Newspaper Page Text
invite them to come and then begin to an
noy them by a whole series of political j
disabilities, which are assumed to be os-!
sential to a defence against them. Indeed, ■
the inference of the Know Nothing creed, on
both the issues it. has raised, is a logfeal and
a practical blunder from its own premises.
It assumes in the strongest sense of an exis
ting fact, not as a logical inference from the
Catholic creed, the absolute incompatibility
of the Catholic Church and the free institu
tions of this country. This is its premise ;
inference is, to render the individual Cath- |
olic ineligible to office ; the true inference
from the premise as they construe it is. that
the Catholic Church ought not to be tolera- j
ted at all. On the other issue, the premise
is. that the foreign in our popula
tion is dangerous to the government; the
inference is, the reduction of a part of the j
rights of citizenship—the ineligibility to j
office, in the foreigners already here, anil an j
extension of the term of naturalization. The !
true inference is, the prohibition of all emi
gration for the future, and the avoidance of
every thing that would,exasperate the for.
#ign element, already in the miust of us ;
the careful observance Os everything which
would tend to strengthen their attachment
to the Institutions of the country. These
are the results which logically issue from
the premises of the Know Nothing creed,
and which they are logically required to as
sume.
But they dare not do it: the measures they
propose to adopt—the exclusion from office
—is ridiculously incomplete as a practical
expedient; it is a most impotent and lame
conclusion, as a logical iufeience. It is ab
solutely necessary, either to cease this poli
tical crusade against large masses of our
people, or to make it effectual tg-acoomplish,
not only the ends is holds in View, but to
prevent the incident evils the effort at reform
has created in its progress. Nothing short
of a far more effective diminution of the com
mon rights of citizenship than has yet dar
ed to assume the shape of a public proposi
tion, will meet the ends which the American
party are seeking to accomplish. It is ab
-Burt to admit large classes of men to all the
common rights of citizenship, except one,
they should be deprived of all. If it is j
right to allow them to vote it is right to al- !
low them to be voted for ; tlie one right is
almost, if not altogether, the correlative of
the other. Any argument which would
prove a man disqualified for office, would
prove him disqualified to vote There may
be special reasons why particular offices, in
volving the representation of the national
character, as well as the national policy,
should be exclusively occupied by native
born citizens; but this is very different in
nature, and proceeds upon a wholly differ
ent principle of political wisdom, from the
universal declaration of ineligibility to all
office, among large masses of citizens. That
eligibility attaches as an incident, or in
heres among the mass of the common rights !
of citizenship ; and it is absurd to admit the ‘
citizenship in general, and this single :
capacity which it involves. This principle
of action involves tho explanation of the dif
ficulty raised by the writer in the Critic for ‘
May, in relation to the eligibility of the Chi
nese or a Mahammcdan. This question will
be settled by the settlement- of a previous
question, and that is, whether large masses
of such persons, Pagans and Polygamists,
are to be admitted at all to the permamert ;
and general particfpation in the rights of j
citizenship in a Christian country.
It is on this question, the great Mormon
issue, now ripening for trial, will be deter
mined in a few years. Conceding this is- ■
sue as determined in the affirmative, all mi- !
nor questions, such as eligibility of office, I
and propriety of voting such persons into of
fice are settled ; it is absurd to question the
ordinary propriety ©fallowing by vote what !
is allowable by law. The whole question, ;
as a general proposition, is determined by the
permanent admission of large masses of per
sons in view to the common rights of citizen- j
ship. It is one thing to allow specific pri- !
vileges to individual foreigners residing on ‘
our soil, for specific purposes; but it is alto- ’
gether another, to disfranchise in parts, and
by a principle designed to the permanent,
immense masses of men already permanent
ly a part of the population, and so reengnis- ;
ed. We insist, therefore, that the whole |
movement must retrace its progress, or go j
forwajd; it is unwise in the extreme to
leave all their power for mischief in their
bands, resulting in their simple existence in
the country as a part of its population, and
in part from the privileges which are still to
be left them— and then exasperate them to
use it, by attempting to reduce their full
political equality with citizens of oilier birth
aud religious opinions.
We object, in the last place, and with
deep severity of conviction, to the principles,
of organization adopted by the American or
Know-Nothing party, nud to some of the
particular features which they have embo
died in their order. If ever any principle
was at war with the very foundation of the
Amorican Republic, it is the principle of a
secret, oath bound organization of political
parties. It is unnecessary, dangerous, hostile
to the fundamental maxims of republican lib- 1
erty, and, in its existing aspect, demoralizing |
in a high degree. It strikes a blow at that 1
great fundamental maxim of the government
—tho intelligence of the people—an essen
tial element of republican liberty. What
matters it, how much intelligence the people
may have if political men will conceal from
them the elements upon which to employ
that intelligence, in the foundation of an
opinion and tho adoption of a poUcy. The
duties of a man are correlative. If it is
tho duty of the people to require knowledge
of any party claiming their suffrage’s, be
fore they endorse them, it is the duty of
that party to give it. No p irty lias the
right to retire into the dark, bind itself to
secrecy under oath, uufold whst they please
and conceal what they please from the peo
ple ; nor have the people the shadow of a
moral right to give their sanction to that, of
the propriety of which they are not inform
ed.
