Newspaper Page Text
TTVICE-A-TTEEK TELEGRAPH
Tuesday, July 9, 190?
Ex-Gov. William J.
Discusses the
Northen
Race Question
: try, can do at the present time. I be-
I lieve in their sincerity as much as I
believe in the sincerity of any of our
friends whp Jive in Boston, New York
or Chicago, and we shall.prove recre-
: an-t to our race- if we do not heartily
co-operate in every effort they are put-
. ting forward to bring better conditions
; In Atlanta and throughout the South.”
■With this mutual recognition and ac-
; ceptance of conditions, thus far. fr is
. I . ■ easy to understand what is meant by
races, demanding solution, dependent i IVe were quite ‘willihg to care for them "dependent upon the other.” '
! in its difficulty, primarily, upon the >s freedmen if they had remained de-i. The negro in Georgia has now put
i relative number of each race in the | pendent upon our direction. j himself as a dependent upon the supe-
eommunity In question. Speaking of the' history of these I rlor race 'by his own public, general
US. BRKE DENIES
flinoMmic sup
John Tyler Morgan
j the friend of God and the enemy or
man.”
The following is the full text of Gov
ernor Norther's Fourth of July address
on the race issues delivered at Mont
clair, N. J.:
As a citizen of the centra! South. I
oMvl b ritpJ-ns U of tha^North ^non The 000 ne * roes - Of all the States, Nevada, amid the roaring of the wreckage, de- I and this trust if. they did not give Me
a ,,..7 At tli« twin* ; l ’ avta * lhe ]Past number of negroes, voted itself to the manifest common assurance “that every individual black
rnrrvfnc with it cr-at and momentous shouId hav « the I«*-'t difficulty in the‘sense of statesmanship by providing a man. with his family, shall be abso-
^ lo all the Amorkan ^on'o solution. As Georgia has a larger j special series of laws for the esfhb- hitely sure that he will receive jus-
Th« of the races i« at the! number of negroes than any other; lishment of a status for ‘people of tics.” in his civil rights, his industrial
th p Irritatimr in its S;ate in the it would seem that | color.’" Simple, clear and conceived relations, his educational opportunities
cnruUtlnnH 'the m'os' unoonular for di<=- Georgia would tovt the greatest diffl- rChristian conscience, those laws'aimed and his moral and spiritual interests,
cueelon and ♦he most dffGeu’t of =olu- : cul,y in effecting a solution. If this: no harsh blows, bur gave expression, to This the people of Georgia have pub-
rton Of ntl the problems that confront ; batiis of so!ut I°n is correct, Nevada fhe sense of Anglo-Saxon responsibility h e ly proclaimed. All that we now need
the mt'oa ** ■ ■■ ■ would have only four-tenths of 1 per fo a confused race that stood in need in order to work out cur problem,
i. on AmerfMn etrtren T am far ; 0 ” nt - of difficulty, while Georgia would of the strong hand of kindness and slowly and surely, is the sympathy and
more concerned let me assure you liU - v< ' 85 per cent of trouble. i guidance. Of course, these statutes not the criticism of those, who do not
about the righteous adjustment of fun-1 .- s ' v ' ,v Jersey has a white population ! Fussed away with the Fourteenth_and | sfffl understand the great hindrances
d
prot
By SAVOY AO.
"And the King said unto his serv-
ants. Know ye not that there Is a
BRITISH AMBASSADOR SAYS HE prince and a great man fallen this dav
DIDN’T MAKE STATEMENTS t n Israel 7 "
AS TO OKLAHOMA CON- j
STITUTION I *centuries thdi sopnmted the
. ’ J lives of the Brutus who banished Tar-
quin and the Brutus who slew Caesar
did not witness more changes in Rotne
strictly
gr.
though It be my own.
farel B aibide U< the X requ , lrernent^of tl your I ! aif th» U «n»rtr U «e J-wSTrirn?
organization and discuss this grave
question, absolutely free from party
per cent of trouble.
