on the table, and that
300 copies be printed for the use of the mem
bers.
The motion was agiced to.
[The proei .-dings of the Convention on
Thursday the 6th inst. have not yet reached
us.] — Ed. Macon Advertiser.
, _
Friday , October i.
After the minutes of the last meeting had
been read by the Secretary, —
Mr. Berrien rose and proposed to discharge
the committee of the whole from the fur
ther .consideration of the Address to the
People.
There was, lie said, a perfect accordance
of sentiment among members, on one of the
two distinct views offered in the Address.
On the other there was a diversity of opinion
—a diversity having reference to thecoriect
ness or incorrectness of the argument, (for
the discussion of this had he 'tn waved) but
to the expediency of introducing it into the
Address as a statement of the feelings of part
of the American people.
If the Address should he considered in the
Committee of the whole, it might lead to un
necessary discussion. If brought into the
House, any amendment could be moved, the
same as in the committee of the whole, a|id
gentlemen might by a a record of their na.me.s
express their dissent to any part they thought
objectionable.
Mr. B. spoke in high terms of the concili
atory spirit evinced by the venerable gentle
men from New York (Mr. Gallatin) and oth
ers who differed from the majority on the con
stitutional question, or doubted the expedi-!
eney of referring to it in the address, lie I
had no desire to enter upon a discussion of
the point on wfiich they differed. And he
would hop-that if the disclaimer were made j
of an intention of that gentlemen of the j
South to bring on a discussion, it would be
met with a correspondent spirit by the gen- j
tlcmen from the North. lie would be pleased
if the question on the adoption of the Address j
could be taken without debate. He hoped, 1
the member would receive his suggestton in \
the amicable spirit with which it was tender
ed. If this course was adopted, they could i
bring their labors to a close to-morrow, or j
perhaps to-day. He presumed all had made
up their mind in regard to the Address. If
the course he'had proposed for the disposal
of should he adopted ; he would offer a reso
lution to discharge the General Committee
from the duty of preparing a memorial to con
gress. This he would follow with a resolu
tion to appoint a permanent committee to
collect facts, prepare a memorial, and press
the subject before Congress. He thought
that in the instructions to be given to the per
manent committee, on the principles to be
maintained in the memorial, all the members
would agree, and they wouhl thus by their
closing vote show to the world a perfect una
nimity in regard to the great object of the
Convention.
Mr. Chevcs understood the object of the
gentleman from Georgia, to be to bring the
Address before the House, that those who
disproved of a particular part, might express
in-regular form their oppositions. Of a vote
in committee of the whole, no record would
appear on the journajs of the house. As one
he heartily concurred in the suggestion,
thinking it just, that those who hid any ob
jection to the memorial, should be allowed
an opportunity of recording their objections.
He was much gratified with the spirit of har
mony which prevailed in the Convention, and
hoped it would continue till the close of its
proceedings.
The commitree of the whole was dischar
ged accordingly and the Address came before
the House.
Mr. Gallatin then rose and said, that it
must he taken for granted, that all those who
were in favor of the Tariff believed it to be
constitutional; but it did not fallow that all
thpsc, who opposed that system of p-.meeting
domestic manufactures by prohibitory or high
duties, were of opinion that the acts of Con
gress imposing such duties were unconstitu
tional. A difference of opinion did in fact
exist among the members of this Convention
ou that point; and he was one of those who
believed the power to be expressly granted
by the Constitution. The member from J
Georgia, who had prepared the intended Ad
dress to the people, had been indefatigable in ,
his efforts to concilate the conflicting opin- j
ions on that point,by putting this document i
in such a shape as might render it acceptable 1
to all. And he was sensible that a majority
of the Convention had made every conces
sion which in their opinion, was consistent
with their principles and those of their con
stituents. He regretted that they had thought
it necessary to insert in this paper any of the
arguments adduced to prove that tiic .Tariff
was unconstitutional. It was a matter of
deep regret to him that, notwithstanding the
concessions made by the majority and the
manner in which the arguments were introdu
ced, he could not vote for the Address in its
present shape.