Moreover, this principle of organization
will prove utterly subversive of the Consti
tution of the United States, by placing the
legislation of Congress in the hands of an ir
responsible association of its members ; in a
body totally unknown to the Coiistitutifh,
distinct from Congress itself, existing with
in but independent of, ami independent of
all responsibility to, any public or recogui-
Wd law. Tbo Congressional Council, itself
at war with the Constitution, will be under
tbe control of the National Couucil ; aud
! the result will be, that the Congress of the
j United States will beeome, under the full :
! success of Know-Nothing principles, a mere ‘
! registry of decrees to a body in the heart of
the country, unknown to the Constitution— j
existing, no one can tell where —aiming at, I
no one can tell what. It is a principle of
party organization, which by demanding the
unlimited submission of the minority to the
majority annihilates the balance-power of
a Parliamentary opposition, and all the ad
vantages that belong to it. It extinguish
! cs the personal independence of the voter,
[destroys the jurisdiction of conscience over
| the politica l conduct, and makes it a condi.
j tion to the preservation .of his integrity, if
a voter should happen to scruple a measure
or a man proposed by the Order., that he ab
solutely abandon the party altogether.
Lastly: - if this principle of secresy and
j obligation under oath is legitimate for one
[ party, it is legitimate for all ; every party
| may adopt it.; the it Sag Nicht’’ clubs of the
! foreigners of the West are wholly justified ;
and the whole political destines of the coun
try may be controlled by secret, oath-bound
organizations—a hybrid mixture of Masonry
| and a political caucus, with all good in ei-
I ther spoiled by the conjunction. Can any
i man in tills nation contemplate such a pros
! peat —the legitimate result of the principle
{of organization adopted by the Know Noth
ing party, without emotions of alarm amount
ing to terror ? It is a principle, legitimate
in a condition of society w'nero the lives of
men are dependent upon the fidelity of their
political associates; it is utterly abominable
in any other. Yet the accomplished writer
in the Cl itic, for May, would place such a
principle, in point of political morality, on
the same footing with the vote by ballot!
We have only to add, that if the Nation
ality, the Federal Union and the Protestant
Civilization of this country, are dependent
upon the conservatism of this new political
combination, its past acts indicate most fear
fully that gloomy times are ahead.
THE STANDARD:
WILLIAM T. WOFFORD, ? VT) r Tf) r>.
THOMAS A. BURKE, $ BJJUUJSO.
CASSVIT.LE, GEO. *
THURSDAY MORNING:
JULY 5, 1855.
FOR GOVERNOR, ~
HEKSCHEL Y. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN.
FOR CONGRESS.
{ HOX. JOOT H. LUMPKIN,
OF FLOYD.
The Standard for Fifty Cents.
We propose to furnish the Standard, for th e
Campaign extending to about- the first of No”
j roinber, for the leiw ft'diff of fifty cents, to be
j paid, in all eases, in advance.
1 State Temperance Convention.
! This body will meet in Marrietta on next
Wednesday, thclttli inst. The annual address
, will be delivered mi Tuesday, by Rev. Dr. Fel
ton, of this count v.
j —— I
j To enable the hands in our office to enjoy ,
. the Fourth of -July, w? issue the paper this week,
j one day in advance.
We are compelled to omit our usual
I chapter of the Three Golden Jinks this week, in ■
•’ consequence of the non-arrival of paper intend- ;
i ed for the book edition.
State Teachers’ Association.
j We.are-rcquested to state that the Georgia
i State Teachers’ Association will meet pursuant
to adjournment, in Macon, on Wednesday the
j Bth of An gust next, at 0 o’clock, A. M. All
1 teachers in the State arc requested to attend.
The Weather—Crop u
It is raining while we write, and there is every
prospect of good seasons. The farmers in this
and adjoining counties, have been suffering
somewhat for want of rain, though wc have
never seen crops look so well. This rain will
, put everything in the best growing condition,
and place crops in lowlands almost beyond pos
sibility of a failure.
Valley No. 49, I. 0. 0. F.
The following are the officers for the term ‘
| commencing, on the first Friday in July:
Thomas A. Bcrkk, P. (J.
Wm. A. Romms, N. O.
John Q. A. Norjhs, V. G.
Samcei, Lew, P. S. & S.
il. McMekray, Treasurer.
We publish in another column, a comimiuica
; tion from “ A .Subscriber,” announcing the
I mimes of Messrs.'Solomon and Johnson, as can
didates for the legislature. Os consc it is not
| to he supposed that wc endorse their nominn- j
! tion, ns we shall do all we can for the regular ;
nominees of the democratic party. We however,
! agree with our correspondent ns to their capaci- 1
ty and honesty.
j BSSTThe Athens Banner comes to us fliis j
I week wearing'n new and b°autiful dress. The 1
Bonn* r is an excellent paper—strong and zeal- ,
; ous in its advocacy of Democratic principles,
and firm and inflexible in its opposition to the |
J political heresies of the day—and we nreindeed :
pleased at this evidence of Us prosperity. Long 1
may it live to battle for Democracy and the ,
, Constitution.
| So says the West Point Beacon and wo say
ditto. With such a paper as the Banner and
! ~ph n ‘to as tho Hon. Howbll Cobb, the j
Democracy of tho glorious old Sixth urc in- 1
; vincible. ,
The Prospect in Georgia.
