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JOURNAL AND MESSENGER
THE FAMILY JOURNAL—NEWS—POLITICS-*LITERATUBE—AGRICULTURE—DOMESTIC NEWS, Etc.—PRICK $2.00 PER ANNUM.
GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING
ESTABLISHED 1826.
MACON, FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1881
VOLUME LV—NO. 17
A jriCJMy BALLAB.
With dmkleSre* dangling and flower-flap
That shines'tiko the akin of a Highland
Mottlod and moist a cold toad's
linstro^ and leper-white, splendid and
splay 1 , it vs
Art thou not utter ? and wholly akin
To my own wan son! and my own
wan chin,
And my own wan nose-tilted to sway
The peacocks feather a, sweeter than
That I bought for a half-penny, yesterday ?
. lorn; lilha lily, my langnid lily I •
3 My lank limp lily-love, how shall
win—
shall I spin—
, or rondeau, or virelay ?
hall I buzz liko bee, with my face
thrust in
Thy choice, chaste chalice, or chose
me a tin
Trumpet, or touchingly, tenderly play
On the weird bird whistle, sweeter
than sin.
That I bought for a half-penny, yestorday ?
My languid lily, my lank limp lily,
My long lithe lily-love, men may
gna—
Say that I'm soft and supremely isilly—
What care I, while you whisper sully;
What care I, while you smile? Not
a P» n • .,
While you smile, while you whisper—'Tis
swoet to decay ?
I have watered with chlorodine, tears
Tho churchyard mould I have planted thee
in,
l'l>side down, in an intense way,
In a rough red flower-pot, sweeter
than sin,
That I bought for a half-penny, yesterday,
—Punch.
.1 BECK LESS GAHESTEB.
Uowa Forty-JSlncr Broke np a Tea
Vent Dice Game.
San Francisco Chronicle.
There was a terrific row over a dice game
at 1000 Howard street on Saturday night.
The game is run by an ex-Australian
with black side whiskers aud a Hebrew
gentlemen of abbreviated stature. In the
parlance of the patrons of the establish
ment it is a “ten cent joint." the dime is
the standard com ot tho establishment,
and no patron is expected ever to insult
the dignity of the game by ever slaking a
larger amount. Such establishments age
not numerous in this city, but they exist
in all large towns, and are interesting, if
not pleasing, subjects for study. The
patrons are chiefly boys—young scamps
who have tapped the paternal till, or in
corrigible aud precocious petty larceny
thieves who have laid tribute on some
clothes line or grocery store. Occasional
ly aa impecunious individual, advanced
m years and intemperance, sheds the light
of his nose on the game, but the sport is
essentially juvenile, and the aged sinner
seldom becomes a fixture. The Howard
street game b a fair samplo of this class
of sport. The man from Sidney, who
possesses something of a genius, lias in
vented an indescribable banking game by
which the house is assured of every cent,
staked.
On Saturday night tho game was hi
full blast, and the Australian financier
was dealing the checks, while the Hebrew
gentleman raked in the nickels, when an
Argonaut run to seed stepped in. Being
of the regulation degree of disreputability
the stranger attracted no attention until
be flung a half dollar on the table. The
display of recklessness caused a momen
tary panic, and the Australian took up
the coin, aud, alter trying it critically,
tossed it back contemptuously, thereby
astounding tho crowd, which firmly be
lieved that it would require a strong
claim to get a piece of silver of such di
mensions out of his clutches.
“Hi say! Don’t you suppose we are
fly hennough to spot a snide ’alf dollar,
eb?’’the fugitive antipodean asked.
“Who said you weren’t, you black-
muuled foreigner,” was the candid reply
of the seedy one, as he flung back the
electrotyped counterfeit. “How much
for it?”
The bank advanced him five cents
which he staked and won. He immedi
ately doubled the stakes and manfully
placed his dime on the board. The crowd
held back, recognizing the colossal nature
of the contest. Again tho Argonaut won,
and offered to raise tho stake, but the
cautious kangaroo-chaser held him to the
rule, and tho limit was retained at ten
After ’a streak of unparalleled
tuck, in which the adventurous player
wrested five dimes from the bank and
brought it to the awful verge of insolvency
be succumbed to tho rigors of the game
and parted with his last nickel. He im
mediately laid down a jack-knife aud was
advanced five cents, which passed to the
bank. F;vo cents moro on the intrepid
peculator's suspenders slipped into the
fiebrew gentleman’s fingers. Ten cents
on tlie Argonaut’s coat followed and five
cents on his shoes. After much haggling
be raised livo cents on lib vest, the bank
bavmg contemptuously rejected all nego-
hations aimed at the transfer of his shirt,
rwtune smiled on him for a few turns
®*tbe dice-box, and he won back his
and jack-knife, but lost them again,
*na at bat stood uuabashed in the nres-
r|f* the presence of the fickle goddess
wan barely enough clothes to keep him
Whbm the pale of the law.
ijJ' ien !* was on tl10 point of offering
urn remainder of his wardrobe for another
o*»h at the $1.15 in the bank, ho lighted
w °ro car ticket In one of his pockets
? r ? u . <1 'y Aung It on the board. The
J, l "*lng idgal tender according to tho
of the bank, the Sydney exile very
{2"|)Ptly passed over the dice box and
.veteran grasped it with equal alacrity.
ne excitement was painful ou the crowd
Sr* “itvopld gamester rattled the ivo-
tn r »ised lib dilapidated shirtsleeve
mi.n!* 1 tiiem. Two dice rolled to the
™Mle of the table and showed that the
db Ln “* d tlirown two sixes. Tlie third
gamboling over the greasy pine,
io the floor, and a scene ofthe wildest
^fusion f„Ho W ed. By the rules of the
fall 6 ti row “untefl wherever the dice
pj' *** Australian reiugee bound-
, ° lcr the table with tlie agility of
tl,- “"6 kangaroo. Tlie Hebrew gen-
th» Ju’ * n VT ln S to lower his feet from
position that they held over
threw a back somersault and fell
Us*!. °.? tllQ crr atlc piece of ivory.
was pulled up at once aud straight-
rtaeh?rt l w ‘^‘ a cuff by tho veteran, who
but uA "H the other hand for the stakes,
thsm Ue 2* e * rcm Sydney had pocketed
innT-j eln <? * golden opportunity for
the the crowd rushed in, and
snrii . l . r ,* * n w *s used on the floor with
s*,'J n,husl ““ that he looked like a
so-. P. ?3-tuacliine in a whirlwind. When
vetor.!!" 2 ilt0 VM was restored, tlie
aw ?' lJ ! ‘is garments had disappeared
i-,1 r* Hebrew geotjeman swore that he
of IS*cough left, to buy ten oeoU worth
ucttJn S plaster for the exile.
n±2
THE CHICAGO HOME COMXEB.
AtaMssIreakia tbs larkst—Hie.
Mty«rtheBsaIaa<UsK*iN|«r.
Chicago, April 19—The bulb in pork
experienced si tight squeeze on tlie Board
of Trade to-day, and that there were not
many failures Is due more to good luck
than to good management, for the Chi-
cago Provbion Bing was undoubtedly sa
ve -.ly bitten. June pork opened at
$1S.35|, and sold down to $17.10. Lard
also experienced a severe shrinkage, de
clining in the course of the day to $11.171.
