Newspaper Page Text
41 He comc f h:* come**
V’litv fifiiild of ft noiD)’wori(l* N
EXTRACT FROM A PRIVATE COR
RKSI ‘ON DEN CIS.
To il'.r Editors of the Courier and F.nqnircr.
Paris, May 20.
The French government I sec are busily
advertising for claimants for the promised
pension of 500 francs per annum to the con
querors of the Bastille. It is not impossible
that some of the individuals to whom this re
ward is adjudged may be living it: retirement
on your side of the Atlantic, and that in their
old ago they may obtain a piece of intelligence
>hich will doubtless lie gratifying ti. them
through your widely circulated columns. It
may be useful to say to them t -r their claims
must be accompanied by documentary evi
dence.
On the day after the death of 11. Casitnir
Terier, bis elder brother M. Augustin I’ericr.
was raised‘to the dignity of the Peerage, and
u is now understood that ho is about to replace
i he Count de Bendy as president of the depart- !
ment of tljfiiiaoie.. The opposition journals
contend, however, that the ordinance of crea
tion is iilegai, inasmuch as it docs not specify]
the particular category under which by the;
late law on the peerage M. Augustin Pcricr .
is qualified for ’hat dignity, seeing that it
alludes only in general terms to the services I
he has rendered to the state. It is not im-1
possible that on this point U question will be]
raised when M. Augustin Pcricr comes to
take bis seat in the Chanib'er of Peers, in the
meantime it ispre mature and in bad taste to
agitate a matter the discussion of which can
1)9 attended with no beneficial result.
My i ';t letter was so much occupied with j
details of the death and funeral of M. Casitnir
Pcricr, that l bad neither rooat nor leisure
to allude to the loss which this country, or I
should rather say, the whole world, hassus-j
taiacd in the death of the Baron Cuvier.—!
This distinguished individual, although claim- \
ed by France as a native born citizen, owes
liis birth and parentage to the town of Stut
gard. This, if rightly understood, is rather |
a credit than otherwise to his adopted coun-j
Iry. The French, however, as in the case
ofM. Bottj. Constant, and other distinguish
ed individuals who have flourished among
them, do not like to be reminded that they
can be surpassed by foreigners in path of
science or literature, or even in any branch!
ofthe humblest of the useful arts- In the j
noblest sense of the term, M. Cuvier was a
3ibor.il. Hit? house, at the Carden of Plants,
was always open to men-of science,
larly if they came recommended to him by
theif distance from home, or their poverty.—
His large income was expended in this hos
pi table style of living, in the formation of a
valuable private museum of natural history,;
aad in the collection of a library, such as few
private individuals can boast. On the dayaf
ver his death, the King, on the report of the
omv Minister ofthe Interior, granted a pension
ofooo3 francs a year to Madame Cuvier, a |
fctrotch of the prerogative which will doubt
less be sanctioned by the Chambers at the
opening ofthe session, in favor of a lady left
under such circumstances without any pecu
niary resources. It is also understood that
M. Cuvier’s library arid museum will be
purchased at the public expense, as additions
to on* or other of the great national establish
ments.
The groat anxiety of M. Cuvier, immedi
ately betore his death, was to live long enough
to complete the work on which he has some
time been engaged —the Natural History of
Fishes—nine volumes of which have already
passed through the press, amounting, ns i
understand, to übout a half of the whole work.
Ho diligently had he applied himself to this
undertaking*that within a month of his death,
lie had dictated to his amanuensis not less
than a volume and a half of new matter, llis
other writings, as you are aware, consist chief
ly of his celebrated treatise •on comparative
anatomy, bis work on fossil bones, and his
history of the ammal kingdom, which are
nli monuments more durable in their nature
than any tiling which his admirers can erect
over his remains.
London, May 22, 1332.
'fotlie Editors of ilic Morning Courier ami
Acia York Enquirer.
Gentlemen, —Earl Grey is reinstated, and
the bill brought again forward—hut the
.success and result by no means yet certain.