Indiana has a white population of
question, aosatuieiy irt e iroiu party I - ———. .
bias and sectional prejudice, looking'—* 88 "’^ 0 and yt.oOO negroes. -Louisi
solely to the greatest good of the ai,a ba , s a white population of .28,620
-■and 691,000 negroes. Indiana, therefore,
would have 2% per cent of difficulty,
while Louisiana would have the much
trouble.
arty schemes- or sectional policies I — Georgia and at the South. Quite the
The dlicusfdon necessarily- requires - I,Iinois has a white population of contrary Is true. As stated by the
4.734.900 and 85.001 negroes. Tennessee Hampton professor, the best negroes
greatest number. 1 am sure what I
shall say will he received in the same
spirit in which it is delivered. In ths
problem We must ffloe
party schemer or sectional policies.
reference to conditions in separate
States ant in separate sections. Any
reference this kind that I may make
shall be confined exclusively to the
history of the times to which T refer,
and the resultant facts of experience.
More definitely the problem is the
American adjustment of "the relations
which shoald exist between the white
people ant the negro people of a com
mon soil and whose welfare, in the laist
analysis, la a common weal.”
The Caucasian stands at one extreme
and the African at the other extrem
of the racas. It. by any moans, we can
adjust tho relations of the extremes, we
will settla. In a measure at least, ajl
the problems of the races that come
between.
Everywhere, ’whether together
separate, there seems to be
the part. of all, -whlto and black,
an inborti racial . antagonism. The
opportunity has come tr tho Amer
ican people, as to no other, to
adjust the relations that will har
monize the antagonisms of all the
races. W<* oannof ’but believe that God
hes sa fhtended with all the peoples of
tbe ^rth, and it seems that he is
.siKit ua for the uplift of our common
fcornOity. We have the black men In
iargt/ utimbeTs. The red men we
found here. The >ellow men are clam
oring and will finally get in. All these
different ones are His creation and He
want* each made complete and per
fect In his place. Why may We not
come to the task in Willing and patient
no-operation with all the higher forces
that seek to bring Joy and gladness out
of sorrow and crime?
These two peoples, the white man
and the negro, aro as distinct in racial
elements, racial traits, personal char
acteristics and racial tastes, as the
extremes of all the races can Suggest
or imply.
The question, the great question of
this hour, -North aftd South, is, what
are we to do, What ean we do, wh*t
must we do under these difficult condi
tions to obtain and make steadfast the
fullest possible freedom, the general
conditions, both North and South, will
allow*
Refore T further advance, in order
that I may be altogether fair to the
negro—I shall endeavor to be fair to
the end—let me state some things fun
damental and to be remembered, while
wb attempt the solution of the prob
lem. These things fundamental may
give tis some patience and due con
sideration.
First, the negro Is, in no sense, re
sponsible ns an original faofor for the
ills that have come to the American
people because of his residence in our
community. He did not come to our
shores of his own free will and of hfs
own accord. He was abduced from Oils
home, chained and dragged aboard
slave trading vessels and brought to
oar shores under h*s protest apd
through the greatest iniquity that has
ever cursed the American people.
Seecond, we are paying the penalties
that nre consequent upon the negro's
freedom, occurring at a time when the
nation was stirred by war and blood
and crime. At emancipation he was
untutored and unguarded and allowed
to roam the fields and the country at
large. Later, under reconstruction, he
turned his liberty into license. In
crimes that entailed wholesale slaughter
and violence. It is not his fault that
he was left to the promptings and in
stincts of his wild and destructive na
ture without hindrance and without
restraint.
Third, wd have the spectacle of a
weak race which lived for ages in wan
ton sin, in great incapacity and un-
preparedness, placed in the dangerous
environments of competition with
what is strongest, and of association
with and imitation of what is weakest
and most criminal in the superior race.
This is a severe test under the de
mands of a superior race, having cen
turies of civilisation, in contrast with
an inferior race, JusJ beginnng jp
know. "The negro must know that
competition is becoming more and
more intense and that the burden put
upon him is growing heavier in thin
advanced century, than he can bear.
Unless these conditions are changed,
slowly and silently, the nego will be
fill the spirit of this little hook in the
adjustment of race relations, how
much happier everybody would hav
been. There would have been no At
lanta massacre of September 23, 1906,
It is a great mistake to believe that
there Is no kind of harmony between
facts and not | STaater responsibility in 90 per cent of [the better elements of the races in
has a white population of 1.540,000 and
430,200 negroes. Illinois, therefore,
would have 2 per cent of difficulty,
while Tennessee would have the muJh
greater responsibility in 31 per cent of
trouble.
•Ohio has a white population of
4.000.000 and 77.000 negroes. Arkan
sas has a white population of 944,500
and 367.000 negroes. Ohio, therefore,
would have 2 per cent of difficulty,
| while Arkansas would have the much
greater responsibility in 40 per cent of
trouble.