Chicago operators are badly mystified by
the tactics of McGeoch, and do not know
what next to expect. There are two the
ories relative to the extraordinary break
of to-day—one that HcGeochis getting
ont of the deal, and the other that he is
preparing for another and greater boom In
prices after he has shaken out the little
fellows. There was intense excitement
at the Chamber of Commerce, and it is
probable that should a like shrinkage pre
vail to-morrow, the consequence would
be serious.
Peter McGeoch, the manager of tho
comer, is a burly Scotchman who lives in
Milwaukee, but operates more or less on
the Chicago Board of Trade. He is
known as the man who broke the Mil
waukee wheat market three years ago.
McGeoch made a comfortable fortune at
that time, but probably not as much as
some of hb backers. Early thb spring
P. D. Armour, who ran the great pork
comer of 1880, determined to get bold of
the product the same as last year. To
thb end he began selling short, in order
to break tho market, hoping to bay in vast
quantities of pork by the 1st of March,
the close of the regular packing
season, at reduced rates. The Mil
waukee men -dbeovered bb deal,
picked np all tho property which they
found lying around loose, and at the end
of February Armour was not a little sur
prised to see vast quantities of pork going
to McGeech on short purchases made iu
previous months. On the 1st of April
practically all the property in the market
fell into McGoech’s hands on matured
short contracts. This amounted at that
time to about 200,000 barrels of pork,
100,000 tierces of lard, and 00,000,000
pounds of meats, valued at not less than
$S,000,000. Of course McGeech was not
able to put thb amount of money in the
deal, but Alexander Mitchell doubtless
knows where the capital came irom. The
general impression is that Armour loses
leavily, but as his house is probably
worth ten millions, it would not
miss a million very much. It is said that
while he has filled in a majority of lib old
short contracts made during the winter,
he has cot entirely deserted the bear side.
Feeling, perhaps, that the McGeoch deal
would bo a short one, and that there
would be an opportunity for him to real
ize on the break that ig sure to follow the
dissolution of tho corner, and recover
some of bis losses, be has sold freely dur
ing the past few days for May and Juno
delivery. Thb b only a speculative move
on Armour’s part, however. Hb real de
sire is to obtain control of the property
here as soon as possible. McGeoch h3s
also disposed of an immense amount of
pork at an advance.
Senator Brown
Written for tho Telegraph and Meseengcr.
Joseph E. Brown, tho junior Senator
from Georgia in the United States Con
gress, lias come to the front. As a states
man, lie has not tlie experience of many
of his distingubhed associates; as an ora
tor, be. makes no pretensions whatever,
but as “hold fast,” as a granite base, so to
speak, for the safety of our Democratic
house, we search in vain for a better. We
do not propose uow to wnto him up—oar
object is simply to time liim in tho race.
Hb pedigree will appear after the victory
is complete. This much we will say:
When he was a Senator from Cherokee
county in the Georgia Legislature, he made
aspeecli on someimportautsubject. The
writer was then a young man, employed
in the Federal Union office at Milledge-
ville, as an assistant. Colonel D. C.
Campbell, the editor of the paper, asked
Senator Brown for a copy of his speech,
as aforesaid. The Senator prepared it and
sent it in to tlie editor. But Col. Camp
bell could not read it. He handed it to
the writer of thb tribute and asked him
to take it home that night and make the
best of it. We took it home, We re
wrote it just as Senator Brown
wanted it done. And it appeared ifi
the Federal Union of the next issue,
and attracted universal attention. We
will not go to dates, but shortly alter the
Democratic convention met in Milledge-
ville to nominate a candidate for Gov
ernor. Four names were presented; Hi
ram Warner, James Gardner, Henry G.
Lamar and John H. Lumpkin—giants,
all of them, at that day. The contest
was long and protracted, without issue.
A committee of conference was appointed
and that committee returned the name of
Joseph E. Brown. Everybody was as
tonished. Who’s he? Who’s Joseph E.
Brown? was asked on all sides. Who he
is wo all know now. The only complaint
we have to make b, that it kept us up all
night to copy that speech in the Georgia
t’ • - n J mAMArAli tllttt fliaro’s VlPftn
UEXBIXG FS WOMB.
fN—Hla AlfeMjv lialman aai
Caseload Kepert Tkreafh Oar Car-
Wkat h Agnostic Is.
-V«ic York San.
not.'" know whether he has a soul t
lilt M t know whether (here is a future
^ or not; doesn’t tAtem Unit .any one
*a ho as,
I t3 trj|i
to findvat.
waste of
Senate; and, moreover, that there’s been
no improvement in the chirogrsphy since.
El Hasbjcn.
Draining Ska Everglades.
The Jacksonville Union of Sunday says
the surveying party, consisting of Mr. A.
B. Linderman, Col. L Coryell, Mr. Wurts,
civil engineer, and assistants, returned
home, via Key West, Cedar Key and Fer-
nandina, last night, after an absence of
over two werks, having accomplished tho
object for which they went, namely,^ a
complete survey and soundings of the Kb-
simrneo river. Tho examination of the
borders and soundings of Lake Okeecho
bee, and n test survey, to prove the cor
rectness of a former survey by a United
States engineer, was made to Old Fort
Centre, the water at which place is on a
level with Lake Okeechobee; overland to
New Fort Centre, a distance of six miles,
tlienceby the old military road to Fo.t
Thompson, a dbtauco of eighteen miles,
proves the accuracy of Colonel Meigs’ sur
vey from Lake Hiclipokeo to that point;
iroving, also, a fall of three feet between
lickpokec and Lake Okeechobee, a
distance of five miles, which b an addi
tional fall of three feet, making the actual
fall nineteen feet from tho water sur
face of Lake Okeechobee to the water
surface level at the foot of the fall at Fort
Thompson; also a complete reconnobance
ofthe Caloosabatcliee river ana sounding
from Fort Thompson to Fort Meyers.
Messrs. Coryell, Linderman aud Wurts
made the trip in a small boat tho entire
length of the Caloosabatcliee river, a dis
tance of over sixty miles.
It Is evident from the amount of labor
performed that they lost no time during
their brief absence.
A large number of the members of the
company from Philadelphia are expected
here next Tuesday to make speedy ar
rangements for the commencement or the
work of draiuing the lake.
Ferwandixa, Fla., April 26.—The
steamer “City of Austin” was wrecked on
tho Pelican shoals, a mile inside or r er-
naudina bar, owing to the fault or the
pilot. The ship is a total loes, and her
cargo of suaar, cotton, syrup and fruits,
will be nearly a total loss. The cargo of
sugar b insured for $75,000 in New York.
The vessel i* insured in foreign compa
nies—amount unknown. Captain Ste
vens is still on board. Captain Elb, the
agent of the underwriters, is saving all
possible.