But this difference of opinion did not at all
extend to the ultimate object this Convention
had in view, but only to the different reasons
on which the opposition to the Tariff was
founded. It was a difference on the Construc
tion of the Constitution, which all acknowl
edged as the supreme law of the land, but
which all had the right to construe according
to their own conviction. There was nothing
but what was natural and of common occur
rence in such diversity of opinion, t.hich per
petually arose with respect to treaties, to sta
tutes, and to every possible instrument of
writing, and was due either to the careless
ness in the choice of expressions, or to tile
imperfection of our faculties and of human
language. There was nothing in that diffe
rence of opinion which could excite our feel
ings, provided we avoided adis, • ssion,which
he believed unnecessary and dangerous. Coe,,
curring fully in that respect with Mr.
lie intended simply to move that *•*
mentative part of the Addro-i „„ (h ' o ° s ’ m
non of constitutionality shall he struck out.
The only object tl,.* c wIIO with
nm o.i uu ** -stioti was to have their names
recorded aCd the r asons understood wliv they
ftould not agree to the Address. But he
would abstain fr. in slating not only the reas
ons why lie thought the Tariff unconstitutii i
al, but even those which prevented him and
loose who agreed with him from concurring!
in the Address, even in that modified shape*
in which, from an earnest wish to conciliate f
it was presented to the Convention. They !
were all agreed as to the great object in view.
that of obtaining a practical remedy ; and,
those who believed the Tariff constitutional
were determined to continue united with the
majority of the Convention in their efforts,
here and elsewhere, to effect a repeal ol that
obnoxious and oppressive system. Nothing
eould gratify them more than to have an op
portunity on this floor to join with the other
members of this body iu some measure or ex
pression of sentiment, that might show that,
if differing on a speculative point, they were
unanimous as to the main question.
Mr. G. then proceeded to state his princi
pal objections to the Tariff. He thought it
injudicious as afleeting the country at large,
and as calculated to retard and not to accele
rate its prosperity. But that view of the sub
ject was to him but of secondaiy importance.
The energy and intelligence ot this Nation
j would surmount any obstacle which errors of
i legislation might opposelo its natural and ir
resistable progress in manufactures, com
merce and every branch of industry, i his
was at best but a question of time ; and dis
cussions oil abstruse points of polittcaljecono
; my, like those on constitutional questions
* would always consist principally ol abstract
Ia nil disputable arguments. But on questions
oi‘ .fight and wrong, of what was just or unjust
there' could he no mistake.
It H -is to the effect of the Tariffon different
sections Af the country that he principally ob
jected. IS if ting every argument aside, taking
lor criterio. i M>e prevailing opinion in the
northern and 'lie unanimous opinion in the
southern porfto.l3of the Union, the land was
avowedly a inert). ’re tnut enriched one section
at the expense of aether section of the coun
try.
It offered also such temptations to smug
gling, and was so vexa ’pusin the details ne
cessary to enforce it, th ' the consequence
was almost inevitable. .Vr-*G. kne v, he had
hail the best means ofascevt lining the hono
rable fidelity of the America t merchants in
all their relations with the rev 't u c laws. But
he knew also the uniform result • and exaggera
ted duties iu every country where Jucy long!
prevailed, llis leading reasons h r opposing
the Tariff and for most earnestly wishing its
repeal were therefore, its unavoida.' 'p U’ o *
dencyto demoralize the community and grad
ually to alleviate the affections of a. whole sec
tion of these United States. On the fatal . v c*
suit, in a Government founded solely on th*
affections of the people, invested with nooih-y
er but a moral force, lie w ould not permit hinr
self to expatiate. But he would ask whether
~-*i
a presumed expectation that we might some
what hasten the establishment of manufac
tures which, without any artificial aid, will
necessarily grow and flourish with the growtli
of a dense population, whether, a somewhat
more rapid accumulation of wealth,if this con
trary to his own opinion was effected by the
Tariff, were objects of sufficient importance
to out weigh considerations of such nature as
those he had merely suggested.
Mr. G. submitted also to the consideration
of the Convention, whether independent of
the portion of the Address which he wished
to lie struck out, there were not some s -n
--tences expressed with such warmth of feeling
as would render them liable to be misunder
stood or misrepresented. He then moved to
strike out. all that part of the Address which
related to the constitutionality of the Ta
riff.
Governor MILLER of South Carolina rose
to inquire how the gentleman from New York
and those who concurred with him in objec
ting to the passage in question, would vote
on the question of -adopting the Address, if
the motion to strike out was negatived.