A close study of these figures and
others like them would necessarily
compel the conclusion that Nevada
could not be expected to outline an
acceptable for the adjustment of re
lations in Georgia. The same can -he
as forcefully said of all the States put
in comparison. If such comparison is
made as to race troubles in the States
named and others, North and South,
terminating in violence, bloodshed,
criminal assaults and lynchlngs, the
results, by comparison, would astonish
many who nre nst now informed.
More important than the .statements
just made is the consideration that the
white people and negroes in Nevada
did not undergo the violent shock that
came to the white people and the ne
groes In Georgia, immediately after
the war. Antagonisms and bitterness
and hate were then egendered in
Georgia and at the South, that caused
separation of -the races that has
of
at the South are returning to their far
mer relations, in recognizing "that
every colcired nian of common sense
knows that the best white iblood of the
South cherishes for them a a friend
ship which no other class of white
people can understand, much less feel
Dr. D. Clay Lilly. Presbyterian pas
tor at Winston-Salem. X. C., and for
merly secretary of colored evangeliza
tion for the Presbyterian church
the United States, speaking of thi:
class, says: “The good class of ne
groes Is intelligent, progressive and re
sourceful. Its religion is not a sham
Its education has not spoiled it and its
devotion to duty is not inspired by the
‘loaves and fishes.’ Its ideals are good
its social standards high and its life
wholesome and elevating. •' It has been
lifted from heathen darkness to its
present attainments by the power of
the grace of God. If all American ne
groes were of this class," there would be
no ‘negro problem.'
"It will be best for all parties if the
white man, strong and dominant, will
look seriously and sympathetically at
the weaker and the dependent race,
and seeing him, just as he is, intelli
gently set about aiding him.”
This is just we have begun to'do in
Georgia, upon a plan based ’ entirely
upon our local conditions, as in my
judgment, all other people must be al
lowed to do.
The solution of the problem as re
ported for Buxton, Iowa, with a popu-
grown wider and wider apart. A feel- lation of 5,000—93 per cent negroes and
ing has developed more and more in
tense, which, aggravated by crimina
tion and recrimination and crimina
tion again from all parts of the na
tion, as well as abroad, has given us
a problem at the South entirely un
like anything possible anywhere else
Just now.
In 1865 the South had -no problem of
the r^ces. No people on the earth
were more loyal to the trust commit
ted to them than the negro at the
South before and during the Civil
War.
Whilst almost the entire male popu
lation of the South was absent from
home in war, the women and children
were left without protection except as
it was furnished by the strong arm of
the negroes who were.slaves upon the
plantations of the Southern States. It
never occurred, for a moment, that
there might be an uprising or an in
surrection of .slaves‘to destroy our
homes and slaughter our women and
children. We knew the attachment
and the loyalty of the negroes. These
attachments were quite as strong on
the part of the white people. These
conditions obtained because of the real
affection maintained in the mild
household slavery of the South. The
people at the South have a veneration
ana most kindly affection for the old-
time negro who live before and during
the war. These never give us trouble.
It is quite pertinent to ask, therefore,
how this devotion was so radically
changed Into such unfortunate an
tagonism and continued bitterness.
This involves the negro’s relation to
citizenship and politics, untutored, un
guarded and unrestrained as he was.
The bonds between us were all fin
ally broken, separation and bitterness
ensued, and we became literally two
peoples. Steadfast as the negroes
tood during the war, the pressure be
came too great under reconstruction.
After the war, the negroes were
promptly made citizens. Tho people
of the South were forced to look not
only upon abandonment by the ne
groes of former pacific relations, but
upon absolute treachery among her
own people. Many men who had been
true to tile South during the war. now,
broken down in fortune, and without
hope for the future, believed they saw-
political elevation for themselves in
the use of the negro's vote in politics.
The breach was widened by the pres
ence of the military all over the
South, who, while not encouraging the
7 per cent white people—doubtless
meets all the conditions and all the
demands of that community. The ne
groes own and manage all the places of
‘business and the whites seem to be
their employes. If this plan pleases
all the people in Buxton and is accept
able and satisfactory to them, it is not
matter for my Interference. The con
ditions are altogether local.
I am not here to.suggest a solution
for New Jersey nor a solution of the
problem at the North; That is alto
gether outside of common courtesy and
a proper regard for an , intelligent,
thoughtful, capable, Christian people.