Thok as ville, April 23.—The banquet
given to the medical association by the
people of Thomasville, waa largely at
tended and very much enjoyed. Numer
ous toasts were proposed and responded
to by both vbitore and citizens. Nearly
all ofthe physicians left the next morn
ing, or afternoon, so that very few were at
the reception aud ball last night. The
attendance, however, was much larger
than was expected aud the evening was
very pleasantly spent. Thomasville peo
ple never fall to do their duty towards en
tertaining strangers, so we do not feel
badly if tho doctors did not stay to the
ball. Several druggists were examined
and licensed by the board—among them
was Mr. Robert Thomas of thb place.
The Superior Court has been in session
here all the week. Friday Wm. Brown
was sentenced to two years in the pen
itentiary for burglary. Limas Ponder for
the same term, ior forgery. Elias Ivey for
four years lor assaultjwith intent to kill hb
stepfather, and Moses Lightfoot to eigh
teen months in the chain gang, for larce
ny. The petit jury was discharged Thurs
day, and the grand jury adjourned Fri
day.
Albany, April 25.—Mr. Robert S.
Stephens, in company with hb uncle,
Captain J. G. Stephens, went np the river
about a mile and a half yesterday morn
ing in a buggy to fish some baskets that
he had In the river. After completing
the task, the basket and fish were placed
in the boat. Mr. R. S. Stephens was to
carry the basket across the river and de
posit it at the mouth of the creex and
then bring the boat down to Tift’s bridge
opposite the city, where he was to meet
lib uncle with the buggy. Captain
Stephens, ou arriving at the bridge, no
ticed the boat coming down the river
without the occupant, K. S. Stephens,with
the fish basket in the same position that
it was when they separated. He at once
gave the alarm and search was iminedi
ately instituted, but no trace of liim could
be found until about three or four hours
afterwards, bis liat was picked
up a mile below the city
Heating down the river, by
Elmoro Munt, who lives on the bank. No
doubt was then left in the minds of bis
many friends that be has been drowned.
The river was dragged, but up to tbo
present writing bis body bad not been re
covered. Many are the opinions as to the
cause. The one generally conceded b
that he was attacked with vertigo—as bo
is known to have been subject to it—and
fell overboard. He was a good swimmer,
and something of the kind must have oc
curred. Mr. Stephens was a prosperous
young merchant here, and leaves a wife
and one child to mourn bis untimely
death.
Several negroes attempted to force au
entrance into a bouse of ill fame (col
ored) last night, and were fired upon by
tho occupants wijh a revolver. They re-
(urned tlie fire and a general stampede
was tlie result. One negro was shot in
tbe leg and the rest badly scared. Where
are our police? J.
Montezuma, Ga., April 25—Mr. W.
W. McLendon, of our town, ended his
life yesterday morning while in a state of
mental aberration, liis mind having been
wrong for several months. He and bis
wife spent Saturday night with hi3 son-in-
law. Sunday morning be slipped a pistol,
went to to a private room, lay down ou
tlie bed, placed the muzzle of the pistol
against his temple and sent a ball through
bis brain. He lived five hoars, but never
spoke. Mr. McLendon wa3 one of tbo
first settlers of our town. Ho was a man
of undoubted Christian integrity, a kind
neighbor, ever fervent in works of charity.
All business ol the town is S'upended
to-day in honor or his memory. We feel
that bis loss is irreparable. The deceased
was 08 years of age. There was no cause
of bis mental derangement except a pre
disposition.
I have learned this morning that Mr.
John Story was killed yesterday by Mr.
Skclt Napier. Both parties reside in Dooly
county, where the difficulty occurred. I
have learned none of the particulars.
Observes.
Copeland, Dodge County, Ga.,
April 23,18S1. I notice in your last issue
a call for information as to the prospects
of Iruit crops in tbe State. In this imme
diate section the crop of peaches, apples,
pears, figs, all promise to bo abundant.
Peacli trees are now almost burdened
witb fruit. Our orange trees are all dead.
Neither shall we bavo any pineapples,
cocoa nuts, palms or dates. We had a
little too much of the frigid zone last
winter.
Farmers are behind with their work.
There is a great corn sensation in this
section. Cotton has retired. It has lost
its charm. Farmers are planting cotton
only moderately. Our yellow pine forests
are Inviting to both labor aud capital.
We want good men oi all occupations.
They can find pleasant homes rAAng us.
Wo don’t want any tramps, SIEdists,
communists or nihilists.
We have a pretty fair supply of docks
now. All sorts of time—railroad time,
sun time, mean time, sidereal time, etc.
I believe there are no exodusters from
this part of the solid Sooth.
Ocmulgek.
A Boy Worth Imltallnx.
Necessity, says the Herald, is the moth
er of invention, and as apparent necessity
is always calling a small boy in a direc
tion exactly opposite to that iu which bis
parents waut bim to be, tbe small boy Is,
consequently, Inventive. Tbe latest illus
tration of this truth has been afforded by
an eigbt-year-old boy who was left for an
hour or two by bis mother to take care of
a baby sister. What called him away
from bis post be declined to state, but
what ho did before leaving was to fasten
tbe baby’s dress to the floor by two or
three stout tacks. It stands to reason that,
after being thus cared for, tho baby was
unable to clutch a kerosene lamp, as a
plaything, to creep into an oven or to
drum upon tbe window glass with a po
ker. More still, tbe infant did not move
at all. When tbe mother returned she
may bavo quoted from Casablanca, “The
boy, oh, where was he?” but as for the
baby, there she was.
Merely as an example that boy is worth
millions to the country, for among tbe
things most needed Is a being who can
keep other beings in place, so that any
one may be sure of finding them. Had
there been some one at Albany with ham
mer and tacks just before tho vote on tbe
citizens’street cleaning bill tbe public
might have found some assemblymen just
where they liad been left. And how much
better is Congress thaD tlie Legislature,
regarding men who always may be de
pended upon to remain just where they
are put or put themselves on certain im
portant questions? If tbe hammer and
tack system could bA used to assure tbe
public Itliat lawmakers will always be
whore they should be the industry of
tackmaking would receive a mighty im
petus.
HONOBSTO THE DEAD.
STBKWIXG FLO WEBS OX TIIE
GBA YES OF HEBOES,
Awl Lsjlsf a TrlkaU at the last af
at the Geaaetery—The Military Pa<
ratfe—ffalate Over the Deaf—AH
dree* er Hr. J. L. haaUbary.
Yesterday afternoon, as is the - cus
tom, nearly all the stores and places of
business in the oity were closed, and pro
prietors and employes betook themselves
to tbe cemetery to assist in the ceremonies
of “Deeoratien Day.” The Confederate
monument, at the corner of
Mulberry and seoond streets, had
been most beautifully decorated with flags
and evergreens. A temporary wire fence
abont the monument was literally oovered
with garlands, and the spot never looked
prettier. In the cemetery loving hands
were also busy, and soon every mound had
upon it some little token of remembranoe,
while inscriptions and quotations were
placed in conspicuous points. Some of
tbe decorations were exquisite art produc
tions, and made a beautiful appearance.
At 4 o’clock the military column, under
command of Cob O. M. Wiley, and pre
ceded by the Volunteers’ band, arrived and
stacked arms in Central avenue. The
crowd which had all the morning been
gathering, assembled about the speaker’s
stand, where the ceremonies were openod
with prayer by the Rev. Crosby Smith, of
Wesleyan Female College. Rev. M. B.
