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i» kii orfu briagag forward for t be first
IN<S. A. DOUGLAS,
shown 70a that I had good eri*
lieving that the resolutions ted Imi
Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ouaht to
better; but Dot a word • said abeut I
on the subject, whilst I, notwitbstani
cumetances, am accused of forgery.
Now, I will show yon that if 1 bqvi
take as to the place where these rest
adopted—and when I get down to 1
will investigate the matter and see w
I hare—that the principles they es
adopted as the Black Republican plat
white”], in the rations counties and
al Districts throughout the North en<
in 1854. This platform was adopted in -nearly
*- 'hat gave a Black Republican Wejor-
ialature in thatyaar, and beans a
to Mr. Deoio, who sat on thrnad
' nows as well as say
creed of the Black Be-
. I would be willing
r any other honest man
will how read the reso-
_ ford conrention on the
which nominated 1 Wash*,
'on elected him on the fol-
™ Resolved, That the continued and increasing ag
gressions of slavery in oar country are destruc
tive of the best rights of a fine people, and that
such aggressions cannot be soooesnlly resisted
without the united political action of all good men.
Resolved, That the eitiaena of the United Slates
hold in their hands peacefol, constitutional and ef
ficient remedy against the encroachments of the
slave power, the ballot-box, and, if that remedy ia
boldly and wisely applied, the principles of liber
ty and eternal justice will be establiwed. ’ f
Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon
ns by the slave power, ana, in defense of freedom,
will co-operate and be known as BepnMicsss,
pledged to the accomplishment of the following
purposes:
To bring the Administration of the Govern
ment back to the cod Sul of first principles; to re
store Kansas and Nebraska to the position of free
Territories; to repeal and entirely abrogate the
fugitive slave law; to restrict slavery to thoee
States in which it exists; to prohibit the admission
of any more slave States into the Union ; to ex-
elnde slavery from all the Territories over, which
the General Government ten exclusive jurisdic
tion, and to resist the aegeteliou of aay more Ter-
-ritories unless the introduction of slavery therein
forever shall have been prohibited.
Resolved, That in furtherance of these princi
ples we will ess such constitutional and lawful
means as shall seem beet adapted to their accom
plishment, and that we will -upport no man for
office under the' General or State Government who
is not positively oommittad to the support of these
principles, sod whose persons! character snd con
duct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and shall
what he will veto for. Hie smwct in, ia foet. no
answer at alb Why cannot he apeak ont aadsay
wbat he is for, and what he willdo ?
la regard to there being an more Save States,
he ia not pledged to that He would ant like, he
agys, to be pat in a position where be would teen
to vote one way or another upon that question I
ptsr yon, do not pot him in a position that would
embaiaas him so much. Gentlemen, if be goes
to the Smote, he may be pat in that position, mad
then which way will he vote ?
[A voice—“How will yon vote ?"]
Hr. Dongles—I will note for the sdmiminn of
jart inch a State as by the formef tbetrCoaatfto-
tion the people show they want; if they want
slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit slave-
ryitAali be prohibited. They can form their in-
tun. He caste an impntetion upon the Supreme
Court of the United States, by supposing that they
would violate the Constitution of the United State*.
I tell him that such a thing is not pomible. It
would be an act of moral treason that no man on
the bench'could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln
l-white,
ity for the
i—w [ Doin'.
near Deacon Braes,] who 1
living man that it was the
publican party at that “
to call Denio as a wito
belonging to that part
lations adopted at the
One of the first revelations of the pint, was the
speech of Judge Buyer, of Georgia, at Knoxville,
as reported in the Whig of that place.
“He mid. that during the Presidential contest,
Governor Wise ted eddraemd letters to all the
southern Governors—and that the one to the Gov
ernor of Flotidahad been shown him—in which.
Wise said that he had an army in reedieese to pre
vent Fremont from tekiag his sent, if elected, and
asmag^the co-operation of those to whom te
The following is another of the revohtiiou let
ters of Mr. Wiss:
- *Berne'Mu Events erospptesetel^/UMeh te-
ive, of coarse, of all old party designs
id than are peculiar reasons why neb a
it should be undertaken bow and hem.
requisite population for a member of Congress.
Mr. Trumbull would not consent, under any cir
cumstances, to lets State, free or stove, come into
the Union, until it ted the requisite population.
As Mr. Trumbull is in the field, fighting for Mr.