Before we entered upon our plan in
Georgia, there were some things fun
damental that were necessary to be
settled between the races at - the be
ginning.
There is a chemistry of humanity as
there, is a chemistry of fire, water, air
and gunpowder, that may result in se
rious explosion if it is not properly
understood and wisely handled.
All' history shows that no two races
approaching, in any degree, equality in
numbers, ean live peaceably together
unless intermarriage takes place or the
one becomes dependent upon the other.
The Sabine women prepared the way
for the admission of the Sabines to
Rome and gave the former place among
the conscript fathers. Alexander, hav
ing conquered Persia, married the Per
sian Roxana and thus lessened the so
cial distance between the new proVr
inces and the original empire. Alarie,
Clovis, Henry I. of England, in Italy,
Gaul and among the Saxons,, respect
ively, resorted to the same policy of
intermarriage and for the same pur
pose. The long dissensions 4>etween
the Normans and Saxons, under Wil
liam. Duke of Normandy and William
Rufus, disappeared when the two races
follow the example of Henry. On the
other hand. Israel and Egypt, the He
brew nations and the people conquered
by them and others, proved the im
possibility of two races living together,
without the dependence of the one
upon the other or intermarriage.
Miscegenation by law will never take
place at the South. That may be ac
cepted as an established fact and set
tled, beyond question, and for all time
to come. . Intermarriage at the South
need not be argued for a moment. Un
less the South breaks the record of all
history, there is only one alternative
left and that is that the negro must
be dependent, in a measure at least.
on ifs provisions, as I have invariably
refused to say anything whatever on
any American political question since
I came to United States in official ca
pacity. BRYCE.
WASHINGTON. July 6.—Unofficial
advices received here that James
Bryce, the British Ambassador, did, not
commend the Constitution of Okla
homa. and made none of the state
ments attributed to him, tend to dis
prove the reports that the" Ambussa-
race j n danger of being given his passports,
exempt There was no warrant for the (lurry
from punishment, until guilt has been j n official circles over the statements
duly ascertained and declared, and. to i attributed to Ambassador Bryce,
further announce that nothing but au- i while the officials of the Department
tfientic justice can be called public j Q f state were greatly surprised when
justice or is public justice, either in thejvread of the alleged interview, they
felt that a satisfactory .explanation
would be made, and there would be no
cause for action by this government
when all the facts became known.
Acting Secretary of State Adee. who
was fn charge of the Department of
State at the time, declared that no
notice of the alleged statement would
be taken by him. When Robert Ba
con, the assistant Secretary of fitate,
resumed charge after a short vacation,
he said he would do nothing about *he
matter, but would await instructions
from President Roosevelt.
schemes of division and domination [ upon the white man, as he cannot hope
concocted in the Union Leagues, were '■ to dominate him. God’s efforts to keep
under orders to support and defend (Israel pure is one of the most Inter
political leaders created by the leagues. | esting studies of Scripture.
Since that day. the negro at the This basis of action was notably ac-
“has been determined to oppose, cepted in an address' delivered in mv
. . , , - politically, everything he believes the I city <by Dr Booker -Washington and
Esri.rr* v’ ay - "•n h *, n 5trai * hter wW , te A ma “ He is a Republican, loudly applauded by the largf number
numbers wifi decrease and: an independent or a what-not. just so of negroes he was addressing. From
h r^,VJfh 1 » t '!L y driv(n \,}? the wail, he may oppose and fight, against any- .that address I quote as follows:
Fourth, if in these conditions he was thing he knows the white man advo- -Another element in the' situation
made a part of the body politic, with cates. To this the white man will not! wh fch has 'evented the Sou’hevn
all the power of the ballot and the in- submit in patient endurance without>whRe pror' frhm 'taking hold in a
fluence of a clUzen. charge can b- inld striking back in kind. The negro's whole-soiled' way as ihev are now rlo-
«t his door. If evil and crime in abund- politics lias strained his relations and in , n wfntl has been the "me o'
ie3u t,d ' n V v< ‘ r *>«Sht largely hindered his opportunities atlSSif tS- LSw
such relations at the beginning. It was
the act of the nation. These things
need to be said, not at all in criticism,
but as history and in absolute fairness
to the negro who Is now a citizen.
the opportunities at j social equality: something existing
. [.somewhere that nobody exactly under-
L pon this subject Prof. H. M. stands, but it was something that'’was
Browne, a negro and a member of the j always used on every occasion when
faculty of Hampton Institute, one | Southern white men or women at-
! ?J T10 2^ schools for negroes at | tempted to put forth genuine effort to
>. . „ . , o j.vi •- i u.inn'.u iu uui xui lii
If these of our statements are true and the South, says: “The greatest enemy! help the black man.
