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Poiitiai Agrutflirire•
iViE POLITICAL STA'HToF AURIC UL
' TCJRIS.
Incollecting the causes which havecontribu
-1 to the miserable agricultural state of the
•iUiitry, as it is a rational calamity of the
. t’j rti'St magnitude, we should he careful not
io he bliuded t>y partiality for our customs
.>r institutions, nor corrupted by a disposition
j.i (latter ourselves or others. I shall begin
. ;th tiioso of a political nature. These are
i secondary providence, which govern unseen
ihn great interests of society ; and if agricul
ire is had and languishing in a country and
• ii mate, where it may be good and prosper
ous, no doubt remains with me, that political
nstitutions have chiefly perpetrated tho evil;
jt as they decide the fate of commerce.
The device of subjecting it to the payment
of bounties to manufacturing, is an institution
if this kind. This device isone;tcui in eve
i system for rendering governments too
strong for nations. Such an object never was
find never can be cfTected, except by factions
legally created at the public expense. The
calth transferred from tho nation to such
: .ctions, devoid them to the will of the gov
ernment, by which it is bestowed. They must
render the services for which it was given, or
would be taken away. It is unexceplion
bly given to support a government against
a nation, or one iactionagainst another. Ar
iies, loaning, banking, and an intricate
i reasury system, endowing a government
with the absolute power of applying public
.iioney, under the cover of nominal checks,
ro other devices of this kind. Whatever
strength or wealth a government and its legal
•.actions acquire by law is taken'" from a
nation, and whatever is taken from a nation
weakens and impoverishes that inter
jt, which composes tho majority. There,
political oppression in every form must finally
fill, however it may oscillate during tho
period of transit from a good to a
bad government, so as sometimes to scratch
factions. Agriculture being the interest cov
ring a groat majority of the people of the
United States, every device for getting mo
usy 6r power, hatched by a fellow-feeling or
common interest, between a government and
its legal creatures, must of course weaken
and impoverish it.—Desertion, for the sake
'*f reaping without labor, a share in the har
vest of wealtii and power, bestowed bv laws
at its expense, thins its ranks ; an annual
tribute to these legal factions, empties its
purse; and poverty debilitates both its soil
tiff understanding.
The device of protecting duties, under the
pretext of encouraging manufactures, open
ates like its kindred, by creating a capitalist
interest, which instantly seizes upon the
bounty taken by law from agriculture; and
instead of doing any good to the actual work
irs in wood, metals, cotton or other substan
ces, helps to rear up an aristocratical order,
et the o.xpenso of the workers in earth, to
unite with governments in oppressing every
species of useful industry.
Tho products of agriculture and manufac
turing, unshackled by law, would seek each
for themselves, the best markets through com
mercial channels, but these markets would
hardly ever be the same; protecting duties
tic travellers together, whoso busincssnnd in
terest lie in different directions. Tnis ligat
ure upon nature, will, like all unnatural liga
tures, weaken or kill. The best markets of
our agriculture lie in foreign countries, whilst
the best markets of our manufactures arc at
homes—Our agriculture has to cross the o
ceau and encounter a competition with foreign
agriculture on its own ground. Our manu
factures inset at home a competition with
foreign manufactures. The disadvantages of
the fir- competition, suffice to excite all the
efforts of agriculture to save her life ; the ad
vantages of the second suffice gradifhlly to be
stow a sound constitution on manufacturing,
lut the manufacture of a:i nristocnitio.il in
i crest, under the pretext of encouraging work
of a very different nature, may reduce both
manufactures and husbandmen, as Strickland
o-ays, i* already eifectcd in the case of the lat
ter, to the lowest state of degradation.”
Tins degradation could never liave been
seen by a friend to either, who could after
wards approve of protecting duties. Let us
take the article of wheat to unfold an idea of
ho disadvantages which have produced it.
If wheat is worth 16s. sterling in England
the 70lb. the farmers sell it hero at about 6s.
sterling.—American agriculture then meets
English agriculture in a competition, compell
ing her to sell at little more than one third of
ho price obtained by her rival. Rut A
t ierican manufactures take the field against
English o:i very different terms. These com
petitors meet in the United States. The A*
uicrican manufactures receive first, a bounty
equal to the freight, commission and English
taxes, upon thi ir English rivals : and second
ly, a bounty equal to our necessary imports.