Wharton then introduced the orator of the
day, J. L. Saulsbury, Esq., who delivered
tho following
ADDBE39.
Ladies and Gentlemen: One day, near
ly seventeen years ago, into one of tho hos
pitals of Atlanta, and from the bloody
fields around that ill-lated city, fast crowd
ing in came the maimed and the dying.
Noble and devoted women were there, 03
always and everywhere. God'-bloss them!
throughout’our Southern land in those
dark and gloomy days they were found
ready
“To nurse:
And to soothe, and to solace, to help and to
heal”
the stricken defenders of them and their
cause. Among the wounded wa3 a lad, to
whoso side came an elderly lady, who, with
the tenderness of a mother, soothed, com
forted and relieved him. i bis was but a
common incident, unmarked by anything
new or strange,in that noble woman’s every
day life; for thus, with unfaltering devotion
to our country’s cause, did she labor and
toil for its soldiers all daring their straggle
in the field. Did her fidelity to that cause
end with our hopre of success, as did, alas,
that of many of my own sex?
Did she, when our banner at
last trailed tho dust at the heel of
our foe, cease to love and to care for those
who fell before it? A more eloquent an
swer than my tongue can speak—“the an
swer fit"—comes from yonder graves; from
those at Griffin and Jonesboro, from the
monuments at Richmond, Griffin and Ma
con. I scarcely need to say that she, who bos
thns nobly illustrated the loyalty and love
of tho women of the South, is the venera
ble president of the Ladies' Momorial As
sociation of Macon, the sister of oar own
bravo and gallant Cook. AU honor be to
her, I say, and may sho Uvo long ih the en
joyment of the homage and love of the
people sho Im.-i served so well.
It is in responso—I feel that peculiar cir
cumstances warrant me in saying that it is
strictly in obedionco—to the invitation ex
tended to him by the Ladies’ Memorial As
sociation, through its president, that the
lad to whom she once so kindly ministered
now appears before yon as their orator.
It would be nnnatnral for nny one not to
feel proud of such distinguished considera
tion, and yet I cannot refrain from saying
what I nnfeignedly feel, that it would have
pleased mo more had the honor, iu the
present instance, been conferred upon one
more worthy and capable of representing
these noble ladies. Having, however, in
doference to their wishes, assumed that re
sponsibility, I will only say, should my en
deavor to-day merit their approval, even in
some small measure, this occasion will bo
to mo ever hereafter the source of mo3t
happy remembrance and laudable pride.
My friends, wo have assembled to-day,
horo in this silent city of tbe doad, to com
memorate with solemn rites tho sacrifices
and valor of those who feUin defenso of
tiio South, her homes and her altars,
her honor and the inherited rights of
her people—“all that makes native land
dear to the hearts of mento strew upon
their graves vernal flowors of a thousand
hues as sweet tokens of onr renewed and
enduring love; and to testify before all the
world of oar unconquered and imperisha
ble faith in the righteousness, tho justice
and the holiness of their cause. Here, sido
by sido with Georgia’s sons, lie those of
other and distant States—aU onee members
of the fain sisterhood of the Sontharn Con
federacy. With reverential afiection lot ns
gather them together in onr hearts to-day-
alike the known nnd the unknown—re
membering the while our dead who rest in
other spots where tender hands have laid
them, or where He, who guards that un
known scpnlcre near “Nebo’s lonely
mount,” alone keeps watch and ward.
I cannot think it is inappropriate, my
hearers, to say just here a fow words in
reference to some admonitions I have had,
touching the sentiments to which a South
ern man, having proper consideration for
“the harmonizing temper” of trar people,
should give utterance on an occasion like
the present—or rather on this our memorial
day. I do not ollnde to these admonitions
because of their porsonal connection with
myself, or of any intention on my part to
wound tho feelings or offend tho judgment
of anyone here, I sincerely trust that I
may not; bnt for the reason that they bring
into question tbe right of onr people to ob
serve this day after their own hearts, or if
the right be not deniod, the policy of tho
observances having any marked sectional
character. I cannot treat these counsels
with indifference, because they have pro
ceeded from tho best of my friends, with
certainly the kindest motives, and I would
not even appear to arrogate to myself
greater devotion to our country’s cause than
ttiey possess—that I cannot and do not
claim to have. Bnt let me ask: Does not
this day stand to and for oar people con
secrated, fixed, alone and apart in the an
nual round from all other days and occa
sions ? Havo we gathered here, my
friends, fov the purposes I havo stated—
to mourn for our dead and to honor the
cause for which they died ? Or, is it with
hollow mockeries of woe “to bnrn incense
unto Baal,” or some other false god—fash
ion, custom, prejudice or policy ?
Can it bo true of us, os God, through His
prophet, complained of His people of old,
“that every one, from the least even unto the
greatest, is given to covetousness; from the
prophot even onto the priest, everyone
dealeth falsely I” No, no, my country
men, this is not true of yon, else you had
not left your various occupations aud re
paired hither to join in these sacred
osremonies. No law, but tho law
of love constrains yon—no idle cnriosity,no
desire of gain. You do not come here to
mock or sneer. Hence, I feel that I would
be false ifl myself, false to you, false to
the memory of those who sleep in yonder
graves—a willing sacrifice to their convic
tions of right and to what is right—did I
speak to-day such words only as aro mould
ed by the dictation of a cold, calculating
policy, or fashioned forsooth, to accord
with those political heresies wipch, under
the specious name of “progressive ideas,”
are now obtaining, not only at tlie N’orth
where they had their birth, but even iu our
own midst much toafast, in my opinion,
for the long continued safety of our re
publican institutions. Besides, although
we hare lees reason now than when the war
closed to doubt that our cause was demon
strably and sacredly righteous; though we
cannot always repress the honest inuigua-
Go where you will and you find peo-
pie using Dr. Bull’s Cough Syrup and I tion of our souls, when we recall how, since
unanimous in their testimony concerning | then, under the ranoorous operation of the - . .
its good effect Price, 25 cents. monstrous so-called reconstruction acts, onstrably jur’, and righteous, and we should
our people haTe been robbed, impoverish
ed, misgoverned and humiliated, witb
truoulent vindiotiveneea that finds
parallel in the history of modern Christen
dom ; yet, I am sore that those qualities
which distinguished ns as a people, before
and during the war, lofty courage and hon
or, fidelity to truth and principle, and un
flinching fortitude under suffering and
trial, will bold us faithful to the new cove
nants we have made. We never were and
never will be traitors.
It is not my purpose to attempt any elab
orate disenssio n ofthe causes that impelled
the South to take up arms in defense of her
possess ability tor the proper
performance of such an undertaking, my
present limits and respect for yocrpatienoe
would forbid. I do not, however, agree
with those who consider, or profess to con
sider, that they are questions with which
the present has no oonoera—“dead issues”
that are out of place here and should tie
forever in tombed in the past. Tbe antiq
uity of an opinion does not, 1 know, con
stitute tho truth of it; nor do I believe in a
blind adherence to any political creed sim
ply because it was the creed of one’s ances
tors. This were a base abandonment of
man’s God-given right of thought and lib
erty of conscience—a servile prostration of
his intellectual nnd moral natures; but, if
the principles were sound and true which
onr forefathers, in that immortal instru
ment which proclaimed the liberty of the
thirteen colonies and glad tidings to the op
pressed of all nations, declared to be “self-
evident truths ’—if they were sound and true
when the foremost intellects and purest
statesmen of our land advocated them in
Senate halls—if they were sound and true
when our best and bravest battled and died
for them, who shall say they are not sound
and true to-day ?
