Newspaper Page Text
4
THE TWICE-A-WEEK TELEGRAPH
FRIDAY, MARCH 8, 1907.
1 MACON TELEGRAPH
JBLI8HED EVERY MORNING
D TWICE A WEEK BY THE
MACON TELEGRAPH PUBLISH
ING COMPANY. 682 MULBERRY
STREET, MACON. QA.
ft. PENDLETON, President
SUNDAY LAWS.
A new and mor« exacting Sunday
han gone Into affect In Canada,
biting any kind of work on that
,jr except auch as may bo demanded
'noceaaity or mercy,” and these aro
fully eperlfled so that there may
no mistake*. The statute prohibits
advertising on a aecular day of any
rformance which la not allowed to
given on Sunday, and It Is unlawful
der the act to fcrlng or to sell or dls-
bute la the Dominion on Sunday any
ign nawapaper or publication clas-
Itfled aa a newapaper. The maximum
nalty for a violation of the act by
Individual Is <40. An employer au-
lorlxing a violation may be lined 1100.
a corporation may be penallaed to
extent of $250. with greater penal-
ln each caae for additional vlola-
s.
i New England, on the other hand.
Iiere, on the surface at least, there
' been a more rigid observance of
Sunday than in any other part of this
jnlry. the tendency la now toward
rger privileges on that day. It Is
Lroposed in Boston to modify the Sun-
laws. and a commission has re-
»rted In favor of nine new liberties,
follows:
The opening of Ilbaries and mu
seums to which no admission 1*
charged.
That the right given to driving
hor-cs and carriages be accorded
to automobiles and motor vehicles.
The sale of fruit under conditions
similar to ihose under which to
bacco and confectionery aro sold.
The sale of ice cream under the
same conditions.
Thr t bakers be allowed to work
*11 day.
The delivery of food.
The sale of dowers before 11
*. m.
The handling of theatrical bag
gage before 11 a. m.
rnnocent forms of outdoor recre
ation. such as baseball games, golf,
boallng. Ashing, etc.
Is a far cry frojn all this to the
Blue Laws" enacted at New Haven in
r 32, including It Is said, the prohibl-
|on of a mother’s right to kiss her
»be on Sunday.
The Boston Herald thinks that the
proposed grant of Sunday liberties
^ould conform to public opinion and to
idem conditions. "In a land,” It
"where freedom of conscience Is
aaranteed. and where tho entire sep-
|ration of church and stato Is estab-
|ahed In tho Constitution, no religious
Sservance of any day can be imposed
n any citizen. What the State can
uml should do. Is to provide for
eacu and order on the day set apart
rest and to protect from dlsturb-
e the great number who keep it as
day of worship. The commission is
ilted ns to the need of a weekly day
rest, and thinks that, though the
jfldltlons of modern life make it nec
tary that many persons should do
work on Sunday for the general
ad, those so employed should be
ven the legal right to another day
f>r rest without jeopardizing their po-
To this there will be a general
reement."
Ye would add that the real observ-
ice of Sunday ns a day of worship
a personal matter-** matter of the
eart. In fact—and cannot be enforced
statute. Legal regulations are
ceded, however, A day of worship
* Divine law, a day of rest is a law
.nature. We may Ignore the one
seeming Impunity, but we may
^neglect the other without visibly
the cost. After the French
tutlon the radicals In control
■hed Sunday, but they were soon
to restore It, as a holiday if no
for the sake of the health of the
s. Yet large freedom in this par-
r remained, for the noisy opera-
tins on Sunday on a great building
course of construction in Paris is
|ie of the present writer’s recollections
a stay in the French Capital a few
ago.
be people of the United States de-
no such liberty as this, but dom
ing sentiment undoubtedly favors
bier freedom on Sunday than has
permitted in some sections even
ie Immediate past.
S S
ati.f- c
conta.
purpo
hlblte
car.
falrli
WILLIAM McKinley.
I ’The King is dead—long live the
• King!” President McKinley, ’’.hough j
i at the head of affairs during a success- j
ful war, although widely popular, and
| although martyred by assassination.
J has been almost forgotfeen in the
I clamor of voices engaged In the praise .
j and the blame of his perpetually active !
successor. j
I The tribute paid to the former by ;
j Senator Spooner during a debate last
j week may, therefore, he described as
It is up to the millionaires to ha\e j nove j as well as pleasing. The Senator j
their private trains, if they would keep j declared that President. McKinley :
Ahead of the game, and later the> maj “grew jn mental stature and In meas- »
be under the necessity of having pri- u _ e of statesmanship every hour under !