**. a “ “ u,t to the negro and the greatest obstacle "Another element that has kent the
be the white man’s problem and not j to his progress Is the politician and UrbVaces troThK
4he problem of the negro. The negro , the negro politician is the worst of all. i the^^constant SreatTf ne^ro^domlnl- preme motive power in the future life
law or in fact. Anything outside of
authentic justice, found in lynching and
tne riotous savagery of mobs, is as
much condemned by the people in my
State as any State in the Union or any
section of the nation.
Lawlessness on the' part of white
men is as severely censured and con
demned as lawlessness and violence by
negroes. With, us there can be no
aristocracy of crime. A white fiend Is
as much to be dreaded as a black
brute. In Georgia, we insist that the
white man and the negro are to be al
ways equal before the law.
Second, while we deny and disallow
social equality, we are quite free to
grant and to defend the negro's fullest
rights in industrial privileges and busi
ness opportunities.
Front the very beginning, even dur
ing the earliest day of reconstruction,
the negroes had no means for support
or for accumulation, except through
the favor of the Southern white peo
ple. They were practically penniless.
Notwithstanding the poverty of the
white people and alienation of the ne
groes, the white people gave them shel
ter and food and employment. I do not
believe that there are now twenty-five
capable and trustworthy negroes in my
State today, out of employment, who
could not get work in fifteen minutes
if they wanted it. Negroes have access
to all the trader and all the profes
sions, as ‘barbers, mechanics, artisang
masons, lawyers, dentists, etc. They
are not prevented from work by labor
unions. Such distinctions between the
races would not be approved by our
people. Starting in 1S66 without a
home and without a penny, the negroes
in Georgia today pay tax on $23,500,000
worth of property, more th'an one-sixjh
as much as the whole State was worth
at the end of the war. This could
easily have amounted to $123,000,000 if
so many negroes were not indolent,
idle and irresponsible.
If other sections and other States
see fit to allow and adopt social equal
ity and deny equal industrial privileges
to the negro, it is no matter for inter
ference or criticism by the people of
my State or the people at the South, as
this is a matter to be locally deter-,
miiied. In the event of such' differ
ences in any State or section, the negro
has the right and the opportunity to
make .choice between the two. "When
this choice Es determined, the negro
will then he distributed in such rela
tion's as he thinks will best suit his
opportunities.
Upon this point may I quote Dr.
Washington again? He says: "It is
in-'the South that the -black man finds
an open sesame in la{g>r. industry and
business that is not surpassed any
where else. It is here that the form of
-slavery, which prevents a man frdm
selling his labor to whom he pleases
on account of his color is- almost un
known.
"If a negro .would spend a- dollar at
the opera he will find the fairest op-
portunty at the North. If -he- would
earn the dollar, his fairest opportunity
is at the South. The opportunity to
earn the dollar fairly is of much more
importance to the negro just now titan
the opportunity to spend it at tfte
opera.”
Rev. Edagr Gardner Murphy says
The South has sometimes abridged
the negro’s right to vote, but the South
has not yet abridged his-right in any
direction of human interest or of lion
est effort to earn hie bread. The one
is secondary, the other is primary: the
one is incidental, the greater number of
enlightened peoples have lived happily
for centuries without it: the other is
elemental, structural. Indispensable: it
lies at the very basis of life and Integ
rity, whether individual or social.”
Third, whilst we demand and will al
ways positively enforce the requirments
that the negro shall have separate
schools and separate educational insti
tutions, we are quite willing to provide
that they shall have equal advantages
ith the white people for primary edu
cation under our public school system.
Indeed, their educational opportunities
are in advance of those of the white
people in that the white people pay by
far the greater bulk of the taxes, while
the schools for the races are the same
In character and advantage. They are
under the control of the same boards
of education and the same State and
c.ounty officials.
Vanquished, deep in- debt, with a ru
ral and scattered population, cursed
with iliteracy, facing the gravest diffi
culties in every line, needing every
available dollar, the South, in order to
serve an alien people, severed from
them in spirit, opposing them politic
ally. irritating them socially, handi
capping them industrially, by their in
dolence and unreliability, arose in her
poverty and though the bread was not
enough for her own, with amazing gen
erosity, she breaks the thin, scant loaf
and to the weaker race gives a more
liberal part.