“Eternal right, though all else fail,
Can nevor bo made wrong.”
I And os they aro true American princi
ples, so there nover was a time in the his
tory of this government when they should
be more instinct with life and vital energy
than now, to arrest its rapid strides toward
consolidation and despotism; and in my
humble opinion, those who are doing most
to acoelerat-0 tli9se evil tendencies aro they
who treat as a “dead issue” tho great prin
ciple for whioh tho South contended—the
right of local self-government.
A certain foreigner, in his memoir* of
the late war, which aro esteemed at the
North, and largely so abroad, as impartial
history, has said that the people of the
Soath, whom, with his characteristic regard
for truth, he describes as “au ignorant Rnd
idle race,” did not go to war for the sake
of principles, bnt were misled and deceived
by a few designing and ambitious men,
who, under attractive words and artful de
vices concealed their own culpable pur
poses. Such, and even more
gross misrepresentations and slan
derous falsehoods are not new to ns.
The Northern press has teemed with them,
the leaders of the Radical party, who, like
Lucifer, would rather “reign in hell than
serve in heaven,” have polluted with them,
ever sinoe their nnholy crusade against ns
began, every channel of communication
with the oivilized word; knowing that to.
abandon these ignoble means of exciting
hatred aud prejudice towards ns would re
sult in the restoration of amity and quiet to
this distracted country, and thoreby in the
loss of their own occupation and ofthe
meat on which they feed and have grown
so great,ani so they still keep their harpers
harping on their harps. Absolutely indif
ferent to them myself, I would pass these
slanders by with no comment whateror,
were it not that I havo observed among my
own personal acquaint me— among those
who in the war acted thole jmrU aolily nnd
well, and among tho3Q who to-day, ns edi
tors, politicians, nnd oven proaohers, as
sume to represent, lead and control tho
public sentiment and opinion of what thoy
call the new South, not a few, I grieve to
say, who by their words nnd nets aro giving
warranty—or rather endorsement—direct
or implied, to theso foul accusations. I
have no fondness for recrimination, no de
sire to keep alive the bitter animosities
ongooderod by the war, bnt
while I rejoice to see ohr people
responding with hearty good will to every
honest movement tending to bring peace
nnd harmony to the two soctions of this
country, I cannot bo persuaded that these
objects would be worthily obtained or per
manently secured by any sacrifice of prin
ciple or pusillanimous yielding of opinion;
for theso conditions—peace and harmony—
must have ns their firm basis mutual re
spect nnd esteem, which can never rest
upon hypocrisy and falsehood. Under tho
mellowing ana healing influence of time,
aud in our earnest efforts to convinoe the
!>eoplo of the North of tho sincerity of our
desire for peace, we havo forgotten and
forgiven muoh of tho wrongs we have suf
fered. This becomes a brave and magnan
imous people. Aud whon I remember Hor
ace Greeley—whoso name was onue tho
synonym of all things hatofal to us—as I
saw him in Cooper Institute just after the
war, and recall the eloquent, because heart
felt, appeal he then made in behalf of the
indigent of the South, (he won there the
vote I afterwards gave him, and of which I
am not to-day ashamed); when I think of
gallant Hancock, brave and honorable in
war, still nobler in poace; when I think of
the munificent benefaotions of Peabody,
Appleton, Vanderbilt and Seney to onr in
stitutions of learning, and of Gould
to the sufferers from yollow fe
ver, tho feelings of my heart are softened,
ana tho hands of such peacemakers I wonld
gladly clasp in mine in token, not only of
peace but of gratitude.
But, alas, these aro not tho sort of men
who control our national legislation. There
irevnila now on abominable system of what
s most appropriately termed “machine
politics,” the managers of which are such
men ns Conkling, Edmunds, Hoar, Blaine,
Camerou, Conger, Dawes, et id horrondnm
genus omno, to whom personal interest is
supreme law, and not their country’s good.
Sixteen yoars have passed sinoe Lee and
his veteran paladins at Appomattox yielded
up their arms to overwhelming nembers
and resources, and yet from the mouths of
theso men wo still hear tho wearisome and
insulting cant—“the clotted nonsense”—
abont “traitors,” “rebels,” “infamous trea
son,” “atrocious and unholy rebellion,"
rebol outrages,” “rebel shot-guns,” etc.
One has only to refer to their speeches in the
United States Senate during the last month
to find each and all theso gentle and
concilatory expressions, and not many days
since, one of these honorable(?)men declar
ed that the carpet-bag governments—which
robbed us of nntold millions—were the best
wo ever had. Far be it from mo to deny that
among those who fought against us were
many good men and true, who were moved
aud controlled by convictions as sincere and
deep as onr own. Thongh I think they were
mistaken,yet I honor and rtspeetthom. Tur-
;otsaid of the discoverer of America, “what
. admire most in Columbus is not
that he discovered a continent, but that he
had the courage to go in search of one for
the sake of an opinion.” So do I admire and
esteem those, who, believing secession
wrong, that tho Union—“one and insepar
able”—was to them worth every sacrifice,
“jeoparded their lives onto the death in the
h gti places of the field” for the sake of
their opinions. Bat those who abode in “tho
slieepfolds to hear the bleating of the
sheep;” those skulkers from the
fight who now flaunt their flags upon
an untented piain, are to-day tbe real mas
ters of the situation, the onee who are most
afraid of losing what they consider “the
fruits of Ihe war.” That they are so has
been demonstrated beyond a doubt. In
vain have we united with the friends of
constitutional liberty at the north
the support of their can
didates for the presidency—^war-
Democrate, even the great apostle of the
abolition party, men of great ability and
incorruptible integrity—and, lastly, the
Eodoral hero of Gettysburg, who, of all
who were in the field against us, was, by
common acclaim, the knightliest, noblest
and best—and yet their acceptability to the
“solid South” (a cant phrase- now of re
proach to us) was, by the very men I have
named, made the means of their defeat.
Whatever be our obligations to in
dividuals at the North, silent sub
mission to insult, injustice and dis
honor is inconsistent with the self-re-
not defile their ache* with penitential
tears.
I therefore deem it of vs nr high impor
tance to the youth of this land, that they
should know upon whom nets tbe awful
responsibility of inaugurating the war—
“that direful spring of woes unnumbered,”
whether or not, our people are justly
charged with “most atrocious rebellion,’’
the killing aud permanently disabling of
near one million men, the desolation of
many thousands of hearts and home#,
and the wanton destruction of billions
of property. To put the young
who hear me upon inquiry, to induoe them
to investigate and form their own conclu
sions as to where this tremendous respon
sibility rightly belongs, I crave the kind
indulgence of their elders to a brief recital
of the causes whioh forced this terrible
issue upon our people.