Without protecting duties, therefore, the A
merican manufacturer gets for the same arti
cle, about 25 per cent, more, and the Ameri
can agriculturist about ISO per cent.less,than
tueit English rivals. Protecting duties ad
ded to these incqualties, may raise up an
order of masters for actual manufactures, to
intercept advantages to escape the vigilance
<>f capita!, impoverish husbandmen, and aid
in changing.! fair toa fraudulent government;
but they will never make cither of these in
trinsically valuable classes rich, wiser or
freer.
THE POLITICAL STATE OF AGRICUL
TURE, CONTINUED.
In this number I shall consider a reason
for protecting duties to oncourage manufac
tures,. which, if it is sound, overturns the
whole argument against them. In every es-l
■■Civ on behalf of manufactures, wc are told,
that by'creating this class with bounties and
privileges, wc shall, both make ourselves in
dependent of foreign nations, and also pro
vide a market for agricultural labor,as an aris
too me y, in nil its forms, .is a market for labour.
And the high price of wheat in England, is
contrasted with it3 low price here, to prove
t!it l itter assertion. It would be sounder red
soiling o contrast the high price of manufac
tures ii re, with the low price there, to prove
that tiny ought 4o give bounties to agriculture
So provide a (or !Ve
tions and nidi villus Is are u<iivcfsdlv promis-f
ed wealth by political swindlers.—The Eng |
lish price for wheat, is coupled with the :
English political system. Without adopting
the causes of that pi ice, the effects springing
from these causes cannot follow. The idle
classes of tlio nobility, clergy, afmv, bankers
and national debt holders, with their servants
dependents, are the Usuis of an aristocra
cy, which has reduced the agricultural class
to a poor and powerless state, by the juggle
of persuading it to buy high prices, by crca
t.ng and maintaining these idle classes. The
national debt alone maintains mors people,
than there are agriculturists in Britain. —
Tnese do not amount to a tenth part of the
nation. It is to this combination of causes,
I and not to manufactures singly, that the Eng.
lish agriculture is indebted for its high pri
ces.
These very prices are themselves proofs oi
the oppression which produced them, Thoy
are the effect of the tendency which industry
'has to recover back some equivalent from
fraud, and of the necessity of fraud to extend
some encouragement to industry. But shall
1 we oppress our agriculture, merely to demon
strate that abuses have a tendency to excite
countervailing efforts, anJ load it witii English
; imposition, for the sake of the inadequate rc
i unbursment of English prices?
Let him who hopes to live to see the agri
cultural class of tho United Stales, reduced
by English policy to a tenth part of the na
! tion, undertake to prove, that such a retluc
f t ion would be a proof of its prosperity. If he
| could defend such a theory, he would at hst
j be practically disappointed, unless our manu
factures should druo the English mauulac
| tores out of tho world, and occupy thefr place.
| The ingenious device of agriculture in Eng
! land, in bestowing moriev on noble, clerical,
' military and chartered idlers, for tho sake ot
! selling its products to get back a part ol its
; own, would turn out still more miserably, c.\-
j cept for the vast addition to the manufacturing
j class, by foreign demands for its labour. If
E igland only manufactured tor herself,
. her manufactures would constitute but,
a wretched market for agriculture. One
labourer feeds many manufacturers. One
manufacturer supplies many labourers. Jie-
I fore the promise of English prices jor bread
[ffind meat, tobacco and cotton, can be realized,
l from driving in manufacturing by protecting
[duties, we must be able tc drive out manu
factures by protecting fleets into every quar-
I ter of tile globe ; and so like some booby
i lo irs, tako up a p:nt’s lollies, at the period
Iho is forced to lay them down.