Mr. GALLATIN replied they would then
vote against the Address; and wished their
vote on the motion to strike out, to be re
corded as their reason for not voting for the
adoption of the Address.
Air. BERRIEN understood the object of
the gentlemen to be to record their votes in
favor of the motion to strike out, as their rea
son for not voting for the Address. He
thanked them for their distinguished liberal
ity and'magnanimity when iu committee, on
a point on which they could not agree. Ilis
thanks were specially due to the venerable
gentleman from New-York, and he hoped that
the vote would be taken as proposed. The
last paragrarph to which the gentleman had
alluded he could not consent to have struck
out. In behalf of the people whom he re
presented in part, he must declare tiiat there
was not one sentiment in the Address which
would admit an interpretation of a desire to
sever the union, under any circumstances
which the American people would condemn.
| There was not an expression in it not in ac-
I cordance with a deep and devoted attachment
| to the principles of the Union.—The people
of the south were devotedly attached to the
j Union and the principles of the constitution.
| Having maue this declaration, he could not
consent to modify the passage which had been
submitted to the convention. lie believed it
to be in the language in which freemen ought
to speak.
Mr. GALLATIN still obirctcd to the ex
pression as too strong.
I Mr.CRUGERof S. C. said, that in rising
j at the last moment to submit a few remarks,
! it was by no means his purpose to excite dis
j cord, and much lesg animosity. Although
diflering from others ns to the expediency of
d< hate he would not invite even an amicable
j discussion of the matters before the Conven
tion least the harmony and utiaD'r.iiiy w'.ich
all seemed to regard so important mi.ff’|, v
chanc. be bright into jcopat.iv As rcpre
sentnig part however inose 'who believed
U,c 'lTto!.c unconstitutional, be felt bound
i*. justice to his own opinions, and tiro in
j strpctioiis of his Constituents, in votingo
gflinaf the propositions to strike out, to state
that ovetv as it stands there were some parts
of the Address to which ho could not yield
his assent. While upon all other points the
inequality, injustice, oppressiveness, find
inexpediency of the Tariff—the Cpnvcn
tion express distinctly and positively their
je.wn opinions upon the question of its con
: stitHtionuiity they hat. lv set forth the opinion
I of others, and oven in doing that inul not suf
ficiently repudiated the Principle of protce
tion whether direct or incidental. Nor had
the Doct’ines of Free Trade, am! eqea! Taxa
tion been put forth to their just extent. In
fact it, had been in his eonternpl.-piori to have
moved an amendment to the a<hlr
uvjuii Sai.• | j
grounds, but lie bad ‘orbore in and. f cr
the opinion of his Colleagues j n f Hvnr< !/ c '
ciliation and in accordance with the s >ir if
forbearance, and moderation by which if
were actuated in common. The addr s r'
not contain upon this topic whut tic# woul {
have inserted—not the mo t thutstionld W
been said, not even a medium, but at the l e a
that could have been accorded, ail( | t | lo i ’
that would have been acepted. He had he
ever in the spirit of amity,'and compromC
determined to suspend his objections
vote for it entire; and he called upon v
benches from whom the motion to strike <-,
had emanated, to meet those half wav fa,'"
whom they differed in this sole resoer't I!
and to utter the address to the world’wi?
the emphasis of unanimity. *
Mr. CARPEN lERof Maine, did notn i
to go into a debate on the constitutional qu,
tion; but as Ins name would be the first calfed'
when the ayes and noes should be taken i,!
reducsted permission to state his
the vote lie was about to give against stnfi,"
out. He believed the Tariff, lo be con j u ’
tional; but if it is a fact as others belief p
to be unconstitutional, why not state it? H *
did not think that any member, by volinofe!
the Address as it stood would coinpromit i
own opinion on the constitutional question-!
differed in opinion front thos.a whose view
were expressed in the passage, it waspiopo
sed to strike out. For his own part, he fo
not the smallest doubt of the constitutional,
ty of the tariff laws. If he had, he would ii?