Richard car
hi* hotel wherever he
• n the ” A Maude Ad-
>sch is ’f recent description,
ling a miniature theatre for
es of rehearsal. St are ex-
sr.rr.e utilities of the private
is for comforts are they not
overshadowed on any mod
ern train de luxe, with ail its outfit
• >f smoking and library car. ob
servation car. stenographer, tele
phone barber, fresh or salt baths,
vale;. lad,**’ tr.aiJ ar.d manicure
electric lights, individual reading
lamps, dra wing-rooms, staterooms
and berths?
vate railroads.
the tutf
and dest
;e of gra
ed him as
re responsibility,"
"a wise sane pa-
TWO BILLION CONGRESS.
rribune trlotic, powerful statesman, always
I unruffled, and not cn!v that, but al-
Th<- ever faithful New York
is ready with arguments and excuses
for the two billion Congress. “The
fact that the appropriations of the
Fifty-ninth Congress have been be
tween $1,500,000,000 and $2,000 000.000,"
It says will be "exploited to startle the
imaginations of the groundlings.” But
what have the "imaginations of the
groupings’’ or anybody else got to do
with It? Facts and figures (unless
they be figures of speech) do not come
within the realm of the imagination.
The imagination is appealed to always
to exaggerate and magnify. But what
imagination can grasp or comprehend,
let alone magnify, two thousand mil
lion dollars? It is a sum not to "star
tle the imagination” of any one, but It
may well startle the calculations of the
practical and mathematical economist.
He may well ask himself If the Gov
ernment doubles its expenditures by
geometrical progression each decade or
so what Is to be the end of It? Ten
years ago the country was startled
with the billion dollar country. To
day It Is the two billion Congress. Is
It to be a four billion Congre«s in an
other decade, and an eight billion two
decades removed and sixteen billions
in a third decado and so on? The
Tribune says: "It is easy enough to
go back twenty years and show that
the Government was then spending less
than $1 where It is now spending more
than $2. But such an exhibit no more
convicts the Congress of today of prod
igality thnn It proves the frugality of
the Congress of twenty years ago. We
are a much bigger nation now than we
were then.”
That Is it We are a “bigger na
tion.” One would think the fact that
we are growing because we cannot
help It Is to be used to cover any and
every extravagance. This school of
logicians by no means take Into ac
count, however, that we are not'twice
as big aa we were, in proportion with
our expenditures. Practically the same
people have to pay the $2 In taxes
where they paid the $1 before. What
they arc getting for it except ever-in
creasing living expenses is a mystery
to the uninitiated.
the assertion of State rights as j
against the growth of national
p ■wi'r, and in a strict construction I
of t'r.? Constitution as against the i
loose construction doctrines and ,
practices of Federalism and Wh g-
ism and Republicanism up to this
time. And it is to be welcomed,
too. for even when we spell Nation
With a big X it is important to *
preserve. for the States as wide a
latitude of power as is consistent
with a strong and effective nation
alism. We must still tread cau- i
tiously the pathway of public pol- j
icy as it brings us up against new
conditions and new problems, and ;
how much better it must be, when ■
p; .-slble. to set forty-six States ■
upon an individual quest through j
experimental legislation, to deter
mine the best step next to be
taken than for the whole nation to
go plunging along and committing
the whole country to the blunders
that are inevitable in the disposi
tion of unsettled public problems.”
‘ All this is highly Interesting, but It
HOW “GEORGE” CAUGHT THE
SPEAKER’S EYE.
Charleston, S. C.. In the expiring
hours of the Fifty-ninth Congress
landed an appropriation of $70000 for
the establishment there of an immi
grant station. It was in its way a
great achievement and means vastly
more to Charleston and this section of
the South, doubtless, than the mere
expenditure of the amount of the ap
propriation at the South Carolina me
tropolis. The credit for the achieve
ment Is due to the energy and address
of Charleston’s young Congressman,
George S. Legare. Mr. Legare shares
to a marked degree, by all accounts,
the traditional talent*for oratory which
attaches to his name in South Caro
lina since the days of Hugh Swinton
Legare. But he combines with his gift
ways considerate, and one
sweetest and most charming personali
ties ever known or ever to be known
in the history of this Government.”
Senator Spooner also related that
once at the White House President
McKinley said to him:
"Under the war power of the
Constitution for some years now
the whole responsibility of gov
erning and caring for the 7.000,000
people in the Philippine Islands.