1 .Still more hopeless is the promise of the
manufacturing mania, “ that it wilt make us
independent of foreign nations,” when com
bined with its other promise of providing a
iiiarivel for agriculture. The promise oi a
market, as we see in the experience of Eng
land, can only be made good, by reducing j
the agricultural class to a tenth part of tiie ;
nation, and increasing manufactures by great !
manufacturul exportations. This reduction
can only be accomplished by driving or sedu
cing above nine-tenths of the agricultural
ciass, into other classes, and the increase
:>j a brave and patriotick navy. Discontent
and misery will be the fruits of the first oper
ation, and these would constitute the most
forlorn hope for success in the second. By
exchanging hardy, honest and free husband
men for the classes necessary to reduce the
number of agriculturists, low enough
to raise the prices of their products, shall
we become more independent of foreign na
tions? What! Secure our independence by
j bankers & capitalists ? Secure our indepen
| dence by impoverishing, discouraging and
i annihilating nine-tenths of our sound yeo
; manry ? By turning them into swindlers, and
dependents on a master capitalist for daily
bread.
There are two kinds of independence,
real and imaginary. The first consists of the
right of national self-government; the second
of individual taste or prejudice. The yeo
manry of the forest are best calculated to
preserve the first, aud the yeomanry of the
loom are best calculated to feed the second.
A surrender of the first to o .tain the second,
would be a mode of securing our indepen
dence, dike England’s converting her hardy
tars into barbers and tailors, to become inde
pendent of French fashions.
The manufacturing mania accuses the
agricultural spirit, of avarice and want of
patriotism, whilst it oilers to bribe it by a
prospect of better [trices, whittles down in
dependence into cargoes of lancy goods, and
proposes to metamorphose nine-tenths of the
hardy sons of the forest into every thing but
heroes, for the grand end of gratifying the <
avarice ot a capitalist, monied or paper inter
est. Opinion is sometimes prejudice, some
times zeal, and often craft. These counter
feits of truth have universally deluded the
majority of nations into the strange conclu
sion, that* it will flourish by paying bounties
to undertakers for national wealth, and for
national independence. The first imposture 1
is detected, the second begins to ho strongly
suspetjtcd, but the third has artfully provoked j
its tri 11, at a moment when it can conceal
the cheat under the passions excited bv
transitory circumstances. Hatred of England,
a pretended zeal for national honor; and the
real craft of advancing the pecuniary interest
of a few capitalists; have conspired to paint a
protecting duty system, into so strong a re
semblance of patriotism and honesty, as to
lead agriculture by a bridle made of her vir
tue and ignorance, towards the worship of
,an idol, compounded of folly and wicked
ness.
The i m n ? r.
~THE UNDIAN WAR OVER.
BLACK HAWK AND THE PROPHET TAKEN.
Copy of a letter to the Editor , dated
U, S. Indian .igmey at Prairie Ja Chien , }
3d September, 1832. 5
F. P. Eiatij, Hsu-
Dear Sir: The Indian War is over. The
celebrated leaders of (bn hostile Indians,
Black Hawk and the Prophet, were delivered
to me at this pltico on the ult. by the
m&mm*
Winnebagoes of my Agency. The day after
Gen'is. Scott and Atkinson left this place, I
sent out two parties of Winnebagoes to bring
Black Hawk, tue Prophet aud Nuapopc to
me. They returned the :27th ult., about 10
or 11 o’clock, and delivered the two first. —
The same day 1 turned them over to Col.
Taylor, commanding Fort Crawford, and ex
pect to accompany them with a military escort
to the Head Quarters of Gen. Scott, at Rock
Island, inadayortwo.
1 am now waiting the return of an express
sent up the Mississippi, by which I expect to
receive about 50 or 00 more prisoners, take*
by the Indians. There is now 4tf in the Fort,
delivered to me by the Winnebagoes of my
Agency, and 1 have previously delivered to
Gen. Atkinson 40 prisoners taken by the
W innebagoes and Menornenecs.
The moment the hostile Indians entered
the limits of my Agency, by crossing the
Wisconsin, with tho-aid of the Commanding
Officer at this fort, I assembled the Indians
of my Agency, and encamped them before
my floor, where tiiey remained until the bat
tle of the Mississippi, and the rout of the
hostile Indians
l herewith cover to you an account of the
delivery of Black Ilawk and the Piophet to
me.