Of this condition Dr. A. D. Mayo, a
prominent and honored educator and
citizen of Massachusetts, has said:
“The world has never witnessed such
spectacle as this inspiration of the
superior Southern people at the close
of the Civil War. to set us as the su
INTERVALE. N. H., July 6.—State
ments you quote as attributed to me
than John T. Morgan saw in America
between h!s first day at the bar, in
1845, and his last day in the Senate,
in 1907. He was of the old South that
Is history and romance, honor and
glory. There is all the difference be
tween the old South and the new that
there is- between fame and notoriety,
between John T. Morgan and John T.
Graves.
Not a great while before his death
John C. Calhoun, the profoundest
thinker, the most eminent statesman,
and the greatest man the cotton South
has produced, went on a tohr of the
then Southwest. His journey extended
| dor had .incurred the displeasure of to the Mississippi river and he was at
i.President Roosevelt_and that lie was Memphis and New Orleans.- Ke tarried
some days in Alabama, where Dixon H.
Lewis had long contended for, and
William- R. King. liad Just as long
striven against, the doctrines of the
illustrious South Carolinian, and in
Alabama he found William L. Yancey,
who had opposed nullification in South
Carolina in 1830 and John T. Morgan,
then in his youth, the flower of which
gave promise of the rich and golden
fruit of his' mature manhood. It was
the period of the Wilmot proviso that
specifically asserted that the South had
not equal rights with the North in the
protection of the Constitution of the
United States and laws made in pur
suance thereof. Calhoun conferred with
both Yancey and Morgan and thev fell
in with his views touching the position
the South should occupy in the then
political crisis. Secession would have
p-ome then but for the compromise
Henry Clay patched up in 1830.-
MARK TWAIN WRITES HE
IS NOT TO MARRY
LONDON, July 6.—When the report
that Mark Twain was engaged to mar
ry his ^secretary. Miss I. V. Lyon, was
mentioned by a correspondent to Mr.
Clemens at his hotel, he was speech
less. Then he went to his desk and,
afteT.a moment’s thought, wrote out
the following:
"I have not known, and shall never
know, one who could fill the place of
the wife I have lost. I shall not
marry again.
”S. L. CLEMENS.”
is not responsible for its beginning.
I am in constant touch with a!!
classes of my people. North and South
m of ^ designing men have played upon the and I do not hesitate to say that the
i is ; n eakness of the negro and have, in ; negro has no ambition to mingle, so-
the many instances, arrayed the members - dally, with the white race, neither has
. . .. 'The politician uses the negro for his tion
It is not the problem of the wnite selfish purposes. In the South, suci:
man at the -North nor the problem “
the whit* man at the South, bu
the problem of the white man of
TU> r’,° f-n ■ , . . j negro race against their best | he any ambition to dominate the white
Et er> free-born American citizen, friends, the Southern white man. ma n in political matters. With these
who is a lineal descendant of the orig- They have been taught that they are two points definitely understood, I see
hial settlers of New Jersey or Georgia. , asserting their independence by vot- , no reason why we cannot co-operate
Massachusetts or South Carolina, or, ing against the interest of the very I on the platform laid down by the
any other of the thirteen original colo- men to whom thev go in time of league
nies. is. either directly or remotely, de- ; trouble and they have not been able -TVhat the n-ero i- interested in for
^ I e ?.- 0r -,!"._ r . ea R ze . their inter - beyond any m!tter“ o? social £ter-
the Interests of i
tncouraged the Iniquitous slave trade ests lie closest
and the subsequent dealing in human those whom they oppose at"the‘polls" : nofiticM dominltiom
beings as merchandise and chattels. ; I know and every colored man of com- : * Individ ui? blank minn-nn
From all these sins the negro is en-: mon sense knows, that the best white ^dlv shal be nb=olutelv "ure hat he
tirely free and the white men of the j blood of the South cherishes for us a ,
nation, the entire nations are respon- friendship which no other class
slble. (white people can understand
of their States, the entire system of
education, developed by the genius of
the American people during the past
two hundred and fifty years of their
colonial and national existence.”
With all this ample opportunity for
mental and intellectual training, it is
due to say that for many generations
yet to come, if ever, there‘will be scant
opportunities at the South for many
negroes thoroughly trained in the
higher education.