7.000 miles away, has been upon
me, with no line of legislation or
Congressional enactment behind
me. 1 am weary of it. The burden
is too great; and I hope before
Congress adjourns—I plead for It—
that, whether of much efficacy or
not It shall not adjourn without
putting behind me some legislation
on the subject."
This appeal was - followed by the
Spooner amendment to the military
of the * s t0 be feared that the disposition of . of eloquence 1 the tact and popular man-
Xe-.v England Republicans to study j ners which are more magical under
Stephens and Davis on State rights, or ! present day conditions in achieving re-
! the rights of the people in their organ- ; suits in certain directions than would
ized capacity as States, comes rather ! be the powers of a Webster, or a
late in the day. Stephens wrote his Clay, or a Calhoun. He is possessed
masterly work in the South's darkest j of the happy qualities of a "mixer.”
hour, when the Southern common- Young in point of years, he Is still
; wealths had not a single right left j younger in point of service. Trans-
which the Government at Washington j ferred from a law office directly to the
' felt bound to respect. He lived to see \ halls of Congress, without intervening
ment in support of Mr. Brownlow's
proposition, from the Northern stand
point, that Andrew Johnson was "the
greatest patriot of the Civil War.”
How it may have appeared from the
standpoint of "the States’ rights seces
sion Democracy" that "supported
Johnson” by their votes Is another
question. But Johnson was stubborn
and uncompromising in what he be
lieved to be the right course after the
Civil War, and what the Republicans
did to this "greatest patriot” was a-
plenty. The}" Impeached him on
“trumped up” charges and would have
kicked him out of his high office but
that the shamelessness of it all turned
the stomachs of some of the more de
cently inclined and they revolted
against it.
THEFT OF THE PRESIDENCY.
According to Frederick Trevor Hill,
who writes of the Haves-Tilden con
test in the March number of Harper's
Magazine, the theft of the Presidency
In 1S77 was made possible. In spite of
the vigor with which the battle was
waged, by a remarkable piece of per
functoriness on the part of the Demo
cratic managers. Mr. Hill, in sum
ming up the situation when the extra-
all of which had to be accomplished
within a certain number of days.
When the Republican messenger—
one T. C. Anderson—arrived in
Washington and delivered the
package containing one of those
threo certificates to Mr. Ferry, the
President of the Senate, that gen
tleman called his attention to an
irregularity in the form of the en
dorsement on the envelope and
suggested that he consider its legal
effect. Andersen therefore retained
the package and secretly opened it
to ascertain if the error had been
repeated In the certificate itself.
To his consternation he discovered
far more vital defects In the doc
ument. and flying back to New
Orleans, consulted with the party
leaders, who agbeed that the in
strument must be redrawn, and the
electors were hastily resummoned.
Then, to the managers' horror, it
was discovered that two of the
necessary officials were absent and
could not possibly be reached with
in the time limited by law for’the
delivery of the paper In Washing
ton. "Heroic” measures were
therefore deemed essential, ar.d
aftes all the available signatures
had been obtained the others were
forged and the doctored certifi
cates. which, of course, were ob
viously different front the one pre
viously forwarded by mail were
rushed back to Washington just In
the nick of time. All these facts
were subsequently unearthed, but
those who actually committed the
forgeries were never detected.—
H. R. R. No. HO, 45th Cong.. 3d
Session, pp. 50-63 and S9-91.