Lincoln. 1 would like to have Mr. Lincoln answer
bis own question, ond tell me whether he is fight
ing Trumbull ou that issue or not. But I will an-
if(r hw question. In reference to .Kansas, it is
him; that foe bargain was thptLfnc
have ted Shields’ place, and Trunbull
waited for mine, bat that TniwUnll
control of n few Abolitionised Dflupc
vented them from voting for LineolaJ
him within a few votesof an election/
oesdsd in forcing toe party to drop Hi
Trumbull. Well, Trumbnll having 4
coin, hia Wendt made a fuss, and 5fci
than and Lincoln quiet, the party!**
come forward, in advance, at thecas*
tins, sad make a pledge that they 1
Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln c
silenced in Snyblher way. /
Now, these are a great'manvTOfck B<
yon who doaffi know thia thinaSs dp
white,” avid great clamor.] j^Kto
that while Mr. Lincoln
antes wilt pnshit forward tiftit shell beeonmatite
towjTal ins>I the States—old well as new. North
There yes Bad that Mr. Nmeoln toys down the
doctrine that this Union canP 0 * *wdnro divided ss
oer fathers made it, with in* sad stov* States.
or else toe Unite cannot coalM* to exist -It being
his opinion that to admit any more slave States, to,
continue to divide this Union into free and stove
States, will dissolve it. I .want, to know of Mr.
Uoeoln whether te will vote for the admission of
another stove Slate.
He tells yon the Union cannot exist unless foe
States are all free or si I slave: he tells yon font he
enough to
interrupt him. Bull knqsv \ is pinch
ing yon. 1 am clinching Lifoohw^ ‘-Mind you
are scared to death vfor JWtsrl hare
aeon this • thing before. ffis 5 j*. seen men
make appointments for joM discussions, and
the moment their man has hfl heard, try to in-
terrnpt and prevent a fair tearing of the other
side. I have seen your mote before, and defy
your wrath. [Tremendous applause. | My friends,
do not cheer, for I need my Whole time. The ob
ject of the opposition is to otcupy my attention in
Vder to present me from af?iag the whole evi
dence, and tailing this double dealing on the
Black Republican party. As I have before said,
tevejoy demanded a declination of principles on
the part of the Black Republicans of the Legisla
ture before going into to election for United
States Senator. He oHwed the following pream
ble ami resolutions, which*! hold in my .hand:
Whereas, human aiavei? ia a violation of the
principles of natural utt revealed rights; snd
whereas; the fatten of-,toe revolution, folly im
bued with the spirit of these principle*, declared
freedom to be (ha inalienable birthright of all
in too prindptoe aid the doc
Bights Democracy rests toe b
the Union or ont of it.” -
fhm the FufsiA (Ala.) <a
“ Could we all think and IS
te rests identical and our occi
might adopt a common goveri
meat to either; bat as we are 1
it becomes ns to prepare for
drawal from the alliance whi
oa together; sad we ho^th
allegiance and ties.
it we cordially invite.personsof all';
Bwgrm sisve ; no mm jam mne a>
is opposed to making them all stove, and hence te
to for making them all free, in ordgr tout tod'
Union may exist; and yet he will aox say that lie
will not vote against toother slave State, knowing
that the Union most be dissolved if be votes fbrik
I ask you if took to fair dealing ? The true intent
and inevitable conclnaion to be drawn from his
first Springfield speech is, that be in sppossd to
toe admission of any more stoveStateeunder any
circumstance. It he is so opposed, why net any
so * If be believes this Union cannot endure di
vided into tree and slave States, that they most all
become free in order to save toe Union, he te booed
as an honest man, to vote against any move stove
States If be believes it, he is bound to do it
Show me that it is my duty, in order to save the
Union to do a particular act, and I will do it if toe
Constitution does not prohibit it lam not forth*
dissolution of toe Union under any rirmmntei
css. 1 will pursue no course of mpterl ttet ' WiB
Carolina; James H. AdamsTGovernor of Sooth
nemliro jjff T’Jnhssnn Governor of Georgia;
J aouaC .Broom, Governor of Blonds; John A.