mediately resign the office he held undergo
eminent. If he believed the ta iff nneni sti
tutional, and had not the magnanimity ton
sign; there stood a man at the head of the Got
eminent,who never having yet slirunUfromhi
duty, would, he trusted, forthwith pi dCf; a ma]
iu Ilia stead, who had no doubts on thesut
jeet. But still he was willing to have thei
pinions of that portion of the American pa
pie who differed in that respect from liim, B
forth, that the whole community H iii
sec what they had to say on that gji
ject. I
Mr. G ALL YTIN declared emphatically
that he would not be driven from his srotil
by any remarks of members—he would J
give his reasons in detail for voting a"ahi
the Address. Why could not the asstinil
vote for the Address, either as it stood, or wil
the amendment which lie had proposed,wJ
out a prolonged discussion. Tie wished A
sec the question taken. He would ohsJ
however on the fast sentence to which kfl
at.’verted, that what was there stated d:,l nl
ap attar to be given as the opinion of til
peon ’e of the south, but as that of the. Col
vent, out- 1
The aves and noes were tlmn taken, anl
it appear vl that there were 35 for sink J
put so nu. hof the address as referredtot*
Constitute Question, and 151fagain?fs*
king out. |
fTu he con tio tied. J I
axs,
At a Superior Cos urt for Tattnall count
which sat yesterdi y week, a true Itiluj
found by the Grand J against BdGii
White, for tbc tnurdck of Sapp. Bell’s sol
an interesting boy of tw-ciNe years of Rgc, vtj
also included iu the Bill- <md charged is I
accessory before the fact. Much exckcml
and expectation prevailed an and the peop/< vl
generally attended, for the purpose ot /i|
ing the Trial, which however, -did not tal
place, in consequence of the absence ofstvj
al of Pelt's witnesses and of the i'lnesJ
White. The most exaggerated and coil
dictory reports are in circulation respecii
this case; the parties indicted bo.ng ;■
times represented as inhuman butchers,
some times, the blame wholly withdrawn !*
them, and the deceased dep ictcd n: n v >M
ous assassin. Those who give circuiutioaß
such rumours are certainly itot aware ot tl
injury they inflict upon the public justici l
the land. A case in Court is a sacred iind
about w hich no man should either tofniipl
ions or propagate reports. It should he J
cided by unbiassed Judges who ht' ir > !s! l
cimislauces for the first time, from tb 1
of unprejudiced witnesses; and not unto®
law lias adjudged, should thosecirminifc' 211 *
he the subject of out of doors discuss- I '-*
We arc aware tint in a country where thep®
pie are inquistivc and freedom of opinion I
the birth-right of every citizen, it is d*
cult to reduce the principle we advocate I
practical opinion, but all must admit, tnat tl
Judge and the Jury should go to the uive*
gatiou of every cause as if they were ut*
strangers to its patties and its facts, b
the propriety of suppressing as far as p*>il
the many coloured and garbled statemel
which in most cases of imjiortance cpo‘l
to circulation by the ignorant or designing
Under such impressions wc forbear toby I
fore our readers the different version
transaction in which these unfortunate "I
have participated, and which, on the 9
hand, hold them up to public indigo ß *
as cruel murderers, and on the other, cW
for them the general sympathy, as persons 4
ing under an urgent necessity and ai
defence.— Avg, Constitutionalist. 3
The inhdbitancc of our city arc sW fC
Hi v 'iro that there exists, within one lw |U
iiu!<-s of them, a people peculiar > n “ a
pursuits ami manners, at;d among "l* 01 "
absence 1’ refinement and luxury is cod 1 !
sated by a republican simplicity — liatl ' c
our of intellect—and kindness of c3l
We allude particularly to the counts
Tattnail and Emanuel, where although" l
and [>o!ish do not abound —the inhabit
are perhaps as happy and comfortable* 3 *
who breathe the air of our towns and r,-
in more populous and Nourishing ref 01
Trained to labor from their youth- 1
shrink from no toil or hardship"*** l ® 1
tent with little, their ideas do not ft--
yond the farms where grow their corn
cotton anil Sugar Cane, and the p nt ' 1
where their dorks feed upon the
wild-pats, Ti;e country is wild— s l 11,
settled, full of gaum, and if wo except on
two highways lending to Savannah, 1
without roads—the paths dignified • ■
name of rords, being almost ewerd 0 -
grass, and so dim and blind that th 11
often uncou. cieuslr wanders from ,h