With all respect to Mr. Hill, we doubt
j better days, but to the last he had rea- [ legislative experience, he applied him- ordinary tribunal known as the Elec-
! son to fear that during the period of ! self to the main object of getting things ! toral Commission met, says: “Under j whether the discovery of the forgery
revolution from 1860 to 1876 the cause j for his district with the enthusiasm ; the leadership of Tilden, the Demo- ; at tbc ’foment would have altered the
l of constitutional government. State of youth and the air of a veteran, i crats had prepared and prosecuted a j result - The steal of the Presidency
Blessed with a sunny disposition, It is ! terrific indictment against the corrup- I was sufficiently obvious to every one
not surprising to be told by his ad- ! tion and misgovernment of the admin- ; as mattors stood. The Republican
miring home papers that In Washing- j istration, and as a result they had j J' u<J n es clearly felt that to award the
ton every one calls l\im “George.” Even i secured an impressive popular major- ; off,ce to ,h<? Republican candidate, by'
Speaker Cannon, in his hours of relax- ity for their candidate, and no less than Ilook or crook, was what they were
bill providing for the civil government were 30 lar S el >' concerned in dealing j ation, rests his arm on George’s shoul- 184 electoral voter, only one less thnn thel ' e for ’ and hav,n * countenanced all
which was established in the Philip- ibe bIo ' v ’ Will find it very difficult to I der and suns the winter of his age In the number required for his choice. ; tlmt had otherwise transpired, they
pines, and which, as Mr. Spooner said undo their own tvork. Besides, there j the summer of the other's youth. Is Hayes had concededly received 166 ' vould scarcely have hesitated to go on
last vreek. "curtailed the President’s • )s a widespread belief that capitalistic j It any wonder’ that in the hurly-burly votes, and nineteen representing South j 1,e cause of a few forged names to # tho
power, because up to that hour there j influences are behind their renewed in- j of the closing hours of Congress, when Carolina, Florida and Louisiana were j Louii siana certificate,
was no limit upon his power but the S Merest, and the Interest of many in j even the hard-fought ship subsidy bill ; in dispute. To the impartial observer j results qp SHORT SFS c ION
limit which International law puts j othcr P 3rts of the country, in State j went to smash, that “George” should it seemed impossible that those Pcm- j C !i 'mp CHik in the New York
upon the power of the commander-in- j President himself has pub- j catch the Speaker’s ej’e? Still, with ocratic strongholds should not yield at
; rights; home rule, and local self-gov-
| ernment—for all these are one—had
received a blow from which it would
; never recover.
The New England Republicans, who
chief of a conquering army.”
, licly branded the new enthusiasm as j all this, it was no easy task, as Mr. least one vote for Tilden; but to the
All this simply means that President I hus ® cor P°rations without souls—or Legare’s story of the way he captured Republican politicians whose hench-
ISING OF THE PRIVATE CAR.
Phe progressive stages of distinction
railroad travel mark the rapidity
which wealth and luxury grows
the United States. “Once upon a
e,” the New York World says, "rid-
tn a Pullman railway coach was a
Ivllete of the rich. A few years
^er the private car was the insignia
the exceptionally exclusive nabob.
t there are Pullmans for everybody
the private car 1* a commonplace
travel.” Th«^ selling of his superb
vate car "Swnnnanoa” by George W.
nderbilt caused the World to ob-
ve that "he par;s with * luxury but
with a distinction.” Continuing, the
saya:
On the level of the private car
>ciety millionaire meets the
Successful actor, the circus advance
Sent, the prtma donna, the head
' any commercial trust, the chew-
gum magnate and the suecess-
prixe fighter. With character-
c delicacy, in selling the Swan-
Banoa Mr. Vanderbilt refers only to
"Is apprehension of rear-end col-
slons.
Mme. Patti was wont to tour
(merit-a in a palace on wheels
emed for herself and containing
music room with a $2,500 piano.
’ she practiced her scales an
LO, THE POOR BACHELOR.
Thc proposition to tax bachelors in a
free country has impressed us as
amusing rather than important, but
some editors are taking the matter
very seriously. Our brilliant friend of
the Washington Post, for example,
says;
The “Smart Alecks” in some of
our State ’Legislatures who have
submitted bills providing for the
laying of a special tax on men who
have reached the neighborhood of
middle life without having been
married and sundry women who
have publicly Indulged in sneers
and censorious comments on such
citizens are re-enforced by a mem
ber of the British Parliament.
The fact that a man is a
bachelor Is not in Itself a reproach
to him. As the Post asserted In a
recent Issue, discussing this sub
ject, that fact is. In innumerable
instances, an honor, for it repre
sents sacrifice of Inclination to a
commanding sense of duty. There
are in this city hundreds, If not
thousands, of men who have re
mained single for the noble purpose
of caring for mothers and sisters
or other dependents, and Washing
ton is not exceptional in this re
spect. Many men and many wo
men are single because death
claimed the objects of their affec
tions.
And also, the Post should have
: added, because in many cases the ”ob-
! jects of their affections" have cruelly
i refused to reciprocate. Many men,
i even bachelors, are very sentimental,
l and often when they can't get what
I they want they prefer to take nothing,
j Bachelor men as well as bachelor
. maids ought to be allowed this liberty,
i for in this matter to take what one
| doesn't want is not the best thing for
posterity and leads rapidly toward the
divorce court to boot.
The Saturday Evening Post is less
serious than the editor quoted above,
but is nevertheless quite pointed. It
says;
McKinley, with a becoming distrust in
the infallibility of his own judgment,
and a conscientious desire to achieve
the best results no matter by whom
brought about, shrank from a too
heavy responsibility. He was always
willing to see such a division of "the
burden between the co-ordinate
branches of the Government as was
provided for in the Constitution. And
yet no one has ever thought of regard
ing him as a failure, much less as a
“coward,” a "weakling” or a "molly
coddle.”