Of the lords it may be justly said quern dii 1
pordere volunt, pritis denientant—tiieir op
position will notecase, and yet it is high time
J assure you. The country is fast ripening
/or a revolutioc. Of its spirit it would be im
possible to give you a just idea. Mark well,
the same independent power which overturn
mi the throne and church of France, is al
ready organised in England. If you want a
proof, read the leading paper, the omnipotent
Times, f.r the last eight days. Neither for
King, nor Church, nor Ministers, nor Tories,
it is (br an invisible body of men. Who this
body is, you may easily guess. The O’Con
ncls, Humes, tlin Jones, the Sir John Doyles,
f :c. with the Birmingham and Manchester
'■lults, etc. in short, a revolutionary body is
organ:v.od—-even a royal Duke is not wanting.
Though, a good hearted man the Duke of
Sussex, has lam af. aid done some bad service
td his brother and his queen. He is since
the day be fore yesterday in disgrace with the
Court. This is of course still a secret. It
is him who is accused of having communicat
ed what was passing within the precincts of
Windsor arid St. James to the revolutionary
council—whence it found its way into the
papers. These are exactly the beginnings
f the Frencli Revolution, contempt for ;i
/.’reign queen, the German woman as she is
called —*pity apd half contempt for an old,
imbecile King, an intrigucing aristocracv—
H powerful revolutionary juste milieu as thc\
all themselves and a despairing, starving
■mob. Perhaps before long you will hear more
-1 am not at liberty to say ail 1 know, but if;
Jlagland for this time escapes a revolution it
cnfi orrly be by a wonder.
JlfsjeqJfuHv' Ycjr_, 4 j
I . S. SHIP POTOMAC.
We bavo been favored with the following
extract of a letter from a gentleman on bead
the Potomac.
“ Forty miles from BrJatia Roath, j*
March 7th, 1832.
“ \\e arrived at Rio do Janeiro on the 16th
October, sailed again November 5, arrived
at the Cape of Good Hope Table Bay Dec. 6,
sailed again December 12th. January 12,
1632, made the Island of Sumatra, and on
February 5, “came to anchor at Quallo Batto,
five miles from the town and fort. In the
afternoon five of our Lieutenants and two
midshipmen, distinguished as a Merchant, a
Captain, a Supercargo, and the others as a
part of the crew of a merchantman, sailed
from the ship in the whale boat under the
pretence of purchasing a car?o of Pepper ; on
their approach to the shore they observed it
lined with armed men, not thinking it pru
dent to land theyput back to the ship ; before
they reached the ship, a small fishing boat
had come alongside, and we made prisoners
of those who were in her.
Ail hands were called to “out boats”—an
order which was promptly obeyed. At half
past 2 o’clock we left the ship as follows :
Whale boat. Ist Lieutenant,Erwin Shubrrck,
Esq. commanding; Launch,,3d Lieutenant)
Pinckham ; Ist cutter, 4th Lieutenant Hull’;
2d cutter, Lieutenant Ingersol; 3d cutter,
Past Midshipman Zcely ; 4th cutter, Past |
Midshipman Gordon : sth cutter, Midship
man Hart; Life Boat, Midshipman . |
The Commodore’s Barge was* left by the ship.
2d Lieut. Wilson, remained in charge ofthe
ship with the Commodore.
We landed about one bell after 4 o’clock,
numbering in all 260 men, and commenced
the'attack in four divisions—three of sailors
and one marines. We commenced an attack
on the five forts, three of which wc took pos
session of. A number of the hutswi re burn
ed. The other two forts were separated from
us by a creek which was too deep to forih—
The number killed on our side was two, and
seven wounded. From all the information
wc could receive the number of the natives
killed was GO and 00 wounded. The names
of the persons killed from our party were,
W m- P. Smith, a Swede, and Brown, a
marine. The whole affair was conducted
with great skill and bravery on the part of
both the officers and the men. We bad the
pleasure of seeing the star spangled banner
even in that remote island—so far from the
land of Freemen.
MV. Born, our assistant sailing master, was
second male of the ship Friendship, when her
crew were so cruelly massacred here. On the
7th February, we got the ship under way,
and approached within a mile and a half of the
town and forts, and immediately opened n
heavy fire on them ; we fired G 2 of our long
double fortified twirty-two pounders, and
then stood oil’for Soo Soo, a distance of two
nvi'es where one of the friendly Rajah’s
live.