Your most obedient servant,
JOS. M. STREET.
;
Prairie du Chien, i
tilth August, 193:2. $
At 11 o’clock, to-day, Black Hawk and the
Prophet were delivered to Gen. Joseph M.
Street, by the One-eyed Deconi and Chaetar,
Winnebagoes, belonging to his Agency. Ma
ny of these officers from the Fort were present.
It was a moment of much interest. The pri
soners appeared in a full dress of white-tanned
deer-s uns. Soon after they were seated, the
One-eyed Deconi rose up, and said—
-3ly Father —l now stand before you :
When we parted, I told you I would return
soon ; but I could not come any sooner. We
have had to go a great distance, [to the Dalle
on the Wisconsin—above the Portage.]—
You see we have done what you set us to do:
these are the two that you told us to get—
{pointing to Black Haw k and the Prophet.]
My Father —We have done what you told
us to do. We always do what you tell us, be
cause we know it is for our good.
My Father —You told us to get these men,
and it would be the cause of much good to the
W innebagoes. We have brought them; but
it has been very hard for us to do so. That
one, Mucatamish-ka-kaek-q,* was a great
way off. You told us to bring them to you
alive: we have done so. If you hail told us
to bring then - heads alone, we would have
done so—and it. would have been less difficult
than what we have done.
My Father —We deliver these men into
your hands. We would not deliver them even
to our brother, the Chief of the Warriors, but
to you; because we know you, and believe
you are our friend. We want you to keep
them safe. If they are to be hurt, we do not
wish to sec it. Wait until we are gone, before
:t is done.
My Father —Many little birds have been
flying about our ears of lu£e, and we thought
they whispered to us that there was evil in
tended for us; but now wo hope these evil
birds will let our ears aionc.
My Father —We know you are our friend,
because you take our part; ami that is the
reason we do what you teli us to do.
My Father —You say you love your red
children, we think we love you as much, if
not more than you love ns. We have confi
dence in you, and you may rely on us.
My Father —We have been promised a
great deal if we would take these men—that
it would do much good to our people. We
now hope to see what will be done for us.
My Father —We have come in haste ; we
are tired and hungry. We now put these
men into your hands; we have done all that
you told us to do.
General Street said—
My Children —You have done well, I told
you to bring these men to me, and you have
done so. lam pleased at what you have
done. It is for your good, and for this reason
lam pleased. 1 assured the Great Chief of
the Warriors, tiiat if these men were in your
country, you would find them, and bring them
to me—-that 1 believed you would do what
ever I diiected you ; and now that you have
brought them, I can say much for your good.
I will go down to Rock Island with the pri
soners, and 1 wish you who have brought
these men, especially, to go with me, with
such other Chiefs and Warriors as you may
select.
My Children —The Great Chief of the
Warriors when he left this place directed me
to deliver these, and all other prisoners, to
the Chie fof the Warriors at this place, Col.
Taylor, who is here by me.
My Children —Some of the Winnebagocs.
South of the Wisconsin river, have befriend
ed the Saukies, and some of the Indians of
my agency have also given them aid. This
displeaseth the Groat Chief of the Warriors
and your Great Father tlm President, and
was calculated to do much barm.
My Children —Your Great Father, the
President, at Washington, lias sent a great
War Chief from the far East, Gen. Scott,
with a fresh army of soldiers. ITa .is now at
Rock Island. Your Great Father, the Presi
dent, has sent him and the Governor and
Chief of Illinois to hold a council with the
Indians. He has sent a speecii to you and
wishes the Chiefs and Warriors of the Win
nebagoes to go to Rock Island to the council
on the 10th of next month, 1 wish you to
be ready in three days, when 1 will go with
you.
My Children —l am well pleased that you
have taken the Black Hawk, ttc Prophet,
and other prisoners. This w ill enable me
to say much for you to the Great Chief of the
Warriors, and to the President, your Grout
Father. My Children, I shall now deliver
the two men Black Hawk and the Prophet to
1 the Chief of the Warriors here; he will take
care of them till wo start to Rock Island.