THE EVILS WE HAVE.
Mr. William J. Bryan finds a text for
Government ownership in the Investi
gation of the Harrlman interests. He
says in an interview that E. H. Harrl
man and other railroad magnates are
creating sentiment in favor of Govern
ment ownership of railroads. “I am
sure,” says Mr. Bryan, "that Mr. Har
rlman and men who like him have been
using the railroads as their personal
property, and manipulating the roads
for the amassing of great fortunes,
without regard to public service, are
doing more to create a sentiment In
favor of public ownership than all the
speeches ever made in favor of public
ownership.”
To whatever extent Mr. Harrlman
may have abused his opportunities for
his personal profit, it appears to be the
fact, at least, that he built railroads
and constructed a great system. In a
measure we know and can appreciate |
the evils Inherent In private owner- '
ship and initiative. But are there no
words to that effect. Mr. George Hor
ace Lorlmer, editor of the Saturday
Evening Post, -who is "up-to-date” or
nothing, scoffs at the "revival.” In
his current “Letters to Unsuccessful
Men” he makes a level-headed West
erner write to a complaining Eastern
millionaire:
These magazine discoveries and
exposures which excite your anger
are only one manifestation, and
that not the most significant one,
of a widespread and ever-widening
movement against your creed that
"’Business Is business,” meaning
that the dollar must be got at any
cost of honor, health and happi
ness; that it may be followed up
to the very doors of the peniten
tiary, provided one is agile enough
to jump back before they close on
him. There isn’t the slightest use
trying to confuse the present issue
with the old question of States’
rights: or the new one, "Does the
Constitution follow the flag?” or.
“If a hen and a half lays an egg
and a half in a day and half?” or
with any of these fine and befud
dling uncertainties. Nor will the
country accept as a satisfactory
answer to its demands a grandilo
quent affirmation of the persist
ence of hot air, as “I am a Demo
crat,” or a passionate appeal to all
that is best and flubdubbiest in our
natures, as “Be true to the grand
old party of Lincoln.” Our protest'
is wholly against The Man With a
Cold Deck, and all we want to
know is. Do we get a Square Deal?
I don’t believe that any system can
give us more than this; but we
won’t be satisfied with any system
that gives us less.
the immigrant station will show. The men controlled the canvassing boards,
story Is contained in a Washington j that result appeared not only possible.
special dispatch:
“It was a great tension.” said
Mr. Legare, “to be compelled to
remain on watch so continuously.
From 11 Saturday forenoon until
1:30 o’clock Sunday morning, when
I finally obtained the much desired
recognition from Speaker Cannon.
I dared not leave my seat. There
was too much at stake, and time
for. action was too short to take
any chances, so I sat close and held
tight to my chair, awaiting my
coveted opportunity. After the
bill had run the gatmtlet of the
House it was easy over In the Sen
ate, where the machinery had been
oiled in readiness for favorable
and prompt consideration. Sena
tors Tillman and Latimer put their
shouldars to the wheel and the sus
pense was soon ended.
“It was quick work after we
once started, but that long wait
for recognition was a nerve-rack
ing experience I do not care to re
peat.”
Mr. Legare is quoted as saying that
“he considered the session of Congress
but probable, and the outcome of the
local contests that ensued fully justi
fied their confidence. The story of
those contests was substantially the
same In each State, and all were equal
ly humiliating to civic pride. The
Democratic majorities on the face of
the returns were eliminated by the
canvassing boards on charges of negro
intimidation irregularly presented and
insufficiently proved; protests were ig
nored and perjuries condoned. The
policy of Reconstruction which had
forced corrupt government and negro
suffrage upon the South and driven it
to physical outrage had now to be sus
tained by legal outrage, even more de
moralizing than the terrorism it had
evoked. Not ono redeeming episode
marked all this sorry business."
The decisive point in the battle be
tween the legal giants arrayed on
just ended as entirely successful in j e ’ tber side, led by Xv llliam M.^ Evarts
every respect.” It Is quite natural that j ^ or Hayes and Charles O Connor for
he should feel that way. Charleston ! Tilden - was the power or not of the
got her immigrant station through
his good work and her neighbors will
Jiot only sympathize with -her in her
good fortune but may even hope to
share, in some degree, the benefits
from it
A revival of interest in State rights
or strictly constitutional government,
as opposed to further centralization
and Federal paternalism, is greatly day to ’ make an appropriation for a
needed at the present time. But the i Clonal .cemetery at Greenville. Tenn.,
ANDREW JOHNSON “THE GREAT
EST PATRIOT.”