February 18, left Soo Soo, Iraund towards
Batavia. February 22, (Washington’s birth
day,) fired a sslntc at noon. March 1, made
Java Head. March 7, passed Anjcr Point,
and came to anchor ten miles from there.
Yours in haste, &e.
•
from the Washington Globe.
Mr. Blur : 1 notice in the Boston
Courier tin extract of a letter from me, in an-!
swerto one asking information on the subject!
of a Cotton Factory in which I am concerned,
for the use of the Now York Convention. 1
regret the whole letter was not published, and
ask now the favor to have it done, and espe
cially to give its true date, for I know it was
written ip time for the Convention, which
met in October.—The letter purports to have
been written on the 7th December, 1631,and
the garbled extract is intended to convict me;
of inconsistency. There is not, however, the
slightest difficulty in this thing, and I anvglad
the matter is so much questioned, as, not only
to give great uneasiness to the manufacturing
gentlemen, hut to afford me an opportunity
of exposing their iong concealed impositions.
In the inontli of January lajt, our company
I purchased out the northern partner, which
| made it necessary to go into a full investiga
tion of oiff concerns and to take an accurate
account of every thing we had done, which
had never before been even attempted, for
! most of otir yarns and cloths had been placed
j m the hands of distant agents and scattered j
j throughout the State, from whom we had not
| received regular returns. Since my arrival!
' here, I have been advised of the settlement,
J ami the following arc some of the extracts of
I letters on the subject.
One of the partners writes, under date of
February 9th, 1832. “The old gentleman
hates to give up, he says we are making, at
Urn least calculation, 200 per cent, clear.”—
My son, on the 15th of April, informs me
that after much difficulty with our northern
partner, he claimed nearly twice as much as
the rest conpeived to be due, the affair was
referred to arbitrators of his own choosing,
and their award gave the following uncom
mon result:
“ Capital, 81,004 93—His nett profits
84,181 78.”
This included the business from about the
Ist of January, 1830, up to the Ist of January
1832.
One of the arbitrators writes 2d of May,
“You have no doubt been informed of the
settlement of the Factory business. Thereby
1 had a peep into your affairs, and without
publishing it abroad, 1 will say, that beyond
all doubt, it is the best investment of money
irtGeorgia, so far as I know or believe. It
is a great business indeed and increasing in
profit.”
Bv this time I apprehend all the inconsis
tency lias vanished. When I w rote in Sep. I
tetnher (as I believe) we bad made no divi
ded, nor bad wq down to that time done
any thing but spend money, for w'e kept in
creasing our machinery from the proceeds of
the Factory ; but as well as 1 now recollect,
that letter gives a flattering account of otlr
future prospects, which seems to have been
[even “brighter” l!pn I ftvj aqtieipamd j
But for the purchase above mentioned we
should have known oirr true situation, per
haps for a year to come. As soon, however,
as I did know it, I was determined the world
should know the truth about it, and 1 only
wish, instead of trying to smother its effect
the example could be followed by those gen
try who do not like to give up their cent per
cent.
I will take this occasion to correct the re
port of my speech, as far as it is given. lam
made to say, that “I had operated as a sponge
upon my neighbors and had sucked up this
from their hard earnings.” This is not what
1 said. My remarks were these : “If the
capital invested by the company to which I
belong, say some where about 30,000 dollars,
has doubled itself in two years, what is the
consequence?—The gentleman from Ten
nessee (Jlr. Bell,) who so eloquently painted
the exactions and influence of wealth, and the
miseries which the sudden and rapid accumu
lation of money must create in any communi
ty, spoke truly, when he said someone must
lose when another gains. Now, sir, apply
this truth to the factT have related. Thirty
thousand dollars, in two years, have been
soaked up as w ith a sponge, within a certain
circumference. While we have gained it,
our neighbors have lost it, and though they
arc too generous to complain of as, knowing
that neither our motives or feeling so enter
into the system as to desire its continuance at
tire expense of principle. Yet this is its true
effect throughout this whole country. And
yet it must he helped by the hard handed
labor of our honest planters, to w hose fruits
all other trades and professions must look for
support.” ’ AS. CLAYTON.