Some would-be friends of the ne
groes. as it seems to me, - have made
mistakes in attempting to educate the
negro outside of his environment and
away from his opportunities. To con
ceive of training the whole negro race
in the higher branches of learning is
as unwise as it Is economically Imprac-
solu- j ticable. There is no race with such !
..will receive Justice. Assure the negro
, ' that the same justice administered' to
11 - Inuc * 1 j the white man will be administered to
My own State. Georgia, became a less feel. hiiri and we have the key to th
slave State about the same time as did In addition to this spirit of intense: tion of our whole racial problem. -intellectual endowment that all
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. W ith opposition, born in politics as Just **I have not come here to speak to-[people can be highly educated. At
my State this curse was longer , stated, a greater element of our prob- day without careful examination into! present only a small per cent of the
continued and the peo-p.e of Georgia are lem is that we find ourselves in'the! the situation. I have watched every negro population need or can take the
suffering the greater and more lasting midst of large numbers of negroes who , move; I have read every word that ; higher education. The negro race must
eviis than are t.-.e people of New Jer- are ignorant and vicious, grossly -im-^as been uttered on the part of the have leaders from its own race—these,
sev, only because of the lateness of our | moral, self-assertive and almost en- leaders of this movement, and I do not 1 can be developed only by the beat
release from slavery. tirely unrestrained. For these condi- | hesitate to say that* I have as .much training.
The settlers in tne thirteen orginal ; tione t.ie people at the South do not faith in their earnestness, in their sin-! If the negro is made industrially ea-
colonles have scattered the negroes • hold themselves altogether responsible rerity. in the!!' ability to help lift up j pable and industrially reliable the peo-
mto every State In the union. W herever , Tne emancipation of the slaves did the negro, in a way that no other group pie at the South would rather have his
go they carry the problem of the not irritate the people of. -Ih a South, .of white, mep, in any. part Of th© conn- i service such as oould
by any other people upon the earth.
But it is possible that the kind of edu
cation to which he has been encouraged
in some quarters has given him a feel
ing qf self-sufficiency that has lifted
him entirely out of his place amon’g
the people who would be more than
glad to use him, with profit to himself,
if he were only willing to serve.
Because of this condition of things
educationally and otherwise, after
nearly one-half century of patient
waiting, the white people in my State
and the white people at the South are,
reluctantly, turning away from the em
plp'ymen-t of negroes as cooks, laun
dresses, plowmen, coachmen and kin
dred positions, to other people whom
we to receive from abroad. No
white man in Georgia can be charged
with this great loss of opportunity in
curred by the negro, and of material
and educational development that
Would have come to him.
Whilst .the negro is in no way re
sponsible for the beginning of the
problem, he is. most criminally.; re
sponsible for its wicked continuance,
There is not a single negro from among
the one million In my State, who does
not fully understand the villainy of the
outrages, that are sometimes com
mitted by their people. This responsi
bility is upon them and upon them
solely. We expect to so hold them un
til they .^re controlled, properly pun
ished and made obedient to law. In
this effort the better negroes are now
renderirig- most helpful service and
couffsel. ‘
These are co-operating with us in
building, most successfully, a State
great In its material force and equip
ment. The increase in the tax values
of Georgia for the past twelve months
was more than one-third the value of
the entire taxable property of the State
at -the close of the war.
Ih 1904 the State increased its tax
Values $26,276,809 over and above the
Values of the year previous. In 1905
the increase was $40,945,527. In 1906
the increase was $49,692,257. Showing
a Steady annual increase of material
wealth, hot exceeded, relatively, by any
other State.
We have our contentions just as do
ail the other States. Lawlessness
abroad throughout all the land. We
have our share with the other States,
but -not- more. * '
We have lawless whites as well as
lawless negroes, as do all the other
States. When -these two elements mix
in Georgia, as elsewhere, we have the
spectacle of settling the race problem
by blood.
The problem of the races involves
the relations of the Anglo-Saxon, as
the people of power, to the negroes,
who are a people of weakness.” There
fore the problem with us must be set
tled. If settled at all, by the superior
wisdom and superior judgment of the
superior race, in righteons and ju^t
consideration for the inferior race. The
white man must take a masterful ini
tiatory leadership and determine the
course of conduct after the fullest,
most painstaking and complete inves
tigation and, in kindly conference with
the best element of the negro race,
reach the most equitable and just ad
justment possible for the best interests
of the two. This we have begun in
Georgia to do.