Wjaeton,dteintor of Alabama; John J. McRae,
Governor of. Mississippi; Robert Wickliffe, Jr.,
Governor at Louisians; Edmond M. Pease, Gov
ernor of Ton; Bliss N. Conway, Governor of
Arkansas, and Andre* Johnson, Governor of
ffe have before spoken of the ConstitnhOS'dft
the fomed “southern lasgne.” Its extract abovd
shows tost Mr. Yaxcar and Company will not
wait for an overt act by a Republican President,
and we give now his first revolutionary step as
stated in toe Patriot, and also in the Memphis
(Term.) Appeal:
u We next trace the course of William L. Yan
cey, of Ala., who is now too recognised leader in
toe secession movements in the Chsrlieten sad
Baltimore iMmoermtic conventions, which eventua
ted in too nomination of Mr. Breckinridge for tbs
Presidency. Though a disergaaiser m 1848, and
a disunionist in 1850-’51, we begin oar 'notations
from his outgivings with the 10th of May, 1858,
as it wss only then that he began to prepare ac
tively to consummate the aim which bad a partial
fruition at Baltimore. On that day, the southern
convention met in the city of Montgomery. It
the opening of that convention, he delivered an
address of welcome to the delegates, of which the
subjoined is an extract:
“ ‘1 must be allowed, at least ou my own behalf,
to welcome you, too.tas but the foreshadowing of
that far more important body; important as yon
evidently will be, tost if injustice snd wrong
shall continue to rule the hour and conncils of the
dominant section of the country, most, ere long,
assemble upon southern soil for the purpose of de
vising some measure by which not only yonr in
dustrial, bat yonr social and political relations
shall be placed upon toe basis of an independent
sovereignty, which will have within itself n unity
of climate, n unity of soil, a.unity of production,
and n unity of social relations; tout on ity which
stone can be the basis of n successful sad perma
nent Government’ ”
After this came the SuoeBm letter, which we
have published, and after that, Mr. Yaxcst pro
ceeded at once to the consummation of the plot
Mr. Rcrriir consented to it, and the Montgomery
Advertiser recommended it
On toe 10th of July following, at KMfofchnrch,
(what sacrilege!) in Montgomery county, after an
inflammatory speech, ho proceeded to form the
“ League,” of which the following is the Constitu-
farther. Any one of yon
sJtefraay to nsoa twelve yearn
tough, and most not grow any I
'to prevent his gpn*tb, put n ho
irtip him to his nyniint rise. I
milt? Either toe hoop most br
tutor, or foe child must die. 8
tbjs greet nation. With our 1
Rowing with a rapidity oaknot
|Lof the globe, with the tide c
former political parties whatever in favor of the :
object expressed in the above resolutions to anile
with as in carrying them into effect
Well, yon think that in n very good platform, (to
yon not ? If yon do, If yon approve it now, anA
think it is all right, yon will not join wito thorn
men who asy that I libel yoa by calling these ytejt
principles, will yon >■ Now, Mr. Lincoln engfe,
plains; Mr. Linfoln charges that I did youjlfd
faiia. injustice by sayfog that this was thepIsfoWIn
of yonr party. I am told that Wash borne mans a
speech in Galena last night, in which he abased
me awfully for bringing to light thu platforST on
which he was elected to Congress. He thought
that yon had forgotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln
desires to. He did not denybnt that yen had
adopted it, and that he had si^foSttood to and was
jmeh; and whereas, the preamble to toe Conatitu-
RtoteteghcUnitedStates avers tout that inatru-
SSllraf:rdarfwwi to eeUblish justice, snd secure
VnBBn of liberty to ourselves and our poa-
whereas, in furtherance of the above
principles,' slavery was forever prohibited in the
old North-treat Territory, and mote recently in all
that territory lying West and North of the State
of Missouri, by the act of the Federal Govern
ment ; and whereas, the repeal °f the prohibition
last referred to, was contrary to the wishes of the
people of Illinois, a violation of an implied com
pact, long deemed sacred by the citizens of the
Bat I am gli
in yonr About
ing that it is
opinion.
world rests upon toe perpetuity of tote Union.
The down trodden and oppressed people who are
■offering under European despotism nil look
with hope and anxiety to the American Union as
the only resting place and permanent home of free
dom and self-government.
Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union
cannot continue to endure with slave States in it?
and yet he will not tell yon distinctly whether he
will vote for or against the admission of any more
slave States, bnt says he would not like to be put
to the test. I do do not think he will be put to
the test. I do not think that the people of Illinois
desire a man to represent them who wonld not like
to be put to the test on the performance of a high
constitutional duty. I will retire in shame from
the Senate of toe United States when I am not
willing to be pat to the test in the performance of
my duty. I have been pat to severe teste. I have
stood by my principles in foir weather and in fool,
in toe sunshine ana in the rain. I have defended
Isas than the ■
mg in toe op—
their destinta4H|}
a great reluct*jy^H||||
men hide theiujHHH
the end of theV|x^H
of the woods. Wbetfl
solved into its north®
now incongruously fl
spoils, then the Sontffn
defense of her rights 'M
the State Rights men®
From the Spirit CT.
“The North and £*u
things and differing at}
for •heir benefit, and a.
moti government. Th(
cording to the entablisl
the final expounders at
by its provisions slaver
keeping. Yet thereto
rledge the truth, and
Lfong as possible. By
foe may look to be out
bnocratic party is re-
H southern elements,
B>r the sake of the
Keel into lint for the
utositions occupied by
In the adoption of toil?iBSnSv«r*y6ii ~ no'f ~oaIy
declared that you would resist the admission of
any more slave States, and work for the repeal of
the fugitive slave law, but you pledged yourselves
not to vote for any man for State or Federal of
fices who was not committed to these principles.
You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to
those were adopted in your county convention
here, and now with your admissions that they are
your platform and embody your sentiments now
as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lin
coln, yonr candidate for the United States Senate,
who is attempting to dodge the responsibility of
this platform, because it was not adopted in the
right apot? I thought that it was adopted in
Springfield, but it tarns ont that it waa not; that
it was adopted at Rockford, and in the varioas
counties which comprise this Congressional Dte->
trict. When I get into the next district, I will
show that this same platform wan adopted there,
and so on through toe State, until I noil ton re
sponsibility of it upon the back of toe Black Re
publican party throughout the State.
A voice—“ Couldn’t you modify and call it
brown ?”
Mr. Douglas—Not a bit. I thought that yon
wore becoming a little brown when your members
in Congresss vdled for the Crittenden-Montgomery
bill, but since youKave backed ont from that posi
tion and gone back to Abolitionism, yon are black
and not brown.
Gentlemen, I hare shown yon what yonr plats
form was in 1854. Yon still adhere to it. The
same platform was adopted by nearly all the conn-
ties where the Black Bepnblican party had a ma
jority in 1854. I wish now to call year attention
to the action of yonr Representatives in toe Le
gislature when they assembled together at Spring-
field. In the first place, you moat remember that
this was toe organisation of n new party. It is so
declared in the resolutions themselves, which any
that you are going to dissolve all old P*rtyti«b
and call the new party Republican. The old Whig
party was to have its throat cat from ear to ear,
and the Democratic party was to be annihilated,
snd blotted ont of existence, whilst inlienoftocse
parties the Black Republican party was to be organ
ised on tola Abolition platform. Yen know who the
chief leaden were in breaking op and destroying
these two great parties. Lincoln ou the oes head,
and Trumbull on the other, being disappointed
politicians, and having retired or been tmven to
obscurity by an outraged community because of
^^^^^^^HPHPverthis question. I would like
^^PlPl^^isown medicine. If he differs with
Trumbull, let him answer his argument against
the admission of Oregon, instead of poking ques
tions at me. , .. ..
The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lin
coln is, esn the people of a Territory in any law
ful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the
United States, exclude slavery from their limits
prior to the formation of a State Constitution ? I
answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me
ads wit* hundred t.mes from every stump in Uli-
giaU, (hat to my opinion toe people of a Territory
SM& March, 185S.
luth agreeing abont sums
hoot others, made a Union
ijjfonstilotion for their eot»-
ir Supreme Court, who, at- _
shed creed of the Nbsjh^ris
FtSat Constitution, sa>-«»t
ry ia protected to the wr\
r portion of toe North de- \
openly, while the remainder \
What remains, then, bat to
against mq , and I hove defended tout same great
principle when southern sentiment came down like
an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any
teat they pat to me. 1 knew I was right—I knew
my principles were sound—I knew that toe people
would see m the end that I ted donee right, and I
knew that the God of Heaven would smile upon
me if I wss faithful to toe performance of my
duty.