The mere statemeat of the proposition
that “the aggressor in a war is not the first
who uses force, but the first who rendors
force neoeseary,” is its complete argument,
and the application of this principle to the
question before us will, I think, moke it
one of easy solution. As a declaration of
wrongs necessarily implies the assertion
of rights, let us oonsider first the relation
in which the South stood to the North prior
to the war#
None, I apprehend, will contradictor
even question the fact, that this govern
ment was fonnded upon the principles set
forth in the bill of rights, which was said
to be “the general effusion of the soul of
this country,” and by whioh the thirteen
colonies dissolved “all connection” with
Great Britain and declared themselves
‘free and independent States.” The fun
damental idea expressed by that noble dec
laration is, that all governments derive
their “just powers from the oonsent of the
governed,” for the protection of whose
rights, snch as life, liberty, property aud
the pursuit of happiness, they are insti
tuted among men, “and whenever any form
of government becomes destructive of these
ends,” or any of them, “it is the
right of the people to alter and abolish it,”
and to institute that “whioh to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness.” After the colonies had organ
izod themselves into separate, sovereign
and independent States or communities—
each complete in all its departments—they
in 1778, for the purposes of better carrying
on'the war ofthe revolution and adminis
tering their foreign policy, “severally” as
sovereign States entered “into a firm league
of friendship with each other for their
common defense, the security of their lib
erties and their mutual and general
welfare.” Now, when the glorious
struggle of our fathers was
crowned with victory, and Great Britain
had acknowledged and rooognized each of
the thirteen colonies as a “free, sovereign
and independent State,” a general conven
tion assembled in Philadelphia—eaoh State
except Rhode Island being represented—
to revise the articles of ’78 and “to form a
more perfect Union.” The delegates were
men of loftiest character, intellectually and
morally—the wisest and best men of the
newborn repnblic. Tho resnlt of their con
scientious and anxious labors was the coni
stitution of 1789, which is itself the most
eloquent eulogy of their patriotism, wis
dom and sagacity. Can there bo any strong
er proof that tho people of the Sonth were
not enemies of the Union, bnt were, as the
i rreat Carolinian deolared/’oontent to leave
he whole matter of their rights where the
constitution placed it,” than the fact that tho
Confederate States adopted for their own
this very oonstitation of 1789, without any
material alteration? Their agent for for
eign affairs, it is true, they changed. By tho
articles of confederation and this' constitu
tion—the only written bonds of union be
tween the States tftikt ever existed—the
“sovoroifynty, (mSam and fndepandeBee”
of each State wore recognized and admit
ted. Certain powers, clearly defined and
limited, were delegated to the goneral gov
ernment, and every other power and right
was expressly reserved to the States or to
the people. The original draft of the con
stitution did not contain the article of
reservation, bnt it was inserted before
the adoption and ratification thereof by tho
States—thns marking it with the emphasis
of careful consideration and revision.
And who was the author of the amendment?
None other than Chief Justice Parsons, of
Massachnssetts, at that time the leading
federalist and jnrist in New England,—
and this intention of the founders of our
i government to clearly express their idea of
' be independence of tho States, i3 shown by
the very next—the eleventh amendment,
adopted in 1794, declaring that the jndidal
poworof the United States should not be
construed to extend over a certain sover
eign right of the States. The author of the
declaration of independence himself said,
that the States were never united upon
the principles of unlimited submission to
the general government. In a word, then,
under the system instituted by onr
fathers—the relation of the States,to tbo
general government was that of. prinoipal
and agent—of a principal whose rights and
powers were inherent and inalienable—an
agent whoso powers were purely, represent
ative and vicarious—^with the right of the
former to change or renounce tbe latter
for good cause—of which eaoh State was its
own judgo; and the relation of the States
to each other was that of oo-equal and sov
ereign powers allied by a mutual compact,
the conditions and obligations, of which
enured to all alike, and to which the laws
and principles governing contracts applied.
Thus have I crudely, but I think correctly,
stated the ideas and principles upon which
onr system of government was established.
Now, I wilt admit that if good faith had
been kept between the contracting parties
(the States) and no material part of their
agreement violated, so great were its excel
lencies, and so nearly perfect tho adaptation
of its provisions to all onr wants, the with
drawal of the South from tbe Union, with
out tho consent of the other States, would
havo been not only nnjnstifiable, bat crim
inal. Was any material part of the contract
violated; if so, who broke it? A certain sec
tion of the constitution provided for
the rendition to the owner of all per
sons held to service or labor in one State,
nnder the laws thereof, escaping into an
other, “and no law or regulation therein"
(that is the State into which said person or
persons fled) should discharge him or them
from such service. Now at the time of the
adoption of tho constitution slavery cxistod
in all the States save Massachusetts,
and this clause was considered so
essential to its protection, that with
out it tho constitution would never have
been ratified. It was designed to protect
nroperty in the service of apprentices in
! Massachusetts, as well as property in the
service of slaves in Georgia. The war of
1812 had hardly terminated, in which tho
South had taken up the cause of Yankee
skippere, as, in 17(6 she did that of the
Boston Tea Party, whtn the North, who had
carried on the foreign slave trade until
1803 against the protest of the Sonth, hav
ing got rid of her own slaves for value re
ceived by selling them to the South and not
by philanthropioally setting them free, be
gan to assume the right not only of ex
pressing opinions as to the propriety of onr
_omestio institutions, but of pragmatically
and seriously interfering with them. From
Ka>>inninniKft •‘irrflnrftftaihlfl rnnfliot.”
r et of any man or psople. We claim that
cause for which our heroes died is dem-
this beginning the “irrepressible conflict”
waxed fast and furious. I will not follow
it through its details—they are written in
the chronicles of these times. While there
were other causes of serious differences,
some of which had nearly brought about
disunion, none was so fruitful as this of
heated and angry controversy., It cannot
be denied that there were on this, ns there
have been and always will be in every land
on every qnestion of momentous public in
terest, extremists on both sides, who ap
pealed to and inflamed the worst passions of
the human heart. Bat unquestionably that
party was the aggressor which, by promul-
jating the unrighteous teachings of its
ligher law doctrine, suooeeded in getting a
majority of tho Northern States to openly
and avowedly violate, and, by the acts of
their Legislatures, to formally repudiate
the constitution—especially that portion of
it to whioh I have just referred, which they
denounced as a “oovenant with death and
a league with hell." They entioed away
our property, and, in the face of their agree
ment, not only refused to surrender it on
the claim of the owner, but caused it to be
worth his life to go into their States in
search of it They said the taws of their own
States did not make it wrong to steal
negroes and they would not give them up.
'They disregarded and deQed the decis
ions and mandates of the Supreme Court
By base emissariac and inflammatory doc
uments they endeavored to excite servile
insurrection among ne. In temples dedi
cated to the service of the living God, L
myself, have heard the vilest denunciations
of the men and women of the Sonth, to
whom the bearers were bidden to carry
biblee {none hand and Sharpe's rifles in the
other. What a gospel of peace 1 How tike
that proelaimsa by the heavenly boat at the
birth of Christ the Lord—“Glory to God in
the highest, and on oarth peace, mod will
toward men.” John Brown and those who
perished with him were glorifleld ea Chris
tian martyrs, while those of his band of
midnight marauders and assassins who es
caped were protected from the punishment
they riehly deserved by the Btatee into
whioh they fled, in utter defisnoe of both
the letter and spirit of the oonstitation. B; ■
these means were life, liberty, property ant I
the pursuit of happiness destroyed is many
sections; and endangered everywhere in the
Soath.