From every quarter, wo learn that tho pros- ‘
| pacts of the Democracy in Georgia arc brighl
’ cning. A distinguished gentleman remarked to
| ns a few days ago, in Atlanta, that there could
j be no doubt of the re-election of Governor John
son by a large majority. In middle and lower
Georgia, “Ham” is turning decidedly pale
I around the mouth, ninny lodges having been
disbanded and where this has not boen tho case
i hundreds of members leaving in disgust. In the
I Sixth District bis ranks are being thinned out
every day, by the convincing eloquence of Kx-
Governor Cobb, while “ little lilick” is playing
i smash with him iu the Eighth. The nomination
of Judge Andrews was a stroke of policy, hut
jit won't work, gentleman. Your candidate may
be willing to'prove mreaut to his party, for the
sake of an office in perspective, but he will not ;
be able to carry any true Democrats'with him, ,j
while the mutterings of discontent arc already
hoard among the Whigs at having a Democrat
fqrced on them, when it is so well known that
j four-fifths of the new party were old Whigs.—
Let the Democrats of Georgia go to work with
a will, ami Sam will be beaten so badly in Geor
i gin, that his friends won’t be able to get up a
decent funeral. So mote it be.
“We predict that bv the Ist Monday of Octo
ber if the American Party is time t<> ! itself, the
aggregate'of votes w hich if can poll, on that day,*
, will not fall much short of 7,000! Let every
! one of ‘ Sam’s’ hoys, thfcn pull off his coat, roil
j up his sleeves and go to work, and they will be
o\irs beyond peradveuture.” —Georgia Citizen.
J Just the way the Virginia papers talked about
Sam’s prospects in that State, friend Andrews,
but the thing did’nt work to suit them. The
people told a different tale, and we predict the
same result, in Georgia. “ Sam’s boys” had
i better pull off their coats and roll up their
j sleeves, because they’ve got an awful hard road
to travel.
The Macon Know Nothing Conven
. tion.
The grand council of Know Kothings of this
State, held a Convention at Macon last week,
and nominated the lion. Garnett Andrews, of
Wilke* county, as their candidate for Governor.
The Convention passed Resolutions approving
of the platform established by the Philadelphia
Convention, adopted the Georgia platform of
1850, sympathised with the Columbus moVc
; ment and made quite a savage attack upon the
j administration of Gen. Pierce, at which he no
| doubt will feel greatly troubled. How this new
| party, composed of Whigs, Democrats, Fire
j caters, Disunionists, Temperance men and Li
; quor men can claim consistency in adopting the
j Philadelphia platform, and at the same time,
approving of the Columbus movement, we are
utterly finable to discover; but suppose that the
heads of councils who have set the sails so in
geniously to catch eveity breeze, can explain
everything satisfactorily to the initiated. The
Convention, we arc informed, was composed of
about two hundred and fifty delegates from every
section of she State, and that too, upon a short no
tice of only fifteen days. Truly the organiza
tion must be very efficient and perfect, entirely
too much so to have much republicanism about
it. The great body of the members certainly
can have but little voice in these hastily gotten
up Conventions. But it makes no difference
how many of the voters of Georgia had a voice
in placing Judge Andrews in nomination for
Governor, he is now the candidate of the Know
Nothings, and every men who belongs to them
must vote for him, get permission from his coun
cil to withdraw from the organization, or com
mit pm jury. Now that the candidates of the
different parties have been placed before the
people, let them take the stump and discuss the
principles of their respective parties.
Ignoring the Slavery Question.
In a late number of the Rome Southerner we
find an article headed with the following quota
tion from the Washington Union :
“There can be no such thing as National
parties, except, upon the basis of an entire ex
clusion of ihe subject (of slavery) from their
political creeds “no party, embracing mem
bers at the North and the South, can be nation
al or harmonious in the organization which
docs not exclude the question of slavery from
its creed.”
We agree with pur brother Myeiis, that “no
national party can exist, in the present condi-!
tion of politics in this country, that ignores the
slavery question”—“that nothing but uncom
promising hostility to the Abolitionists,
rate and ultra, and their constant defeat, can
preserve the Union.” All this we believe, and
much more, and we felt sure that the National
Know Nothing convention at Philadelphia would
find qjl their efforts to get up a platform in ref
erence to the subject of slavery which would ]
please Wilson, Gardner and the horde of open
and avowed abolitionists, there in council as
sembled, a failure, because their only hope was
cither to ignore the subject entirely or drive off
the entire North. This convention was forced
upon us by our knowledge of the material of
that Convention. What hopes Southern Know
Nothings overbad effacing able to reconcile mat
ters with such hot headed fanatics as Wilson
and his creed, we never could imagine. But we
are off the subject. We intended to say shat
our friend of Southerner has unintentioifal
ly wc have no doubt, done.the Union injustice.’
We hace ’no recollection of ever having seen the
editorial from which the quotation is made and
wc hope the editor will take another and do- i
ser look and see if ha is not mistaken. Such
doctrines are not. usually found in the Union
now arc they the doctrines of the party. Wc
know that the Union lyi.H ever taken a bold stand
on the slavery question, and in a number of tha*
paper now before us, we find a long and able
article in reply to the Charleston’ Mercury, in
which ground is taken directly opposite to that
attributed to it by. the Southerner. ,
The Mercury, a leading disffiion journal in
South Carolina in replying ty a article of tho
Union, took the ground thaL alfforties at the
North were corrupt—” that tfaijSe was no coin
man platform on this subject (slavery) upon
which the North'and H.mit.li couidaigxef and act
in good faith”—lJiat “ the tkinoctylict party,
the last to surrender in ffie North, hadlaHen be
fore the Overwhelming force oftwptpsfiycry.’'—
Now, every one at dll conversiifif*with the po
litical the country tor yeaTs paid,
knows this'bu be absurd and -sTdicTihiuS. The-
Northern domouracy l|uvc stood,and
are as rcady_ to do so to day jrEftfn in
Boston, the very hot bed of abolition ‘fanaticism
a noble band of whose love for their
country find tho priciples of the National Dem
ocratic Party was stronger than their sectional
feeling, lately hold au enthusiastic meeting in
honor of the victory of Henry A. Wise, m- Vir
ginia, at which resolutions strongly conserva
tive and eminently national wore passed. .