MR. CLAYTON’S SPEECH
0\ THE TARIFF.
Mr. day ton proposed an amendment to the
tariff bill to the following effect:
Ist. After the first of January, 1835, all du
ties should bend valorem , and for no other object
but revenue.
2d. That for the first year all duties above
should be reduced to 35 percent, until altered by
law.
3d. That, for the purpose of constitutionally
and equally protecting manufactures, Congress
.should freely give its consent to any State that
chose to manufacture, to lay such duties as it
might deem necessary to encourage that busi
ness, within its own limits, upon any imports or
exports to or from any foreign nation whatever;
provided said duties were paid into the. federal
Treasury. The above amendment was accom
panied with the following remarks.
[After proposing the above amendment, Mr.
Clayton went into a masterly examination of the
Constitutionality of the Tariff, and adduced such
proofs" and arguments as conclusively settled the
question of its umanstitutionulity * Frequently
in the course ofhis speech he called upon gen
tlemen to get up in their place, and confute him
it they could. None rose ! This part of his re
marks, or such a view of them as our limits w r ould
■allow, we are compelled to omit, at present. We
are reversing the order of Mr. Clayton’s argu
ment. . .but for the present we have only time to
notice the manner in which he treated the sub
ject, as relates to its expediency-*- and here too, we
must content ourself with such extracts as our
; space permits. lie said,]— Editor Jldvertiier.
This system commenced, and is continu
ed, by petitions for RELIEF. Mr. Chair
man, has any one ever considered where re
lict comes from? No one will be so credu
lous as to believe that relief is manufactured
in this Hall, and sent out to the supplicating
sufferers; if not, where does it come from?
Certainly from some other quarter of the
country that does not complain. Now, does
not every one perceive, that whencesoever
the relief is taken, just precisely in propor
tion to the amount w ithdrawn must that part
suibr? And would they not have a right,
and be entitled to respect, too, to turn round,
and petition for relief also ? What right has
Congress to rob one portion of the country to
hush the mouths of another? If the north
suffers, is it right to make the south, against
her will, relieve that suffering ? No, the
truth is, yhen the south petitions for relief,
they arc told “ yeti lie,” you do not suffer,
or, it you do, it is greatly less than you im
agine ; at all events, you must submit to the
will ot a majority ; and, notwithstanding the
Federal Government was framed to take care
ot the interests of the whole, yet some portions
of the country must suffer, and there is no
help for it. Is this the kind of reply that a
free people ought to submit to? You may
think, so, but depend upon it, a very short
time w ill find you in a woful mistake. This
reflection brings me to the assertion of a
principle, which, if any man pretends to con
trovert, I wish to hear form him before I pro
ceed any further. I confidently lay down this
position, that Government cannot make one
free man work for another without his con
sent. It cannot take the property of one and
give it to another. That whatever would be
wrong in the acts of Government, as between
man and man, is equally wrong as between
tenor ten millions of men. Docs anv otie
deny this? None! Then I proceed, if any
casualty should, in the ways of Providence,
reduce the four quarters of the Union to but
ofte-man apiece, and he of the east should be
a ship-builder; of the north a cotton spinner;
of the west a hemp weaver; and of the south
a cotton planter ; in what condition would
the tariff system find these four individuals?
Mark well, I beseech you, Mr. Chairman,
their exact relative situations, foi this very
picture is a faithful illustration of the bill on
your tabic, and I pronounce there is no get
ting away from it. Your bill, ns plain as a
bill, can talk in vernacular language, says to
the hemp weaver, and pointing at the same
time to the cotton planter, you may make him
pay you, besides a fair price for your bagging,
five cents a yard as a bounty for your labour.