Mr. Lincoln makes a, charge of corruption
against the Supreme Court of the United States,
and to Presidents of the United States, and at
tempts to bolster it np by saying that I did the
same against the Washington Union. Suppose I
did make that charge of corruption against the
Washington Unton, when it was true, does that
justify him in making n false charge against me
and others ? That ia the question 1 would pnt. He
says that at toe time the Nebraska bill was intro-
daced, and before it was pissed, there was a con
spiracy between the Judges of the Supreme Court,
President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself
by that bill, and toe decision of the eonrt to break
down the barrier and establish slavery all over toe
Union. Doeahe not know that that charge is his
torically false as against President Buchanan ? He
From the Charleston Mercury, Mug, 1859.
“A revolution is, therefore, inevitable. Sob-
mission or resistance will alike establish it. The
old Union—the Union of the Constitution, of eqnat
rights between sovereign States—is ahplisbed. It
is gone forever; strangled by consolidation, and
now the instrument of centralism, to establish sa
irresponsible despotism of the North over the
South. To break up the present Union and estab
lish another ofthe South alone, is 50 greater revo
lution than thntwhich how exists. In bet, it will
be a lesser change. Let the straggle come when
it may, the Sooth, to achieve her safety, will have
to trample down a Union party to the track of her
political emancipation.”
The above extract from the Washington corres
pondent of the Charleston Mercury, so clearly fore
shadows the very events which have since tran
spired, tost the conclusion is almost irresistible that
there yui junta of these disnnioaista to toe city
of Washington, who had, at that early day, ar
ranged the entire coarse tobe pursued. Thenews-
jzspwjg were promptly snd vigorously seconded by
Wo will continue this subject in our next, A
and hoao to convince every citteen of Georgia ®
that Mr. Basesixridok is hot the tool in the hands B
of banded “Leaguers” against the Union. ■
; We will convince them so that they would be ■
obliged to render n verdict against them from a ”
jury box, and we know that they will, render the
same verdict at the polls under the convictions of
right, tost they would in eonrt under onto.
We will sow, no briefly ss possible, put together
the remaining evidence, which proves that too
party ft rated so suddenly snd ceaselessly in too
South, is not only sectional, bnt disunion.
Let ite leaders apsak first.
On too 18th April, 1859, Jndge H. S. Bnaxar. a
very prominent mni in North flimtesipp., te n Sou
ter to the editor of too Grenada Loecmettae, mja:
With a full knowledge of nil these beta, I apt
peal to erery fair minded man in the Sooth* if it h
not time to cease this idle talk, and let oor de
mand be made known in Ian nag* that cannot be
misunderstood, demanding CongraMtonal legis
lation for too protection or slnveo in too Ternto-
rieaas being tenateon with toe plainest princi
ples of justice, equal rights, common asnoo, and
the mandates of the Constitution.
This being refused as our common right nndor
toe comport in toe Union, then let as seek eqaoh-
ty onteide of the compact of toe Union, where toe
tews of God, the rights of man, and toe feoffac*
of Mis men eounsetus unerringly toot we should
(C Andtering, as I do, bnt toe faintest hope that
tote hi sits site demand will bo granted, nsyltel
justly conclude that it is fotile to fix our hopoo ^
upon Oongw tor protection and aid? Imre/
too«ml«wt to the asaaas witoteonr reach, to toot
and legally, have'a right to entertain those opin
ions, and of course will vote for Mr. Lincoln.