| 11 ore is what the Union says iu reference to a
j common platform in answer to the Mercury, and
j we commend it to our readers, as thoroughly
i sound and Democratic:
“But the Mercury is not only not’ frank iu
I this matter, but it also misrepresents ouryourse
, when it says that we haveTperslstently blinded
our eyes to the trqth so often asserted by it and
others, that there was no common platform on
| tho subject of slavery on which tho North and
j South could agree and net togother in good
j faith, lint that now we slowly and pain
\f idly adm it the truth of its assertion. We have
| neither slowly nor quickly, painfully nor joyful
j ly, made any such admission. On tho contrary^
I we deny the truth of its assertion ns persistent
ly and as confidently now as we have done at
all time*. We affirm now, ns wo have al
ways done, that (hero is a common platform
on tho aubjeot of slavery on which tho-North
■ and the .South can stand and act together. That
‘ common pin (Torn rests upon tho recognition of
the obligations and compromises spocitled iu tho
constitution in regard to slavery, and the total
(denial of any power by Congress to interfere i
with the subject iii any tither respect. It is tho
platform of congressional non-intervention on
: which tho Wilmot proviso was resisted—on
which the adjustment of 1850 was effected—on j
which the Missouri Compromise tvas repealed,
and the organization of Kansas and Nebraska
1 was provided for, and on which the democratic
party will again unite and preverve the
against fanaticism, whether it comes from the
(South or the North. On each one of these great
trials of national devotion individuals who had
claimed fellowship with the democratic party
departed from the true faith, but the backbone
of the party has remained as firm as over. The
Mercury may take comfort in these disasters
which now and then reduce the true nationabdu
mocracy to a minority in Northern Slates, and in
dulge the hope that its favorite theory as to the
inpr.ieticability of a sound. National Democratic i
party is established and that the millenium of dis- 1
j union is about to begin but the sequel will prove •
that the Mercury is doomed to further disap- !
point,ment. The democratic party has tempo-,
rarily lust some of its strength in the North, but
i its vitality and its recuperative “energies are un
j impaired. It stands now as it has clone from :
! the beginning—the guardian genius of the con-’
I stitution and the Union, and, under a kind ;
’ providence, it will save both from harm, whetli- j
I er the danger approaches from the North or the i
| South. If the Mercury was inspired with more
attachment to the constitution and the Union
than it habitually cherishes, it would be less
apt to grrivoait wrong conclusions. Instead of
seeing in the history of the past twenty years
evidence of the incapacity of ihe northern and
I southern democracy to unite upon a common
i national platform, it would see on every trial
to which the strength of the confederacy has
been subjected a body hf sound, reliable nor
thern democrats bravely breasting the storm of
fanaticism, and periling everything like politi
i cal promotion for the safety of southern inter
ests. If the Mercury could hear the voices of
, those true northern democrats, whilst thus no
j hly resisting the assaults of northern disunion-
J ists, it would hear something like this: “Wo
can meet and vanquish northern disunionism
when it comes single-handed, but when it
comes single-handed, but when southern dis
unionisrn comes to its relief through such chan
nels as the Charleston Mercury, we are annoy
ed with a fire in the rear more destructive “ban
that in front.” We can tell the Mercury that it
cannot entertain a worse opinion of the sound
ness and fidelity of northern democrats than
they do of such advocates of southern interests
as the Mercury. They may be beaten by* com-’
binations and treachery at home, aided by the
fire iu the rear aimed by southern disunionists,
but they never surrender their devotion to the
constitution and the Union. What if they have
been reduced to minorities in the late northern
elections: do they strike the democratic flag
and despair of recovering their lost ground ?—■
The Mercury has long since set them the exam
ple of hauling down the democratic flag and
despairing of the future. Not so with the no
ble-hearted democrats of the North. Already
are they buoyant with fresh courage, and eager
to follow their time-honored standard to the
next conflict. They are ready to unite on a
common national platform with the democracy
of the South, and they are resolved by the un
ion to achieve a common national triumph in
fhi contest of 1856. They will stand and act
together then on the platform of 1852, and the
result, will add another proof that the safety of
the federal Union is in the union of the national
democracy.”
Since the foregoing was in type, wc have pro
cured the editorial of the Union from which the
objectionable extract is made. The Union sim
ply assumes that there can be no agreement
on the abstract subject of slavery—that the
i Northern man with his prejudices against the
institution cannot be made to look upon it in the
same light as the Southern man who has been
educated to regard it as a moral ami-legal in
stitution, and that all discussion on the subject,
is without effect, except to strengthen the origi
nal convictions of the contending parties.—
Therefore, says the Union :
“ We think it may be safely assumed that an
ageeement of opinion on the subject between
northern and southern meu is an impossibility;
and in looking at the dangers involved in the
question, and in seeking for the means of avoid
ing those dangers, it is justifiable to act upon
the assuption that nil hope of ever effecting such
agreement is impossible.