Liberal in manta and subsidies to North
ern monopolies sad industries, we were
denied equal parti ei pa tion in oar oommon
domain, purchased with our oommon blood
and treasure, and some of it given absolute
ly without equivalent by the South to
the Union—where we asked simply that Con
gress would not intmfere with the question
of slavery, but leave it to tho decision of
the people of the territories. The com
promises to which the South yielded on this
question were concessions pure and sim
ple for the sake of preserving peace and
lartnony. Vain, delusive hopes, for with
each concession by the South, the North
became more unreasonable aud arrogant
in their demands, “as if increase of appe
tite had grown by what it fed on,”
till finally, become all-powerfnl, they
raised theory, “This government cannot
endnre half slave and half free.” Great
and sore as ware these grievanoes, the
Sonth continued to bear them with pat:eu‘
sufferance, for it is a great mistake to sup-
; >ose that the restrictions upon slavery were
i he sole cause of our separation from the
North. But whon the anti-slavery party
elected a President, upon a platform the
principles of whioh warred not only against
our domestic institutions, but against the
independence of the States, and in favor of
centralizing all power in their agent—then
it was that the Sonth decided to assert her
reecrved rights aud to withdraw from that
Union in which sho had never failed to per-
form any of her constitutional duties, aud
to the glory of whioh she had so greatly
contributed by the wisdom and valor of
her sons in cabinot nnd field. Despite her
wrongs and abase there was Btiti in the
South warm love for tho Union. Slowly,
reluctantly and with great lack of unanim
ity among her people the ordinances of se
cession were passed. Actuated by no mo
tive of aggrandizement, no desire to inflict
injury upon others, the Confederate gov
ernment sent commissioners to Washing
ton to treat for peace, and to make a just
settlement with the North for all public
property at the South, forts, arsenals and
arms. Tho wily Seward, who afterwards
boasted of tho despotic power he could ex
orcise by simply touching his little bell,
dallied with them. .With the air around
thum vocal with snch peaceful notes as
“Scott and scorpions, cannon and' car
tridges foi^he rebels,” the commissioners
lingered, deluded by fair but false assur
ances that they would bo heard, while ac
tive military aud naval preparations were
secretly began; aye, they remained until
the first act of war was committed by
the Lincoln government, to-wit, the send
ing of an armed floet to provision and re
inforce Sumter. This act of aggression and
invasion, this attempt to intimidate and to
prevent the South from doing what I have
endeavored to show she had a clear const!
tutional right to do, undoubtedly inaugura
tM the war. bv rendering force necessary
on our part to repel it; and tbo responsi
bility for tho awful consoquenco3 that flow
ed from it innst forever rest upon tho au
thorities then at Washington, if they had
no power under the constitution to coerce
or restrain a State in the free exeroise of
her inherent and sovereign rights. That
they had not this power, many eminent
Northern men ngreed and publicly declar
ed—notably. Stephen A. Douglas, Seymour
and Horace Greeley—all aversejto slavery—
the last bitterly hostile to it. This act was
soon followed by Lincoln’s proclamation
calling for 75,000 troops, and the war, for
onr subjugation, was thus begun. Then at
the Sonth the wavering became firm and
resolute—the divided united and the youth
“sprang full etatured in an hourthen it
was the great and good Lee, of whom more
truly can-it be said than of Ctesar, that he
was “the noblest man that ever lived in the
tide of times,” who, np to this hoar, had
clnng to tho Union he would willingly have
died to save, putting aside the great temp
tations offered him at Washington, cast his
fortunes with his beloved and native South,
whose cause he has rendered forever illns-
trious by the grandeur of his pure and sim
ple character and the superiority of his un
affected but sublime genius. And he, tike
Washington, was a rebel ; and his, like
Washington s, 13 a name tho world will
never wiliiugly let die, names which, in
themselves, are a history and a consecration,
names once so proudly heard “amid the
thunder of the captains and the
shouting,” now bo happily blend
ed together in the classic shades of
Lexington. My poor words can add no
lustre to the fame of Lee—the detraction of
his enemies, if ho has any, cannot dim it—
’tis the common heritage of mankind, who
are the better for his having lived among
them. Thongh silent that tender, melodi
ous voice, though mouldering in the tomb
that loved and majestic form, yet through
tlie quiet but mighty influence of his life
and character, he still speaks to us. Is
there one who hears me whoso heart will
not beat responsive to the words of tho
young Englishman concerning this most
■tainleas of commanders and his causa ?
“Oh, realm of tombs! but let it bear
This blazon to the end of times;
No nation ever rose so white and fair,
Nor fell so pure of crimes.
No fairer land had a cause so grand,
Nor cause a chief tike Lee.”
I have not time to speak of the events
and incidents of that long and sanguinary
war in which our people, with devoted ana
heroic enduranoe unsurpassed in ancient or
modern times, battled for right ag iinst in
vincible odds. Not more nobly did the
Athenians go forth to moot the invading
hosts of Persia’s king, leaving behind them
their loved city, its splendid temples and
their aged friends. They, too, liozarded all,
and while theirs was the glorious victory
of Solamis, ours was the not inglorious
surrender at Appomattox—for, as said Lee,
iu his over memorable and touching fare
well order, “Valor and devotion could ac
complish nothing that could compensate
for the loss that would attend the continua
tion of the contest.” It was a war which
fulfilled the gloomy vaticinations of Web
ster and Clay—the land was “drenched in
fraternal blood,” and, like tbe houses of
York and Lancaster, “divided in dire di
vision,” and if our Ctesar or Napoleon has
not yet conic, the shadow of “the man on
horseback” has been seen and felt.
“To love these dead,” said our gifted Har
ris, "is to lovo the cause for which they
died.” This is true. We cannot divide
this love. We can neither “hate the one and
love tho other,” nor “hold to the one and
despise the other.” Rebels and treason,
freemen and liberty, these are correlatives.