It is true he Works as hard as you do, hut
you are a man of capital, and therefore must
bo protected. lie shall wrap his cotton in
your bagging, or pay a higher price to some
i one else far that article. Your bill says also
! to the shipbuilder, that same cotton planter
| shall pay you a bounty for carrying his Cotton
|to the spinner. To the spinner, it says he
itfflyflu, and buy your cloths • or, >f
he dares to carry it to any other market, he
shall pay you a tax of tight cents a yard for
every yard of cottons ho buys elsewhere.—
Now, 1 ask you, Mr. Chairman, is this
just? Would the Government dare to put
its law into this kind of language as between
one laborer and another ? And, if it would
not, how can it do so as between whole com
munities ? Would the principle lie changed
Ironi the case 1 have put, if the laborers and
their pursuits were multiplied to ton thou
sand ? And if that single cotton planter
could not bear the drafts of the other three
taskmasters, will the whole class of planters
he in any better situation from the multiplied
classes of manufacturers constantly preying
upon his labor ? No, sir, they cannot and
will not hear it; and, 1 repeat, they arc pre
paring to signify it to you in a way that can
not he misunderstood.
* * * * *
I will now attempt to show, what is very much
disputed, that the producer pays the tax, or that
the coincidence between the producer and consu
mer is so little variantas to make no sensible dif
ference in the two characters.
I shall show it in three relations, first, in
that ot an individual, secondly, as a family,
and, lastly, as a whole country ; and I shall
select the article of cotton for the illustration.
If all the cotton of the south, which is said to
be one million of hales, was made by one in
dividual, and lie w’crc to carry it to Liverpool,
sell it for cash, say #30,000,000, lay it out
in goods, and bring them to this country, he
would have to pay one half in duties. This,
however, it is said, returns to him when he
sells out his goods to the various consumers.
But as money, which is the only free trade
article in the world, is as much property us
goods, and as liable to taxation, suppose in
stead of bringing hack goods, the individual
should bring hack the proceeds of his cotton
in cash, aud should lint! a duty upon that as
well as goods; docs not every one perceive
that his fifteen million of taxes would go into
the public Treasury without the hope of any
future recovery ; and consequently, as pro
ducer, he will have paid the tax on the whole ,
of that article ? Now, that same result would ;
run through the sales of all the planters if
they sold their cotton themselves;, and paid j
the tax on their n a. cy, instead of paying it;
on the articles they consume.
2. I contend that the consumption of a j
family, whose head is a producer, extends to \
all persons that draw upon his produce for any |
services rendered him. That is to say, his;
blacksmith, tailor, carpenter; schoolmaster,
shoemaker, physician, and indeed all whose
labor he has employed, arc as much his fami
ly as if they lived in the same house with
him, and to the extent of their several de
mands against him, not only consumers, hut
producers, for his production constitutes a.;
part of tiicir production, and with it they/
purchase their article of consumption, Bv
ot this connection, unless the producer i
has a balance left after defraying the cx- :
penscs of lus family, lie is the payer of all '
taxes to which his cron has been applied.— j
And who, I would ask, in any part of the !
south, is able, under such a burthen ofduties,
to meet all his engagements? 1 know’ lam I
as economical and saving as any of my neigh- 1
hors, and 1 declare to this House, if it were
not for other resources, which it has been my !
good fortune to enjoy, my planting interest i
would not have supported my family, and 1
this, I can safely say, is the condition of;
thousands upon thousands.
J3. The tarili’ system proceeds upon the
principle that the northern jnanufacturer can
not labor as cheap as the English manufac
turer. And what is thought to be the differ
ence? Surely this is indicated by the average
per c nt. of duties laid upon the articles
which the last fabricates, and that we have
seen is fifty per cent. Then wo say the dif
ference between manufacturing labor in the
north and in England, is fifty per cent. Eve
ry body perceives the American manufac
turer cannot compete with the European.—
\V hat is to be done ? 'flic former looks away
to the south, and there finds a people who
make the raw material that supplies the
latter, and for which they receive his manu
factures. The northern manufacturer im
mediately sets about a contrivance to cut off
the trade between these two parties. What
is it ? Bv the artful device of legislation, he
imposes a duty of fifty per cent, on the for
eign manufactures: this at once raises them
to the price of his ow/i. Now, what is the
effect, nay, what is the real motive of this
measure? Is it not, to divert the trade from the
European, & to direct tiic raw material to the
American manufacturer? Suppose, then,
it should succeed to the extent of the wishes
of the friends of tariff, that the trade with
Europe should cease altogether, and every
pound ot cotton should go to the north, is
there any man so blind as not to see that the
producers of this article have not only lost
their former market, where they were in the
habit of getting what they wanted at half
price, but have been compelled to exchange
it in another market, at a loss, bv way of
bounty, of half its exchangeable value ? By
this process,(heEnglish manufacturing labor
is raised to the price ot the American, and
actually done at the expense of the southern
planter. Then, as producers of tiio article
of cotton, they do most unequivocally throw
into the lap of the northern, the fifty per
cent- which raises the labor of the English
manufacturer. Then I have shown, as an in
dividual, as a family, and as a country, the
producer pays the taxes of imports. But 1
will repeat, it is enough for us, and more
than we can bear, to pay it as consumers.