“If we are right in assuming that (lie North
and the South can never hfrmonizc on the ab
stract subject of slavery, it follows that there
can be no such things as national parties except
upon the basis of an entire exclusion of the sub
ject from their political creeds.
” “No mathematical proposition is more true
than that tbe only basis of party organization is
an agreement amongst those wliq (filter into it
i upon the subjects which they recognize as be
longing to its creed. * * * These
I truths will command ready assent, and they de
i monstrate the proposition that, no party einbra.
j cing members at the North and the South can
j he national or harmonious in its organization
! which does not exclude the question of slavery
I from its creed. If northern men insist upon
| their party creed the doctrine that slavery is a
j moral or political evil, tlu-y raise an insuperable
j barrier against a harmonious association with
i southern men. In like manner, if southern men
j insist iin making it a part of their party creed
j that slavery is morally and politically right,
! they thereby cut off northern men from,political
, association with them. The necessary result is,
i that, without toleration of differences of npiu
■ ion as to the abstract question of slavery, parties
are necessarily sectional, amkeannot possibly be
i national-.”
: Our renders will readily perceive that the
j Union means, simply that the North and South
j can never harfinmize on the abstract question of
I ’slityery, and that no national party can be form
| ed, which fequircs such an agreement. In other
\ words wcAucvcr expect Northern men to re
gard sluyeryffu the same light (hat we dq—ns a
i murid, social or political blessing—a benefit to
both master.and slave. Wc have no right to
| requ're such a tiling, 1 Even native-born South
erners differ on the subject, although we have
! no'doubtf a large majority of them are agreed
| that slavery is both morally and politically right.
But if wc differ among ourselves, how can wo
1 expect Northern men to agree with us in all re
spects l 1 in the language of the Constitutiona
list—“All that the South asks, or has u right to
ask of Northern men, is to respect the rights
.guaranteed to her by the Constitution. They
(arc at liberty to hold then what abstract opin
ions they choose on the subject,”
rREPAIUCn FOR THE CASSVIM.B STANDARD.
Science made Easy,
Ou Common TiiinosSchcntipu’ vu.v Explained.
n
HEAT.
We continue, this week, the subject of llcat.
We have already spoken of the sun ns the pri
mary source of heat, of caloric ami of Electrici
ty, as tho second source of heat. Cnntin ting 1
this bianch of the subject, wo commence this
week with
Lightning.-* Lightning is accumulated electri
city discharged from tho clouds. There arc
three causes which produce this electricity iu
the clouds: the evaporation from the earth’s j
surface, the chemical changes which tuko place j
( ou the earth’s surface, and currents of air of
unequal temperature, which excite electricity by
‘friction, as they come in contact with each other.
When a cloud overcharged Avith electric fluid,
approaches another which is vndsreharyul, the 1
fluid rushes from tho former into tho latter, un- i
til both are equally charged. Sometimes matin-}
tains, trees ami .%eples will discharge the light,- j
rung from near, and the electric |
clouds. Lightning clouds are of various heights
from the earth, some of them actually touching
it yrith one of their edges, while others are as
high as four or five miles above it. Those from
which electricity is discharged during a thunder
storm are, however, rarely more than seven
hundred yards above the surface of the earth.
On a fair day, the clouds arc often four or five
miles above our heads, but their ayeray; height
1 is from one and a half to two miles.
Lightning is sometimes forked because the
lightning-cloud is at a great and the
; electrical current is diverted into a zig-zag cou -sc
| by the powerful resistance of the air, the enr
| rent flying frontside to side in order to pass
I where there is least resistance. Sometimes, in
: very severe storms, the flash will divide into
! two or more parts, and there as many
flashes of forked lightning seen at the same
j time. \\ hen the cloud is near the earth and the
1 current meets with but little resistance, it is not
divided, and the flash is straight. Sheet light
ning is either the reflection of distant flashes
not distinctly visible, or else .several flashes
intermingled. ,Sometimes the flashes assumes
a globular form, which is the most dangerous
form of lightning.
A flash of lightning is generally followed by
a pouring rain, because the flash produces a
change in the physical condition of the air, ren
! dering it unable to hold as much water in solu
j tion as it could before; consequently, a part is
t P iven in heavy rain. It is generally follow
: ed by a gust of wind, because the physical con
dition of the air is disturbed by the passage of
j the lightning, and wind is the res of .the dis
; turbunce. In summer, lightning m frequently
I by thunder, because the clouds are j
j so far distant the sound of the thunder is lost
before it reaches the ear. Sometimes the earth
is overcharged with electric fluid and returns
some of it to the clouds; this is called the “re-’
turning stroke.” There is more lightning j n
! Summer and Autumn, than in Spring and Win.
tei, because the heat in the two former seasons
: produces great evaporation, and the conversion
of water into vapor always develops electricity.
| There are two kinds of elcctricitv, positive
i aild MWtbf. The flash always proceeds from
] a P HS 'Uvc body; that is one overcharged with
j electric fluid. A\ hen the clouds are iu a positive
•state of electricity, the lightning passes from
j thfcn to ,ho earth; when they are in a negative
i state, it passes from tho earth to them. Yhev j
J are said to bon? a positive state when they con-
I 111111 more of the electric fluid than usual, and in
j a negative state when they contain less than
i usual.