Col. Taylor said :—The Great Chief of
•Black Uewfc,
tile Warriors told me to take the prisoners |
when you should bring them, and send them
to Rock Island to him. I Will take them and
keep them safe, but 1 will use them well, and
send them with you and Gen. Street, when
you go down to the council, which will be in
a few days. Your friend, Gen. Street, ad
vises you to get ready and go down soon, and
so do I.
I tell you again I will take the prisoners, I
wilt keep them safe, but I will do them no
harm. I will deliver them to the Great Ciiiel
of the Warriors, and he will do with them
and use them in such manner as shall be or
dered by your Great Father, the President.
Cheaton, a Winnebago warrior then said
to Gen. Stieet:—
My Father —l am young and do not'know
how to make speeches. This is the second
time 1 ever spoke to you before people.
My Father —l atn no Chief; lam no
'orator ; but i have been allowed to speak
to you.
My Father —lf I should not speak as well
asothers, stili you must listen to me.-
My Father —When you made' the speech
to the Chiefs Waugh-Kon-Deconi Carramana,
the One Eyed Decani and others ’hither day,
I was there. I heard you. I thought what
you said to them, you also said to me. You
said, if these two (pointing to Black Hawk
and thu Prophet) were taken by us and
brought to you, there would never more a
black cloud hang over your Wiunebagoes.
My Father —Your words entered into my
ear, into may brains, and into my huart.
My Father —l left here that same night,
and yon know you have not seen me since
until now.
Mr Father —I have been a great way. I
have had much trouble, but when I remem
bered what you said, 1 knew what you said
was right. This made me continue and do
what you told me to do.
My Father —Sear the Dalle, on tiie Wis
consin, I took liiack Hawk. No one did it
but me,— I say this in the cars of all [ resent,
and they know it —and 1 now appeal to tin
Great Spirit, our Grand Father, and the
Earth out Grand Mother, for the truth of what
1 say!
My Father —l am no Chief, but what 5
have done is for the benefit of uiy nation,and
1 hope to see the good that has been promise e
to us.
My Father —That one, Wa-bo-kie-shiek,*
is my relation—if lie is to be huit f do not
wish to see it. .
My Father —Soldiers sometimes stick the
ends of their guns (bayonets) into the backs
of Indian prisoners when they are going about
in the hands of the guard. I hope this will
not lie done to these men.
‘The Prophet. /
Description of the two distinguished prisoners
(Black Hawk and the Prophet) at the time
they were delivered to Gen. Jos. M. Street ,
by a gentleman who was present.
Black Hawk, a Potawatoiny by birth,
but raised by the Saukies, appears to bo a
bouf 60 years old, has a small buncii of grey
hait on the crown of his head, the rest is
bare, has a high forehead, a Roman nose, a
full mouth, which generally inclines to lie a
little open, has a sharp chin, no eye-brows,
but a very fine eye ; his head is frequently
thrown baek on his shoulders; he is about f>
feet 4 or 5 inches high : at present iie is thin,
and appears much dejected, but now and then
he assumes the aspect of command. He
held in his left hand a white flag, in the other
the tail, with the back skin, head and beak
of the Calumet Eagle ; with this he frequent
ly fans himself. His Indian name is Muscata
niish-ka-kack.
The Pkopiiet, a half Saukie and half Win
nebago, is about 40 years old, nearly six feet
high ;is stout and athletic; has a iarge broad
face, short blunt nose, large full eyes, broad
mouth, thick lips, with a lull suit of hair
lie wore a white cloth head dress which rose
several inches above the top of his head—the
whole man exhibiting a deliberate savageness
—not that he would seem to delight in hon
orahle war,or fight; but making him as the
Priest of assassination, or secret murder.—
He had in one hand a white flag, while tiic
other hung carelessly by his side. They were
both clothed in very white deer-skins, fringed
at the seams with short cuttings of the same .
Mis Indian name is Wa-bo-kie-shiek—(White
Cioud.)
. • v.-
THOMAS ADDIS EMMET AND CHAN
CELLOR KENT.