It is needless for mrt to say that this is the
‘effect produced upon all our’valuable staples
m the south ; and we have now n new article
of production which will he subjected to its
ravenous appetite,r-1 allude to the immense
ly valuable gold mines stretching from Yir
giniu to Alabama, Every dollar that is rais
ed by tiic gold digger—ami surely no one
works harder for Ins money—will he immedi
ately divided with the rapacious manufac
turer. . Because it is gold, and rdtnost money
itself, it will not escape the fate of cotton;
rice, and tobacco : for they ure taken from
the earth by the same hard labor, and quite as
convertible into money, EittU the
ffard-working tnrucf u£i<t]a.(hat,tYhiJMajt;i
ingiii water to his knee's, with a scorching
sun hlisti ring his fi ck, every stroke which is
applied to the unyielding rock, presents a
case in which one is for himself, and the
other for a northern master.
Before 1 proceed to consider the other
ground of expediency, it is proper that I no
tice an argument or two advanced from the
opposite side. The gentleman from Pennsyl
vania, (Air. Stewart,) whose whole speech
was cordially approved by the gentleman
lrojn Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) advanced
the singular notion that high duties made
cheap prices. 1 hope, Mr. Chairman, I may
be permitted to answer ihis chimera—for
surely it is nothing else—from the report of
the gentleman who has thus approved this
doctrine by approving the speech. I find in
that report the following position: “ the
doctrine that duties of impost cheapen, the
price of articles upon which they arc levied,
seems to conflict with the first dictates of
common sense.” lam sorry that the particu
lar case in which 1 aui compelled to use this
remark, makes it not less severe than true ;
but, coming from the opposite side of the
question, it may rest where it properly be
longs. But this same rejrort continues: “the
duty upon the article imported from abroad,
enabled the domestic producer to enter into
competition with the importer from abroad.
So long as this competition continues, the
duty operates as a bounty or premium to the
domestic manufacturer. But by whom is it
paid 1 Certainly Ay the purchaser of the arti
cle, whether of foreign or of domestic manu
facture The duty constitutes a part of the
pticc of the whole mass of the article in the
market. It is substantially paid upon the
article of domestic manufacture as well as
upon that of foreign production. Upon one
it is a bounty ; upon the other a burden ; and
the repeal of the ta?C must operate as an
equivalent reduction of the price of the arti
cle, whether foreign or domestic. Wo say,
so long as the importation continues, the
duty must he paid bv the purchaser of the
article.” This uoctrine is further confirmed
by much better authority; it is none other
than that of Doctor Franklin. In his exam
ination before a Committee of Parliament
previous to the revolution, he stated that “an
external tax is a duty Igid on commodities
imported ; that duty is added to the first cost,
and other charges, on the commodity, and,
when it is offered for sale, makes a part of the
price.” it is, indeed, amusing to see authori
ty like this attemper! to be overturned, at
this day, merely to justify, or rather to cover
over the villainous frauds of the American
system. But I feel a disposition to examine
this argument of the gentleman. He sys, by
wav oi proving his position, “sec how low
cotton goods are.” Now, sir, this is exactly
the way the great mass of the people have
been deceived. It is true cotton goods Lave
fallen, but the tariff is no more the cause of
it than that it is the cause of the fall of coffee;
one grain of which is not made in the United
States. Has the gentleman forgotten that
col Fee us and to sell at fifty cents a pound, and
can now be got for fifteen? Has he forgot
ten that almonds and raisins once sold for
the same, and now sell lor twelve cents?—
Dor s he not know that every thing which is
not produced in this country has had a cor
responding fall with those things that are ?