FOR THE CABSVILLE STANDARD.
Cassvilie, Julv 2; 1855.
j Mr. T. A. Burke ,
I Dear Sir;— l understand that Mr. William
[ Solomon and Abda Johnson, Esq., have declared
I themselves candidates to represent Cass county
| <is icprcfsentativcs in the next Legislature. As
| a private citizen, I am glad to see such men
; coming out. They are honest—they are capa
i hie—and would be an honor to the county of
i Uass, if elected; and as an humble voter, I ear
! neatly recommend them to men of all parties
j for their suffrages. Will you insert this in your
j next pa - er, and oblige,
Very respectfully,
A SUSCRIBER.
—
From (lie Columbus Times
j G ov. Johnson on the Georgia Flat
form.
Executive Chamber, )
Milledgeville, Geo , June 21st, 1855. \
Dear Sir : In your note of the lOih insf.,
i s ou icier me to the following language con
| tilineJ in ‘".V letter to Maj. Howard,'to wit :
i *i suppose Kansas with such a Constitution
j should be rejected, as she probably will, and
j ,lu should be made to tho non slnve
j bolding States to return members to the fol
lowing Congress, who will vote for her ad
mission, wliut hope should wo then have of a
successful appeal, if we shall have dissolved
our party alliance with them. Absolutely
uone. lou say that iny .. opponents con
tend that in this paragraph I show a dispo
sition to dully with the North, instead of
faiilj and squarely meeting the issue made
j by the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Plat
j form. Ilcnce, nto place the question be
yond all cavil,” you request me .. to indi
cate # the course I would pursue as Governor
ot Georgia, if Congress should reject Kan
sas, because of the existence of slavery
therein ” I comply cheerfully with your re
quest. I wish to be understood upon this
subject 1 intend to be. Though I think
my letter, coustrued as a whole, oqglit to sut-
I itfy the most hypercritical, yet 1 will say,
j ‘■hat I shall never n dally with the North up
| on any question Involving tho rights of the
| South no never, never. But to the point,
i of your inquiry.
; The 4th Resolution of the Georgia Plat
i form contemplates dissolution, upon the hap
j pening of certain contingencies The rejec
; tion ol n Kansas, because of the existence of
slavery therein,” would he one of those con
tingencies. ‘I lie separation of Georgia from
tho confederacy must be the act of tho Sov
ereignty. As the Executive of the State,
the 4th Resolution clothes me with no pow
er to proclaim such separation. Nor am 1
j vested with it by our constitutional prowl -
j sion. Therefore, if Kansas should thus
i be rejected, 1 would feel bound to take such
: steps us would.clioit the action of the sov- j
! eroignty of the state, in execution of the- ;
Georgia Platform. Indeed,-! shall bring 1
the whole subject before the next Legislature,
and commend to them to provide lor the
calling of a State Convention, in the event !
of such rejection, to determine the time ;
and mode of the disruption of every tio that
binds her to the Union.” Whether elected ‘
or not, this much I shall do, in my message
j to the Uenoral Assembly ; and if elected,
| and the emergency shall arise during my Ex
’ eoutive term, I shall unhesitatingly as above
indicated. Tho Georgia Platform is the I
voice of the sovereignty of the State. It ,
emanated from tho samo source that framed i
the Constitution. It is equal to that instru- j
uicnt in solemnity and validity ; aud as Ex- ;
ccutive of the State, I am as much hound by
it as by tho constitution itself. So l cou- !
strue my obligation as & States Rights, man, !
and so would I render to it the most iinplic* j
it, prompt and energotio obedicuco.
Your Ob’t Serv’t.
HERSCIIEL V. JOHNSON. )
Con. TANARUS, Lomax, Columbus, Geo.
Louisana and Georgia.
At the recent Dcmocratio State Couvon- I
; tjou of Louisana, hold at Baton Rouge, the j
j following ticket for the state offioors was
nominated with general approval :
For Governor, R. C. VViokliffe; Liouten- 1
nut Governor, C. II Moutou; Secretary of the i
j State, A. S. Herron; Treasurer. C. E. Gren- j
loaux; Auditor, Samuol F. Marks; Superin
tendent of Public Education, Samuel Beard;
Attorney General, E. W. Moiso.
The New Orleans Bulletin (Whig) says
* this is most indubitably a stroug ticket,” :
But the inost gratifying part of the proceed- i
ing was the adoption of the << Georgia Plat- {
form,” which, though we have more than
once published, deserves to be repeated in
connection with this important sanction It
reads thus :
n That the State of Georgia, in the judg
ment of this Convention, will and* ought to
resist, even a last resort) to a disruption ,
of every* tie which binds her to the Union, !
any action of Congress upon the subject of
slavery in the District of Columbia, or in
places subject to the jurisdict ion of Congress
incompatible with the safety, domestic tran
quility, the rights and honor of the slave
holding States ; or any act suppressing the j
slave trade between the States; or any re- !
fusal to admit as a State any territory here
after applying, because of the exigency of
slavery therein ; or any act prohibiting the
introduction of slaves into the Territories of
Utah and New Mexico ; or any act repealing
or materially modifying the laws in force 1
for the recovery of fugitive slaves.’’
Upon this point the Commercial Bulletin
remarks: (
(i This is a rational, national, conserva
tive profession of faith, which every good
citizen can subscribe to, and the party that
docs not adopt it in its details, as wcil as in
the aggregate, cannot expect to be sustained j
by Southern votes.