“The Washington Ciiobe’’says the Nation
al Bank Gazette, “has begun to rcvilo Chan
cellor Kent. This will prove a hard file.—
The moral and intellectual character of the
Chancellor may stand a comparison even with
that of the President. Perhaps he under
stands the constitution almost as well, has
cultivated his mind and disciplined his Spirit
with as much success, and led nearly as reg
ular and exemplary a life ; perhaps, hjs love
of country is quite as disinterested and en
lightened.”
The ‘reviling’ alluded to is the following
exfiibition of the political character and con
duct of James Kent, given in an essay in the
Globe, signed ‘O’Connor,’and the whole of
which we hope to present to our readers. In
the mean time, we thank the Bank Editor for
the opportunity of introducing the following
■to the noticoof our Irish friends.
“But we have not done with evidence of!
this abominable persecution of the Irish pat-!
riots, by the federal party, who now ask the!
Irish republicans to forsake their principles j
and their friends, and give their support to|
to Hen: Clay and John Sergeant, the Fede-I
ral Candidates for the Presidency and Vice
Presidency.
We find the following account of the ten
der mercies and magnanimity of federalism,
towards that truly great man', Thomas Addis
Emmet, in Ne;v York. The federal aristo
cracy oftlic bar formed a base conspiracy a
gainst i i:n; "nd James Kent then a judge of
the Supreme Court of New York, and whose
name is now a; the head of the Federal Tick
et for Electors in that State, opposed his ad
missio i to the (nr, to the head of which he
l'soo;i rose* in srnte of all the federal cotnbi-
nation against him.
“The following account of the persecution
to which Thomas Addis Emmet, one of the
Irish Directors, was subjected, is taken from
Haines’s Life of Emmet. ‘Chancellor Kent
was a warm, and I may almost say, a violent
federalist. lie execrated all republican
principles in Europe, and was the disciple of
Edmund Burke as to the French Revolution.
He looked on Mr. Emmet with an unkind j
eye, and raised his voice against his appear
ing in tiie forums of our State.’ These arc :
the grounds upon which the hope is founded
by the federal party, to gain the Irish votes
at the coming Presidential election. The
Irish republicans see the Orange tories in the
country always.in the federal ranks, and so
closely united with the federalists in princi
ples and feelings, that they are not able to
distinguish one from another. The Irish re
publicans can no more harmonise with fede
ralists than with Orangemen, between whom
they perceive no sort of difference. Neither
are the Irish republicans at all desirous to
have the Bank of the'U. States re-chartered,
in order to enable the Tory Lords and Tory
Bishops of the United Kingdom, at the ex
pense of the people of the United States, to
invest, at a very profitable rate, the wealth
which under the name of rent and tithes,they
have robbed from the pockets of tire people
of Ireland, the rightful owners of the soil.—
The Irish republican voters in the U. States
will bo found, as tiiey have always been found
in the United States, true to the republican
party and its canuidat s, and they will not
rally with the Orangemen, the federalists of
Ireland, nor the federalists who have always
been the Orangemen of the United States.
Harp 9wr C'&m mii tee .
Copy of a letter addressed to Philip P. Bar
boor Esq. in conformity to a re solution a
dopted at a political meeting held at Shoe*
i Cos Springs, N. C. on tile 25tli ult. by the
Committee appointed to correspond with
Utssra. Barbour and Van Btircti; with .Mr.
Barbour's reply.
Si.octa Sp. togs, N. C. Jug. 25,1832.
Sir —At a numerous meeting of citizens
from various parts of our State brought toge
ther by accident ami composed of persons
differing in opinion on the several important
subjects embraced in the resolutions herein
enclosed and differing also in their views on
the election of a Vice President of the United
Stat; s, the resolutions herewith forwarded
were unanimously adopted and we were ap
p inted in conformity with said resolutions a
committee charged with forwarding you a co
py and respectfully soliciting an early reply,
to the several questions therein proposed.
It is unnecessary for us to add our desire
for an explicit avowal of your views on these
subjects, for you must be aware that they are
producing much excitement throughout our
Country and it is a matter of grt at importance
that the public should distinctly understand!
those who are candidates for high and dis
tinguished stations on ail the ieading topics
winch agitate the public mind.