Why has this secret been kept from file peo
ple? No, that would be the truth ; and that
is an article which enters into no part of the
American system. Imposition , both of du
ties and falsehoods, belongs entirely to that
matter. If its friends had have candidly told
the people that goods have fallen, but it is
owing to the increase of specie, the still great
er increase of food and.laboring facilities, the
improvement of mactiinery, and many other
causes, now not necessary to be mentioned,
instead of ascribing it to the tariff, they would
have dealt fairly with them; but they have
essayed to filch from them their rights
through an ungracious appeal to their ava
rice.
The gentleman has said such has been the
improvement of machinery in England, that
one million of hands can perform the labor of
250 millions. Then, sir, just mark the con
sequence; if labor is multiplied 250 fold, an
article must be cheapened almost in the same
ratio.
But, sir, if high duties cheapen articles,
there must he a point to which, if the duties
arc raised, the voods will cotne at nothing'; it
the gentlemen will set down and, with his
immense powers of calculation, just demon
strate that exact point to my satisfaction, from
that moment 1 am a tariff-man ; 1 give up my
opposition, and fall into the ranks. 1 greatly
fear, however, that it will turn out line the
case of die stoves. You have all heard of the
Yankee, who, in describing the great advan.
tages of Ins stoves to an Irish man, said, a
tnoug other things, (not that high taxes chea
pened the article,) but that they saved half
the firewood; then, said the Irishman, “I
will take two of them,and save the whole.”
Why is it, Air. Chairman, if high duties
cheapen articles, that so many letters from
different manufactures have been read upon
this floor, stating that their business will be
utterly ruined if the. duties are reduced,? —
That must lie a bad rule that don’t work both
ways. One would suppose that, if you raised
a duty from a given point, and the price of
the article fell in consequence bf it, it would
surely rise up to the same price if you took
that f-atiie duty off. This is a very curious
Chairman. Would you believe
it, the country presents this singular aspect
—one portion is crying to be relieved of their
taxes,.without which they must he rtunr'j;
while the other part bitterly complains tbjt, if
you take off their taxes, they will he prostrat
ed ! I would rather gvesa, meaning no of
fensive allusion, that this f;ict po'uits to the
quarter where live the tax paying consumers.
. This same gentleman made another re
mark, fit which I should have felt; if not con
tempt, at least indignation,if I had not believ
ed that, just at that moment, he became
greatly shortened of ideas; and that he did
not know exactly what to say, for every body
saw he was completely stvm'ptdi I menu lnaj
say ing that the southern people Wanted to I
uiiiku the iiorl hern free laborers el-i' es t 0!
I ; hf<ir For tUorea-roTi^
tinned, I will pass over this 'cornel,
i l’. U:Ct ' of e * amitie ids doctrim"
ilio great difference between free I- 1 8s
slave labor. Mr. Chairman, this 5
has Irf-en mentioned frequently on this T'
anil 1 confess it has excited niv suprern ,
gust every time. What do they m‘a n ?V
the offspring of that very ancestry w [ !0 ' lrj
riot only their livelihood, but the y tr
tunes which now constitute the capital 'V'
American system, by trading i„ i,„
—who robbed fathers of their childr,.
dren of their fathers—husband, V s
wives, and wives of their husbands
ried them to be sold in the southern iShr"
now dare to reproach me with tho •
slavery ? Oh, sir, it cannot be ! The/ I ''
I.V mistake the matter, if they think
the slightest emotion at such a censure r
only wonder is, how it can be made u-m ;
a blush.
But, sir, I have lately been as far as W
dclplmi, Ibrtlie first time in my life— thv ’
of brotherly love; and 1 wish gentian,’
explain some things which I saw there
asking them if they make any differ,!
there between free negro labour and
white labour, for these two classes Jl
to perform promiscuously all the menial!
vices. If they do, then 1 would be-r , 0 £
these difficulties solved? |„ tt f e J?
where I stayed, a free negro waited on ,
tain... ami a white man cleaned my boo;
which of these was the free laborer ? Ti
tyere both equally polite, and they both nr
the same foot scraping bow when I ,
them a quarter of a dollar. I B w j„
same city, a frec-ncgro mounted on the h
of a coach, and a white man behind ip t
latter let out the grandee, which it contain,
at the iioor, while the former sat like a L
on his scat. Which was the free laborer i
this case? This is one class of service.