A proposition made in the national ' was sufficient in the case of each of
court to go behind the returns of the
Republican canvassing boards. The
court sustained Mr. Evarts by Its 8 to
7 vote'in his position that no matter
what enormity might be shown to have
been practiced the court was without
the power to take cognizance of -it.
Under this ruling the Republican man
agers had plain sailing apparently. It
House of Representatives the
j suspicion attached to the present agi- !
elicited a brief but somewhat remark-
"Every now and then somebody,
usually the gentler sex. proposes
that bachelors he taxed. Such
persons labor under a radical mis
apprehension. So. for that matter,
do the bachelors themselves. Un
married men of a certain age
should not be taxed but pensioned.
The bachelor is a victim. He has
bought a gold brick. He has gone
Into a get-rleh-quick scheme and
got soaked. . . The bachelor
is an embodied delusion. Pity him.
Do not tax him.”
It is noticeable that the commenting
editors usually intimate that this agi
tation has originated with the ladles,
and presumably the unmarried ones.
Now. should not these latter agree to
take the first man who asks them,
irrespective of preference, if they
would tax the crossed-in-love bachelor
for not being willing to pretend to an
undying affection for another?
The "Smart Alecks" and “sundry
women” referred to by the Washington
Post are too literal in their theory' of
marriage. They have no sentiment.
They would' put men and women on a
level with horses.
evils to be apprehended In Government j tation _ a susp i cion thal . ls partl justI . i able speech from Congressman Brown-
ownership? Or, rather, do not the j flabl6 _ see m8 to prevent good results ! ,OW ' of Tennessee - » was proposed to
clearly discernible evils in Government * ' " * “ - — - -
ownership vastly outweigh those of
which we have experience In the other j , ?m ' that was get mo tton**during*the drew Johnson for a national cemetery,
in any considerable measure. More- I build a wal1 around 15 acres of ]and
over, the tide toward Federal paternal- ! dedIcated of the heirs of An
system?
The Government has an undertaking
on hand Just now that is an object les- j
Son. What is the Panama canal but j
an example of Government ownership j
and of administrative incapacity? If \
ment In advocacy of Government own
revolutionary era of 1860-1876 is
strong to turn back.
in which plot of ground Andrew John
son and two of his sons Me buried; to
expend • $32,000 for that purpose: to
built a lodge to cost $6,000; walls and
gates, $20,000; roads in cemetery,
$2,000; roads, with approach to ceme
tery, $2,000; walks and steps in the
drainage, $1,000;
SENATOR SPOONER’S LIMITA
TIONS.
I The New York Evening Post attri
butes Senator Spooner’s resignation
ership until the canal is built—It looks not alone to the inadequacy of the | cemetery, $1,000;
at the present time as though it would salary for a man of his abilities. After ! *°tal, $32,000. This in addition to em-
never be started—and the history of sixteen years’ service in the Senate he : Ploying perpetually a man to take
this problem in Government ownership confronted the certainty that the rec- I charge of the cemetery at $60 a month
turns out to be an achievement free of ord he had made precluded any possl- ! with quarters for him to live in. The
graft and corruption and jobbery he bility of his rising higher and, sated proposition was opposed by Mr. Gard-
will surely have an unanswerable ar- with Senatorial honors, he retires to nor > of Michigan, as an absurd extrav-
gument in favor of his hobby. It Is private life. The Post furnishes this agance, the absurdity _of it being
interesting and Instructive estimate of ’ doubtless more apparent to him be-
certain If the Government owned the
railroads at this present moment it ;
would be In a predicament to handle j
them when It cannot procure the talent i
and the labor necessary to make ap- ’
preciable progress on the one job It has j
in hand. j
TIME’S WHIRLIGIG AND STATES’
RIGHTS.
The whirligig of time is certainly
whirliglgging at a brisk pace when the
Springfield (Mass.) Republican feels
moved to remark: "We seem to be In
for a general revival of State sover
eignty argument as marked out by
Stephens, Davis and other Southern
leaders before, during and after the
Civil War—and this. too. by represent
atives of the political party which car
ried its fight against the doctrine from
the forum to the battlefield and won.”