We have the honor to he,
Very respt’y your ob’t servants,
JOSEPH il. BRYAN,
J. T. GRANBURY,
MEMUCAN HUNT.
Ilox. P. P. Baubouk.
Frcscati, Sept. Oth, 1832.
Gentlemen —l have received your letter of
the 25th uit. enclosing Certain resolutions a
doptod at a poii!tcal meeting, held on that
day, at Shocco Springs, Warren county, N. C.
In conformity to one of these resolutions,
you ask me to state my sentiments m relation
to the Protective System, Internal Improve
ment, the Bank of the United Slates, and Nul
lification.
Whilst I should he altogether unwilling to
obtrude my opinions in regard to political
questions upon the public, l am equally loth
to withhold then., when thus publicly and ex
plicitly called upon to express them. I there
fore without hesitancy proceed to answer the
inquiries. I understand the committee to ask
what my opinions are, not by what Drocess of
reasoning I have been led to adept them.
First then as to the Protective System by
which I mean the laying of imposts, not to
raise revenue, for’the sake of revenue, but to
support domestic manufactures against for
eign competition. lam decidedly, and ut
terly opposed to the whole system, upon the
various grounds of its being in violation of
the spirit, of the Constitution, and being un
just, unequal, and oppressive in its operation.
1 enclose two speeches delivered by me on
this subject, in the House of Representatives;
the first in 1820, and the other in 1824, in
winch you will see my views at length, on all
these grounds.
Next in order is the subject of Interna! *’.n
provement. I consider that whole system,
when attempted to be executed by Com-ress,
whether in the form of construction, or appro
priation by way of subscription, to what is to
constructed by others, as unconstitutional, as
highly inexpedient, & as calculated to under
mine the independence of the States and the
virtue of the people; in a struggle for the
spoils of the Treasury. My views at iarge
upon tins subject will be exhibited in two
speeches now enclosed, delivered by me ip
the House of Representatives, the one in
1813 and the other in 1830.
T,:c Bank of the United States, is the next
subject. Besides the objections of this upon
the score of oxpediency,particularly the migh-j
ty power arising from the concentration in ;
an organized form of countless millions of
dollars, I consider this as being altogether
beyond the constitutional competency of Con
gress.
The latitude of construction, which would
bring this within the pale of the Constitution,
would in my estimation, utterly destroy all
those restrictions and reservations which
make the Federal Government a limited one.
And I feel that I do not state the case too
strongly, when I say that i*. resolves itself in
to a question between a supposed conveni
ence to the public in the administration of
the finances, and the character of the circuln-'
ting medium, and the creation of a power hv
the government*) which run? sooner or later.
become stronger than the govern
The Journals of Congress will s!l „ "‘J
the present Bank was chartered , that
voted against it. n h
The last subject embraced i n
tiQn is that ut Nullification. r
1 understand tins term as mean, •
the right ot the several BUf, by*"
tlmir sovereign power, to deck re vS
in their respective orders, nv /
tiiey may think unconstitutional **" 1
Thus understand,ng.it, I amo'
1 will endeavor briefly to state La
upon tile subject- In general when?
tion arises whether an set of(W. *
stitutional or not, it belongs to The il
Department to decide it, because'l,,
the question arises in a case, either irm
equity; that is, in a controversy betw!'
ties, which had taken a shape for j-,?
cision. JuUCI)
But when the question is one of P '
power, that is between the I’Vtteral p
ment and the States, whether the V!
invaded tiie reserved rights of the
hold that questions of this kind, do noil
to Judicial cognizance. That the rJ
the States are parties to the Federal!- ,'
in their character of States. Taut ;-?!
stitution has not conferred upon the b
Department, any political power ww!