Now, sir, 1 happen to know something of tl
free labor in cotton .factories. When tl
factory in which I am concerned first starlet
wc had a good old honest gentleman front ft,
north connected with us, and we cotntnenci
chiefly with white hands. He happened
bring with him a pt listed copv of rules an
n gulations, such as are used in northern la
lories, and which lie wished adopted in out
They had a striking analogy to penitential
regulations. They required that the po
little hands should he at their work by lt-d
should have three-quart, rs of an hour to°
their breakfast, an hour at dinner, shouldlal
in the winter till seven o’ciock at nigl
should hi.v’o a portion of theirwages remit!
lot every pistol'the machinery which th
broke or injured, every skein they tangle
every five niinutosthoy were absent; inde
just enough of pains and penalties to take i
their wages. Besides, the STRAP was
he used, if necessary. It is scarcely nect
sury to say, Mr. Chairman, such rules tvt
scouted front our establishment. We sn
told our friend the free people of the sro
would not bear that kind of regimen; inde
it would hardly do for our slave s. Now,!
where is the difference between this kind
labor ! 1 can toll you, sir. it is only in
color oftlie skin, and the duration of
service. Tfie same capital that buys a sli
for life, can lure one for a day; and, dun
these respective periods, the quality of i
service is exactly the same. But, sir, l
very distinction serves to show what po
will finally do in this matter. If, under
present tariff system, it is boldly claime/
tree labor, as it is called, a legislative pri
legi over slave labor, what will they not
when we bcghi to manufacture with t
slaves ? If we should be driven to thisbu
ness, which 1 verily believe we can iac
profitably conduct at the south than it is
the north, Will not the same power trlii
sets up the right of preference now, e xact
hereafter by some discriminating tax and
slave labor productions over those of ft
labor? No doubt of it. So that, if this c
tinction is to last, I boldly affirm we can
live together; and the sooney we part
better. The gentleman has said, let
south go ; they will soon want to get ha
and, sir, an idea is thrown out that our si
will force us to return. Now, Mr. Chain
once for all, I say gentlemen are grossly I
taken ; if they think we labor under any s
apprehension, it is a most childish infat
tion. As there is a God in heaven, I
rather live, so far as security of pcison
property is concerned, among the Blare:
the south,, than to live in tho heart of sue
manufacturing country as Manchester,
England or Providence, in Rhode Island'
What country has more insurrections id l
Great Britain t Among whom do there
ginate? Is not the Government obliged
keep a standing force to overawe the tort
fence of the manufacturing operatives ? "j
people display greater fury when aroused
What lives or property are spared wheel
insurrectionary storm is up ? Does the no:
expect to escape these commotions, rrt
they shall have arrived at the same degree
manufacturing? Have they done it? ?
let gentlemen look well t<j this patter,
slave is a slave ; the color of the sk.n and
not relieve oppression ; s:,d, depend upon
white slaves are as di pgerouses black o'
and aii cxj*ericJ’cc oath shown tbev arcc<
as ungovoru? ole. As to the condition of
j l! r ' k J .<iori to the common con®
of liiOj it hr no possible dependence upon
north. With its forty-five millions of Mpj
if thn‘. immense sum could be jicrmiftca
cir'jtilate among themselves, it would, m
fere rice to the conveniences of living) l *;
i facilities of subsistence, become one ot
happiest regions of the earth. It would3
life to commerce withjits thousand com
lions, it would give anew spring t° 3
culture, and fresh energy to our variou.- 1
sons ; anil, instead of decaying villages
towns, the whole country would smile'
tokens of the most extended property- •
sir, this filings me to the consideration ®
Idea advanced hv the gentleman from I e
sylvania, (Mr. Crawford,) who contrasts'
past and present situation oftlie north," 1
it. was without the aid of southern t:i.v st
i hen it was drooping under the wasting lll
dy of poverty—now it is flourishing iH
the. id com of invigorated nctiviK— .