The newspaper named even recom
mends Stephens' "Constitutional View
of the War Between the States" and
Davis’ "Rise and Fall of the Confed
eracy” as "reference books for Repub
lican statesmen of the anti-Roosevelt
brand” that are "chock full of points
for such speeches as Mr. Choate would
j evidently make on this subject—pre
senting. as can be found nowhere else,
the State rights and State sovereignty
argument with great fullness if not
with absolutely crushing force.” The
Republican adds:
“It is extremely interesting—this I
sudden interest, on the part of con-
aervativa Republican sentiment. In
the Wisconsin Senator’s career:
He is a great constitutional law
yer. one of the greatest of his gen
eration. His knowledge of the
fundamental law has been of much
j service, both to his party and to his
I country. He has at times exhibited
| • a fine independence, as when he
broke with his Republican usso-
1 dates on the question of annexing
1 Hawaii. Yet it has often appeared
that this man. capable as he was of
independent judgment, still lacked
the courage to follow steadily the
dictates of his own mind and con
science. He wanted to be a good
party man; he shrank from being
c-alied an indenev’ent. In an emer
gency be would defend the course of
his party in a sprech which, while
amazingly clever as an advocate's
plea, was emphatically not the ut
terance of a statesman or a jurist.
He scorned to take an intellectual
pleasure—not uncommon for
shrewd lawyer*-—in '■e-ing how In-
genlouely he could make the worse
app-’nr the better reason. And as
Uire went on h» acquiesced more
easily in the decision of a majority,
subordinated his personal convic
tions to the exigencies of partisan
policy. Perhaps, the most telling
characterization of his career was
Senator Carmack’s statement that
Spoorer had endured the annexa
tion of Hawaii, pitied the taking
over of the Philippines, and em
braced the seizure of Panama.
In brief, he was too good and un
varying a party man to ever become a
truly national figure, and as such to
hope for preferment to the one honor
that was left for a man of his capacity
cause of the location, of the proposed
expediture In the South. The debate
was chiefly notable, however, because
of a tribute to Andrew Johnson evoked
from Congressman Brownlow, who is a
descendant of one of Johnson’s bit
terest political foes of former days.
Mr. ’Brownlow said:
Ex-President Johnson was a
Democrat. He was a member of
the United States Senate from
Tennessee and was the only Sen
ator of his party. North or South,
that stood by Abraham Lincoln in
favor Of the old flag and a united
country.
And yet, here from this northern
section of the country comes the
opposition to doing honor to these
people of the mountains who were
loyal to the cause of the Union and
the old flag. Andrew Johnson was
surrounded and supported by the
votes of the State rights secession
Democracy of the South, yet he
went with the cause of the Union,
stood by the Government, stood by
Abraham Lincoln, and I have as
serted heretofore, and I reassert.
■ that taking his surroundirgs and
his acts and comparing them, I
believe he was the greatest patriot
of the Civil War. (Applause.)
Brownlow. Nelson and Maynard
stood shoulPer to shoulder with
Johnson! but they had made their
fight for the Union, the Constitu
tion, and the enforcement of the
laws under the leadership of John
Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward
-Everett, of Massachusetts. (Ap
plause.)
All of which, while not sufficient
other the contested States to note the reg
ularity of the certificates and tabulate
the returns as made. Continuing. Mr.
Hill says:
And yet, had they but known it,
the Democrats still held a winning
card, and those In the Republican
secrets were yet to face the worst
quarter-hour of their lives, for
some of them had taken desperttte
chances in the interests of their
party, and they faced the open
doors of a prison when the oppos
ing certificates from Louisiana
reached Presiding Justice Clif
ford.
It was on the morning of Febru
ary 13 that this crisis was reached,
and the court was again crowded
to its utmost capacity. All the
commissioners were present and all
the counsel who had attended the
previous sessions except O’Connor,
whose place was occupied by ex-
Judge Campbell. There was. there
fore. no lack of astute advisors for
the Democracy. They were the
flower of the bar—trained observ
ers whose professional duties had
taught them to scrutinize every de
tail in e. case and take nothing for
granted, while on the bench were
seven Democratic jurists, equally
we’l equipped and vigilant. With
such an array of legal experts
watching the interests of the’ri cli
ents it seemed impossible that de
ception should be successfully
practiced or fraud go undetected,
and yet the impossible happened.
The proceedings opened as usual
with the reception of the conflict
ing certificates from the Senate
chamber—five documents in all—
and while these important papers
wefle being perfunctorily examined
and initialled bv the presiding jus
tice, the journalists in the gallery
idly watched the scene, the lawyers
whispered together and prepared
for the oeming contests: the gen
eral public waited, bored and in
attentive. and some of the Repub
lican managers sat quaking with
fear.