That therefore in relation to questions,
character there is no cornu ion ump ute
that consequently the States must dJi
themselves. This is the right, but
tiie remedy? my opinion is, that the
rightful remedy is that of Secession
argument which attempts to mai ljta '
right of one State to nullify, & thu s , u ,
the operation of a law passed according
forms of the Constitution, until three-*’
of the States, act under a clause p r
for amendments, seems to me,to be ta.*
on this error. That in every cast 0 ; a
tested [tower, the question is, whn: Joe
eons’itution grant as it note is? Where*
dor an amendment proposed, tbe qucstii
w.iys is,‘not what the constitution uowii
what u shall hereafter bo. I have said
I hold the rights of the States to secede.’
tiffs right I consider as the last resort. I*
say in relation to it, as I here tofore have
that as in cases of physical innladv, arsei
never administered, but when the pati<
otherwise utterly despaired of, so, intis
a political character, this remedy shou
applied only, in casts of hopeless exim
I cannot conclude this letter, without
inga Unset prayer, to him who rules tt
tinies of nations, that iie would saveoui
loved country from this sad catastrophe
com when it may, no tongue can adeqi
tel! the. evils, which lie hid in the then
tenons future.
V* i;ii sentiments of esteem,
Yours Respectfully,
P. P. BARBOIi
Messrs. Jos. 11. Bryan, Josiah T. G'r;
rv, Memucan Hunt, Committee of a PH
Meeting held at Shocco Springs, V. (
The JLa&y's 800 l
©!33{*e of the Lady’s 800
Jtthenian Buildings, Franklin Plm
tTUIE number of the Lady’s Book, fur Si
her, contains a well executedl engrav
steel, representing a subject of peculiar a
tiietic interest, ft is from the graver of an
distinguished for his excellence. There i
sides several engravings on wood, amoif
will be found a very nea tand spirited vis
Cholera Hospital at Paris, which has lwn
sen on account of the pervading interestat
ent attached to the pestilence which us
w’here spread such desolation.
Ti.e literary contents of this number tor
a variety of interesting articles, which n
re. id with pleasure and profit. Wearctls
bled to present the award of the Prize Com
which we have printed at large, on the co
our Book. By this, it will he seen, that t
mium has been awarded to Miss Leslie, i
whose talents have won for her a high repi
on both sides the Atlantic, and one who ?
as much power in delegating scenes andi
ters with her pen, as her ..eminent brother
works are subjects of universal admiratii
exhibited with his pencil.
Mrs. Washington Potts, the story of
has been distinguished by the unanitno .i
bation of a committee composed of go*
whose taste and judgment are undoubted,!
published in our next number. It is.aliw
tureoflife and manners, drawn with grd
and discrimination, and a strict fidelity to
We venture to a predict fur it a tribute ol
ral applause.
Among the other siories submitted in <
tition, there are many of great merit,
would have been specially noticed and ca
ded by the committee, but for obvious
such a course was considered unadyii
They will be published in the
hers of our work, as opportunity may off*
We hope to make the October No. of*
dy’s Book superior to any ofits predeces#
addition to the Prize Tale, it will contain i
spirited original articles. In order still
to improve the book, we have employee j 1
artist, whose present performances give hi
promise of future distinction, to stiperin f '
embellishments, and he is now engaged >
paring a plate of the Fall Fashions, "li,
may safely affirm will equal in point
any we have hitherto published.
iu course of preparation the portraits oi
distinguished individuals.
Wc take this occasion to remind our
that the edition we are printing of the cuff
lumc, does not far exceed the actual-nun
subscribers, and it will therefore be n^
those who wish complete setts, to make -
plication. Since the subsidence °* l | ,e
to the North, and East, ©ur orders have
cd to such an extent that we feel hound
the fact, that those who wish the work
the impropriety of further delay. ,
1 1 J L. A. GODEY& 1
Philadelphia, Sept, 1852.
THE SUBSCRIBER.
RESPECTFULLY informs
ll the public, that he has take- the> ‘
head of Cotton Avenue, formerly k e
StoVe ; where he is opening a liandsoro •
er.il assortment of Dry Goods, \' rocr f
ware. Cutlery, Crockery, Naddlcrv- '
50 pieces Cotton Wagging, and 25
geese Feathers. Aliofwhich hcis'
sell at the lowest cash prices picas- n
amine for yourselves. ~, .r:
ntANCISO’CALP'f
A first rate Horse omi Be roue ho I r ‘ j
hove-. Fopt