From the Federal Union.
Know Nothing Platform Explained.
AND ITS HIEROGLYPHICS DECIPHERED. j
1. Resolved, That there is a God !
2. Resolved, That we should love our |
country.
3 Resolved, We are for the Union first— j
and every thing else afterwards.
4. Resolved, As we liav>j justly been sus
pected heretofore of faithlessness to the Con- j
stitution, we must hereafter obey the C'onsti- j
tution.
5. Resolved, That any honest immigrant
—who is not too poor—and who can prove
that he loves liberty and hates oppression— j
will be received and protectedan a friendly
way.
(5. Resolved, That the Naturalization j
Laws—must be altogether modified as
to prevent any foreign born citizen from ev
er voting in this country—we suppose )
7. Resovied, That we are opposed to the
corrupt means used by any other party but
ourselves—and that we are disgusted by the
wild bunt after office manifested by any one
who don't belong to our Order, and further,
over the left , that no one ought to hold office
—hut it should be offered to every Know i
Nothing.
8. Resolved, That no Roman Catholic—or ;
any one born, educated and trained out of 1
these United States, shall ever have any of
fice in the countiy, aud that we are apposed
j to ay one religions sect getting the ascen
dency over any other except the llomam :
Catholics ; and we don't care how much they
are persecuted.
9. Resolved, That we arc opposed to any
! hut pure Know Nothings being sent to Con- j
gross.
10. Resolved, That the Excutive patron
age must he entirely restricted to Know
Nothings.
11. Resolved, That the youth of thceoun j
try shall only be educated pi State, schools, i
further—
Resolved, That the ILble is a good book.
12. Resolved, That the South are in favor
of their own rights.
13 Resolved. That weir.ust arbitrate diffi- 1
cultics with weak nations— aud whip strong
on< s.
14. Resolved, That our members are at ‘
liberty to tell what every body knows, and i
keep dark every thing else.
Foreigners.
j Now wc affirm, says the I’ichmond Enqut.
i rer, speaking of tho prevalent abuse of fur-
J eigners by the new secret party, that the in
j dictment against foreign-horn Americans is
a gross and infamous libel ; and we challenge
| proof of the degrading accusations cm which
’ they are arraigned before the world Are
; they a besotted, ignorant, vulgar crew, as
painted by Know Nothing scribblers? For
j answer, we point to Agassiz, Lieber, and
| other distinguished savants and literati of
j foreign birth, who contribute their science
and their genius to the glory of America.
| Arc they lazy vagabonds, without stake in
the community ? The intelligent, industri
ous and thrifty merchants, of foreign-birth,
in our own cities may answer the interroga
tory. Have they exhibited incapacity or in*
fidelity in discharging the duties of citizen
ship ? Have they been lukewarm and treach
erous in the hour of trial ? In reply to this
j question, and in genoral nttcstatioh of the
character of our foreign-born fellow-citizens,
we will adduce the authority of one whom
; the Know Nothing Whig pros will not un- I
‘dertake to discredit. Hear what Winfield j
! Scott, the late candidate of the Know No
thing Wliig party for the Presidency, affirms
of the patriotism and character of our for
eign born population :
i> Vou have been pleased, sir, to allude to
our adopted citizens. I cau say that the
Irish, tho Germans, the Swiss, the French,
the Brittons, and other adopted citizens,
fought in the same rank, uuder the same
colors, side by side with native Americans,
(exhibiting like courage and efficiency, uni-
I ting at every Victory in the same enthusiast
! tie shouts in honor of our flag and our coun
try. From Vera Cruz to tho capital of
j Mexico, there was a generous rivalry in he. J
1 ruic daring and brilliant achievements. Let j
thoso who witnessed that earoer of valor and |
patriotism say, if they can, wh%t race, no- j
cording to numbers, contributed most to the j
general success and glory of the campaign
jin the many hard fought battles, there was
I no room for invidious distinction. Allprov
; fit themselves the faithful sous of our he
i loved country, and no spectator could fail
j to dismiss any imaginary prejudice he might
1 havo entertained ns to the comparative iner
j its of Americans by birth and Americans by
j adoption.”
And mark, this language was spoken, not
| in tho progress of the canvass, when it might
have been the utterance of interested motive
and biased judgment; but before General
Scott was a candidate for the Presidency,
and is therefore tho honest aud deliberate i
oonviotion of his mind. It was spoken at
Elizabethtown, New Jcraoy, immediately af
ter his return from Mexico, in reply to a
deputation from the Common Council of Now
York. *
It is stated by the Magazine Fraucais, I
that tho newfashion of ladies’ bonnets are i
even smaller than those of last spring, but |
it is difficult to sec bow that can be j 1
-b’ ....V,’ a.
The Masschusetts Democracy iw
j on their Armor
’ Tl > er e is a point in the descent of polffi
degradation from which a reaction niugttk
rhice. Massachusetts has reached the de ]
; and the reaction is sure to follow, Kn ’
nothingism and abolitionism combined I°*’
had their day, and every pntid citizen ot2
■State now feels that the pl*gu e . tpot of £
famy stamped upon her character must 1
wiped out. The work begins with thesJj
but untcrrified*bnnd of the democrats
I comc forwar(l antl their positions on ifc!