We were the former and deserved the doom
of traitors, or the latter, and our cause was
just. Can we be base enough to impugn by
word or deed the faith in which oar self-
sacrificing patriots died ? God grant that
I may never see the day when, as a people,
we shall have sunk so low. The Federal
fovemment in the hour of its most despot-
c power, even with a malignant renegade
to execute its will, who had m most violent
language declared that he intended - to
make treason “odions,” dared not arraign
our noble and beloved chieftain as a traitor;
though to its monumental and everlasting
shame he, a feeble, defenseless old man,
was bound and shackled, tike a felon,
while a prisoner in that rock-ribbed and
iron-girdled fortress by the sea. I do not
say that the murderers of boor Wirtz were
afraid to take the tifeof Davis—I do not
believe they were. Aa unscrupulous and
cruel as that base minion of King James—
the immortally infamous Jeffreys—or those
incarnate fiends of the Reign of Terror—
Robespierre, Danton, Marat and Barer®--
they hungered and thirsted for his blood,
ana would h|ve shsd it had they had tbe
least oolor of law for so doing. Wtil pay cap
doubt this who remembers how, through su
borned and perjured witnesses, they eoaght
to fasten on him the charge, known to "be
a* false aa it was detestable, of complicity
in the assassination of Lin sola; or Ipmp
they tempted the unfortunate Wirt* to bfe
last boar with promises of life, if he
bat implicate Davis in the alleged cruelties
of AnaereonviU* ? Oh, noble German,
monstrous fiend thy pegsenfens called thee,
not even far thy life woalast thou stain thy
soul with the foul lie! That great ana
Christian ruler, who had preudly com
manded our soidiert in the hour of victory
for their “hsmanity to the' wounded and to
the prisoners as the Stand crowning gfecyog-
tbeir valor" was incapable of orime. Bait
they did fear to bring the great cause of
the Sooth before a judicial tribunal—to the
verdict of all times and countries—by try
ing him, its recognised and honored Mild,
upon that bill ot indictment for treason. -
Though tbe illustrious defendant was ever
ready for trial—the indictment was finally
quashed, but on no application of his. Let
us of the South never cease to honor and re
spect the memory of those who had the
magnanimity to beoome the sureties for his
appearanoe, even though among them ware
Greeley and Qerritt Smith, for to'them are
mainly due his release from bondage and
the prolongation of his life; long enough,
thank Heaven, to write the history of the
rise and fall of the Confederacy, which I
expect to read with a reverence for its
teachings less only than I have for Jus sa
cred oracles. To his detainers I say:
“Howl; bat you never aan more him,
So silent and calm and strong,
Here will his people love him,—
Yonder will God judge his wrong.”
In his grand latter to this association, on
the occasion of laying the corner stone of
the monument/'erected in honor of the men
of Bibb county, and all who gave their
lives to the South to establish the inde-
S indence of the Confederate States,” Mr.
avis most truly said that oar Confederate
dead “need neither orator nor bard to com
mend their deeds to the present generation
of thoir countrymeu.” Is it true also of us,
their survivors, that emalone of their vir
tues and example, we are zealously guard
ing the rich inheritance of their fame,
that we may transmit it undishonored to
those who are to come after us? This,
comrades, is oar sacred trust, confided to
no especial hands, bulof which each should
feel himself to be the responsible custo
dian, Millions upon millions of money
flaw annually from onr oommon treasury
intensions to those who in the late war
followed the Blare aud stripes. Poets,
orators and historians, have vied with eaoh
other in panegyrizing their achievements.
Lotus say naught against this, tis their
right, from which I would not derogate
one jot or tittle. Rewards and praise, how
ever, to be just must be commensurate
with merit. Henoe 1 think no slight honor
is conceded to the prowesr of our soldiers,
by tho manner in which the services
of their late antagonists have
been reoognized and rewarded,
considering too the fact that during the war
from first to last, L\G00,00U men were en
rolled in the Foderal army, not more than
600,000 in the Confederate, and that at ite
close upwards of 1,000,000 stood upon the
muster rolls of the former, scarce 150,000
upon those of the latter. Let th6m exalt
the valor and deeds of their troops as muoh
as they will, we have no reason to bo
ashamed of onr doad heroes, and should
neither suffer our interest in their memo
rial honors to grow cold and indifferent,
nor ourselves to lack the manliness to
speak their praises or to defend their cause.
When overborne by numbers, we could no
longer maintain it by arms, we abandoned
that resort forever and the spirit of Bollona
low no longer excites onr souls. “ Pike
,nd gun” ana "mrauioie artillery" ao
not, however, docide every controversy,
nor do “fire, sword and desolation,” al
ways produce “a godly reformation.” But
by other means, byothorways, I feel as
sured will oome the final triumph of our
principles, when the cause of the Booth
shall be the cause of the whole country, ana
this will be the victory that shall ovaroome
centralism, even the victory of State sov
ereignty and constitutional liberty.
Thongh Fate denied the victor’s crown
To those who boro the Houthern cross,
Is there no birth for all this pain ?
Is there no gain for all this loss ?
God never gave man the right
To perish in a high emprise,
But somewhere in the future lives *
The purchase of the sacrifice.”
The addrees of Mr. Saulsbury was deliv
ered in a most excellent manner, and the
oyator was warmly congratulated by tho
veterans and ladies.
Tho second Georgia battalion then de
ployed in front of the soldiers’ graves, and
fired a salute for the dead. This ended the
ceremonies'of the day at the cemetery’. A
second salute waa fired in front of tbe
monument by the battalion upon its return
to the city.
OrgunlullM mt the Executive Cwu<
miltee of the Meuetery Ceufereuce.
A*io York Herald.
Paris, April 23, 1881.—-The organizing
committee of the Monetary Conference
met to-day in the State apartments of the
ministry of foreign affaire. Delegates from
fourteen powers were present. France
was represented by M. Cemuschi, tho
United States by Mr. Horton, Germany
by Herr Thilman, Russia by M. de Tho;-
mer, Spain by Senor Moret Prendergast,
Portugal by Senhor Mendes Leal, Den
mark by M. Devv, Belgium by M. Firmer,
Italy by Signor Luzzati, Greece byM.
Braiias Armici, Holland by HeerVrolik
and Switzerland by M. Kern. Austria
and Hungary by the consent of thocom-
mitteo were each represented—the
one by Herr Yon Kiebahr,
tbe other by M. de Hcgedus. Norway
and Sweden were represented by MM.
Brock and Foreel. England is unrepre
sented. Tbe proceedings were not of a
very interesting character. M. Cernuschi
was proposed as chairman by M. Kem.
The motion was seconded by Signor Luz-
zati, hut M. Cernuschi decliued the hon-
Heer Vrolik was eventually elected
on motion of M. Cernuschi, seconded by
Mr. Horton. Heer Vrolik is a veteran
bimetallist, and was formerly Prime Min
ister of Holland. He was a member of
tbe monetary conferences of 1868 and
1878. After debate it was agreed that a
list of questions proposed by the delegates
for discussion should be drawn up and
submitted to the committee by M. Cernu
schi. On motion of Mr. Horton the meet
ing adjourned.
What a Farmer Lives For.—The
eccentric Lorenzo Dow described in one
of his characteristic sermons the life of tbe
farmer who is owned by bis farm, and the
paragraph, resurrected, is again going the
rounds of the press. It is good enough to
deserve a new life once in every ten
years:
“The average Western fanner toils hard,
early and late, often depriving himself of
nestled rest and sleep—for what? To
raise com. For what ? To feed hogs.
For what ? To get money with which to
buy more laud. For what? To raise more
cun. For what ? To feed more hegs.
For what ? To buy more land. And
what does he want with more land? Why,
he wishes to raise more corn—to feed moro
hogs—to buy mere land—to raise moro
corn—to feed more hogs—to buy more
land—and in this circle he moves until
the Almighty stops his hoggish proceed
ings.”
It is auerted that nearly 315,000,000 ia
invested in oleomargarine factories, end
that they bavo added nearly $4 to tbe vaU
as of every ox killed.