I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln’s answer to
the interrogatories contained in my speech at Ot
tawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here
to-day. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the
fact that I quoted a platform aa having been adopt
ed by the Black Republican party at Springfield in
1854, which, it turns ont, waa adopted at another
place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight of tbe thing itself
|Q nsefaoioe Avar fkn mifftftkft _ ’ *
the place where it was done. He thinks that that
n 1o4tn»m man nnf mHnntdtel Ml (hfl riffht (< OIVtft ”
in his ecstacies over the mistake I made in stating
j; l: 1 “ * ** *' '
plattorm was not adopted on the right “spot’'
When I pnt the direct questions to Mr. Lincoln
to ascertain whether he now steads pledged to
that creed—to the unconditional repeal of toe fu
gitive steve law, a refusal to admit any more slave
States into the Union, even if the people want
them, a determination to apply the Wilmot Provi
so, not only to all the territory we now hare, bnt
all that we soar hereafter eeqaire, te retimed to
answer, and hia followers my, in excuse, that toe
resolutions upon which I hosed my interrogatories
were not adopted at the “right spot.” Lincoln and
his political {needs are great on “roots.” In Con
gress, ns a Representative of this State; he declar
ed too Mexican war to be nnjnat and jnfemoas,
end wonld not support it, or acknowledge his own
country to be right in toe 000teat, because he said
that American blood was not shed on American
soil, te toe "right wok” And now he cannot an
swer the questions i pnt to him at Ottawa, because
too resolutions 1 rend were not adopted at the
“right apok” It maybe possible that I was led
into aa error ns to toe spot on which the resolu
tions I then read were proclaimed, hot I was not,
and am notin error as to the feet of their forming
the bonis of the creed of too Republican party,
when that party was first organised. I will state
to yon the evidence I ted, and upon which I re
lied for my statement that the renoletione in ques
tion were udotesd at Spriafiald on toe 5to of Oc
tober, 1854. Although I waa aware that such res
olutioas ted teen prosed in (hie district,and near
ly all toe northsra Congwroonnl Districts and
eoonty conventions, I had not noticed whether or
not they bad been adopted by -ay State conven
tion. In 1854, a debate areas te Congress be
tween Major Thomas L. Harris, at the Bprinfield
district, aad Mr. Norton, of the Joliet district, on
political matter* connected with ear State, in the
comes of white, Mgjw Hams quoted those reso-
mmediately preceding the elector of Senator.
' declared first that the Wilmot Proviso most
iplied to all territory North of 34* 80'. Se-
—u be applied to all territory
Thirdly, that it most be ap-
slave Tern lory or a free Terri-
*1*&^roy ^foomplete under the Nebraska
Mcoln deems my answer satis-
H putice the charge which
he tea introduced in relation id Hr. Chase’s
I thought that I had chased that
•BienamhM out of Mr. Lincoln’s brain at Ot
tawa: bnt it Booms tost it still haunts his imsgina-
ilom’and te ia not yet rotisfied. I had supposed
Kite would be ashamed to press that question
■toss. Ka is a lawyer, aad has been a member
Hpangreea, and has occupied bis tune snd arana-
^BroSr telling yon about parliamentary pro-
He ought to have known better than to
hit miserable impositions upon
audience. The Nebraska bill pro-
condly, that it must be applied to all territory
Sooth of 86° 80'. Thirdly, that it must be ap
plied to all the Territory now owned by tte United
States; and finally, that it must be applied to all
territory hereafter to be acquired by the United
States. The next resolution declares that no more
slave States shall be admitted into this Union un
der soy circumstances whatever, no matter
whether they are formed out of territory now own
ed by us or that we may hereafter acquire, by trea
ty, by Cougreoa, or ie manner whatever. The next
resolution demands the unconditional repent of the
fugitive slave tew, although its unconditional no-
peal would leave no provision for carrying ont
that clause of toe Coestitation of the UoitedStstan
which guarantiee the detrrodcrof fugitives. If
they could not get an unconditional repeal, they
■hall be formed by the
ie State; and tte League
■hall be formed by toe
I elect n president, vice-
■sorer, and ante other
useful; and the officers
one year, and until their
n elected.
tie ascertained that three
an organised, the presi-
rity or them, shall agree
or the organization of s
irgamsed, it shall direct
neetings.
shall be ascertained that
are been organised, toe
majority of them, shall
taeeforthe organization
teem States, and, when
it the time aad place of
gne may send aa many
select to the assembly of
rote shall be counted in
of its members.
■ray seod as assay repre-
set to the council of the
Mkry, should extend to nil rightful
kegiatatioa consistent with the organic
Etestitntion of the United States. It
■tuny exception as to slave ry, bat give
(rttet it wee possible for Congress to
rot violating the Constitution to the
Legtalatare. wito no exception or limi
ts mMeet of slavery at nil. The tan-
Mt bill which I have quoted, gave the
m(l the foil authority over the subject
affirmatively and negatively, to intro-
grindeH, so'far as toe Constitution of
States would permit. What more
fearogireby his amendment? Note-
Ired Us amendment for the identical
white Mr. Uueotn tensing it, to ena
gaesin the country to try aad deoeivu
lAmoat was to this offset It provided
1 fetal ore should have the power to ex-
re: one. Gen. Pros eaggroted, why art
ifer to fafrodnoa ro won ns exclude F’
wte. toeyterethepowm already in
wAteHHi
Honrohwtweeigs