I following bold and patriotic resolutJ
adopted at a meeting of the Granite Club
|in Boston, on the evening of Jnne 1 V
| c °Py ,lj at sterling champion of nation!
al dcmocray, tho Boston Tost :
- Meetixg of Granite Clc b No. ]
The call for a meeting of the Granite Clii -
List evening was well responded to; thehflj
connected with the democratic reading-room
was well filled —Joseph Smith, Esq , (],
j cbftir. Ihe best spirit pervaded the meet
ing, and the fiisi meeting under such favor
| able circumstances was hailed as an nu', ury
[of anew awakening of party interest ° ‘
“ eM7 A u ’ise, of Virgin^
unanimously elected an honorary niemhc, „f
I the club.
j .. A coinmitte .consisting of Messrs.
| Ul.eever, Levi Prescot, and Jeremiah Col.
j burn, appointed to report resolutions for it e
I conslderat'ou of the meeting, who
j that purpose.
“ Muring the absence of the commitfe*
| James Whiting, esq., who had ju st return^
| fVt,ni Virginia, was called upon, and respni
j edin a bri ef and happy speech. i c which h
gave nn animated account of what Le Lnj
seen of the struggle in Virginia, where the
j 11,1,1 Henry A W ise had so gloriously tri.
uuiphed over all the combinations and p r .
| tie# that had been brought to bear gaiW |
him lie called upon the party to strive t
j purify the party of all isms, and establic
I it once inorempon the old straight demoent
1 track. lie avowed him e;f ipposed tort,
j pressive and exclusive legislation, whici
would make oue man suffer for the pf cn
of another, and restrict the liberty of cot
science.
n The cemnaitte on resolutions barn* *
turned, Mr Cheever, the chairman, sul
ed the following series :
< Resolved , That the true America
pai ty in this land is the democratic psrij
for it adopts as its own the principles of th
D claration of Independence ; and the ha
of its political action is the Grand fitih
! rights doctrine of its immortal paper, tint
j the members of this confederacy are ..mu
. and Independent States.” Hn d as sw
o:dained our and ccnicniel
• our U.vio.v
i. i Resolved, That the great admicistrvl
| t!v e measures of our country, under
j it has grown from infancy to manhood, foil
j iicakuess to power, until it has become tletl
{ best country God has given to man, ml
; of democratic origin, aud hear the inJeiitifH
stamp and impress of the democratic party^H
. < Resolved, That, in free countrits.
[.in lit tea l action relates to the whole jeopt.H
| is of universal concern, and therefore
I be public ; and is so vital a principle a H
j be part and parcel of the common law
jour political.existence; nnl that any pi
j ty working by secret action midaumrttH
jto be American, libels a great and pvitH
j name, which, in the words onV.\>iii.vt,nJ.H
| belongs to the people of their n a ; ias.uci-M
j PACiTV. I
! *• • Resolved , That the adininistr.itioi A
Bros;dent Pierce—by its u:,t!im:liit>g
i port of the lienor of the nation in niiiuiuq
! ing the rights of American citizens at k®
[and abroad — by its equal repaid for the ii-l
! tensts of all parts of our Firm- ly its sd
| herenue to the fundamental priiiciplififl
j religious and political freedom fur whi:bty|
i fathers fought and conquered in tkreri*|
tkm—and by its firm support of tin
I tution and laws of the land—is cmiucril
j deserving the confidence and support of f|
i ry true and patriotic citizen.
n i Resolved, That the gallant warn*|
! by the Virginia democracy ou tint
publican feathre of secret political
j and the British tory doctrines of
| proscription and intolerance, and its “'>■
j and New Orleans triumph, present
I for congratulation to all the friends
\ Union of these States, of the supremKjj
, tho federal constitution, and of the ! rt *
■ vation.of those principles of gorerl
i administration inaugurated by Tln'inss•‘j
, ferson, restored and illustrated by
Jackson, and faithfully adhered toh]
; ideal Pierce. 1
j n • Resolved, That the thanks of thf
tiou are due to Henry A Wise for hi#
i noble, uneomproming war against the
; row hersics, the cowardly a postin')’ l " e *■
’ principled subterfuges, of the cneni t- 8
democratic party in the Old Domini 00 '“J
; that the glorious triumph which h< s cr ’ j
| ed his labors will confer lasting hoots “fM
j his name.
* • Resolved, The the fact
j know nothings in their own words
iginiil.to wit, n nearly the whole t
! composed of democrats tcilhdrtM
j against them, presents a proud
i for such democrats to follow s
! betrayed into bad company, and is 1
| evideuco that no consistent deuuA rsi
‘act witli the secret, oath-bond, i° lll J
I order.
... Resolved, That tho
jennet any illiberal laws, hilt by
1 control private conduct so fi' r tt,! 18
|ry for the protection of the rig l ' ls £
whole.
i. < Resolved, That the lute ‘ m
legislature of this State inflicted d'd
tho Commonwealth by its
hors ; by its unconstitutional s ”‘
private educational and other
by its bold hostility to laws and
j of these States ; and by its
lation as seen in its liquor ln' r ’
tho words of a distinguished
out with the violation of P’
lie at the very foundation
and of free government; am *
words of the same authority. 1
and taken as un establish* 1 B
would not leave a dollar o. P r,ir0 e . l ]or n
in the Stato, of any description, ‘
sonal, safe from the rapacity or A
cisrn of any dominant luction >“
ineyt.” . of B :
.< Resolved, That in this cn B
history of the State St is incum
ry true friend of his country, e ’ jB
patriot, and evory mao, to
men and paties by things, and BO -