Judge Clifford finally laid aside
his pen and it was ordered that the
various exhibits which be had been
marking be printed and copies fur
nished for the convenience of the
counsel and commissioners. Had
a single objection to this routine
been interposed; had prudence,
habit, or even curiosity impe’led
any of the Democratic counsel to
scrutinize the original documents,
or had enterprise prompted any
journalist to examine and compare
them a sensational exposure would
have been inevitable, for one of the
Republican certificates was clum
sily, even obviously, forged.
end station to aspire to—the chair of reason for the useless expenditure pro-
the chief magistrate.
jiosed, wa* a strikingly forcible argu-
In a foot-note Mr. Hill furnishes the
key to this portion of his article as fol
lows:
Under the Constitution three
copies of the certificates of the
Louisiana vote were necessary,
lone of which was to be forwarded
to the President of the Senate by
mail, another; delivered to him by
hand, and the third deposited with
the United States district Judge—
| Timtfs states in brief and compreben-
j sive manner his views on the results
; of the concluding session of the Fifty -
: ninth Congress. He says; "Congress
fooled away the first five weeks of the
three months' session and then rushed,
jammed, banged things through In tho
last ten days.” Continuing, he saya:
Little was done at the short ses
sion except to pass the great sup
ply bills. The most important
measure passed was the 16-hour
bill, and most of the credit of that
belongs to tho Democrats. We
forced the fight; we won the vic
tory; and it is the most brilliant
victory achieved by a majority in
jnany a day.
The most important measure de
feated was the ship subsidy bill.
The Democrats, aided by a few
Republicans, came within three
votes of doing it to death in the
House. It was a battle royal from
start to finish, and I shall always
regret that the honbrs of beating
it so narrowly escaped the House,
but there’s no sense in crying over
spilt mUk. What the House failed
to do by a "Georgetown graze,” as
they say in Kentucky. Senator Car
mack, of Tennessee, aided and
abetted by certain of his Demo
cratic brethren, accomplished in
the Senate, where debate is unlim
ited.
Mr. Clark says Mr. Carmack deserves
all praise for his instrumentality in
blocking ship subsidy, ns it “was tho
camel’s nose to be inserted In the tent
and would have been followed by simi
lar bills appropriating hundreds of
millions to hire people to do a thing
which they would be glad to do If we
would repeal the idiotic laws which
drove our merchant marine from the
high seas. The chances are that this
Is the last charge of the old ship sub
sidy guard.” ,
Let us hope Mr. Carmack is correct
in this opinion. But “the worst bill
passed at this session, and one of the
worst ever passed,” he says, “was the
so-called Aldrich currency bill, which
makes a present, as it was intended to
do, of millions annually to certain , pet
national banks in and about New York,
which no doubt will furnish thc Re
publicans with the sinews of war in
future campaigns."
In this opinion Mr. Carmack Is at
variance with Isidor Rayner, Mary
land’s Democratic Senator. Mr. Ray
ner says:
“Tho currency bill was a good
one. The contest was made over
the question of interest on deposits
and the diminution of the out
standing notes, as set forth in the
bill, of $9,000 000 a year. I think
the opposition to the bill upon both
these grounds was properly defeat
ed, as the requirement of interes
•on deposits would have almost de
stroyed the efficacy of the meas
ure.”
There is no accounting for such rad
ical difference of opinion between two
such able and practical men except
perhaps the point of view.
' “The denatured alcohol bill is a tip
top measure,” Mr. Clark says, “and
will enable farmers to make up sur-
| plus products into denatured alcohol,
which will revolutionize heating, light
ing and motive power. In order to get
a bill that would do any good it was
necessary to overthrow Senator Aid-
rich temporarily at least, which was
done by the Democratic Senators, aided
by certain Republican Senators from
great agricultural States.
“These,” he says, "are the principal
measure, good, bad or indifferent.”
Anyway. Editor Brisbane has ac
quired a $125,000 chicken farm, for
which he has just paid, while engaged
in self-effacement to the aggrandize
ment of Willie Hearst, who is willing
to pay liberally of the money of which
he has a surplus in exchange for the
reputation of having brains where he
has only a deficit.
A British medical journal comments
on the fact'that so many people who
can sit through a theatrical perform
ance without coughing have throat
troubles in church. They cannot go
out between the acts in church and
wet their whistles.
r^MSTMOl PKfflT