■ Representing a body from the best
citizens of my city, I have, personally,
canvassed nearly one hundred coun
ties in my State. In these several
counties we have organized into com
mittees large numbers of the best
white citizens, who will undertake, lo
cally. the adjustment of the relations
of the races and the proper control of
the lawless and disorderly of both
races. Later these committees will
associate with themselves numbers of
fhe law-abiding, good negroes resident
in the several communities.
The very best citizens of my State
are taking position with the commit
tee and the spirit of all the people is
more hopeful and the solution of the
problem is beginning. The silent in
fluence of such citizens, to say nothing
of their outspoken and positive deliv
erances. is having potent influence
upon all the people of the State.
The secretive disposition of the bet
ter negro is g'ving way before his
sense of responsibility to the commun
ity and they are doing well in the de
livery of .their criminals to the officers
of the law.
During the present session of our
Legislature we hope to see enacted
stringent and wholesome laws against
vagrancy and idleness, so that we can
prut to work all the Indolent and vi
cious—the classes from which ail our
criminals now come.
We will not solve this great and
vexing problem in a day nor a year,
but It is our problem and we will han
dle it wisely, with purpose, with vigor
its and with results. We must save the
negro or it is plain his wickedness and
his crimes will destroy the State. Our
patriotism, our humanity and our
Christianity all compel us to righteous
effort for the solution of this problem.
“Who saves his country saves himself;
saves all things, and all things
saved bless him.”
"Who lets his country die, lets all
things die; dies himself iguobly,
-and, Jill things dj>Jpg^pnrin». hlm,r._ -
When secession did come Yancey and
Morgan both loyally and grimlv sup
ported it. Morgan, though a " public
man, had never held public office other
than Presidential elector. He was a
leader of the bar of his State and his
section. He was that happy com
posite—a learned lawyer and an honest
man. He never sought office. Hi?
grandeur of character commanded it
He would as soon have begged his
bread as to solicit a vote. He went
be.ore the people and discussed public-
questions: but he spoke for Alabama
i? r . Morgan. Office, perpetual and
tlio highest,, would have been valueless
to him and a thing to be scorned if be
stowed on cond'tion that he surrender
the least conviction he had on the least
political issue imaginable.
That was the old South, and John T.
Morgan was an old Southerner. It and
he had but one creed—loyalty in obli
gation—which is nothing but fidelity
to conviction and constancy to plighted
faith. He held that the Federal Gov-
ernment has no title to rule except
what Is nominated in its deed, made by
the States and called ihe Constitution
of the United States. It is an instru
ment as binding on the grantee as it
is on the grantor. The design was
this—simply this—to restrain majori
ties. We hear a heap of slush abo'ut
government by the people' 1 and all
as though the people are in
fallible and can do no wrong, when one
who has' the merest smattering of his-
tory ought to know that the only use
in the world of free -Government, and
the only thing for which it was ever
instituted, is to keep the people from
doing wrong. If the people-could do
no wrong there would - be no use for
any Government whatever. This Gov
ernment of ours was made for no other
purpose than to keep the people from
doing wrong. We spend a billion a
yesr in that behalf, and then don’t get
what we contract for. Whenever vou
see^ a man going up and down the
earth bawling “government bv the peo
ple.” .spot him; watch him. - He's got a
cloven foot somewhere about his per
son. and give him time and he will
show it. .
, Morgan was 33 years old when Ala
bama gave him the station for which
God made him. No man of our history,
who reached first place in American
statesmanship, was so late taking his
place In the national councils. Only
three other men received so many
[commissions to serve in the body—ha
was six times chosen a. Senator: Sher
man, Morrill and Allison were the oth
ers. There were giants in the Senate
when Morgan entered it. Morton. Ed
munds. Conkling. Ingalls. Blaine and
Allison were there on the Republican
side, reinforced the Democracy that
was led by Thurman, supported by
iHeck. Garland. Lamar. Ben Hill. Whyt(
and Eustis. Sherman went into th*
Cabinet the day Morgan came- into the
Senate.
Morgan was silent his first year, ana
his debut was the splintering of a lance
against the shield of Roscoe Conkling.
On Morgan's motion to refer a certain
matter to a committee. Conkling, with
his air of superlative superiority, as
serted that it was an “extremely novel
proposition," to which the Alabamian,
with “that calm repose that marks the
cast of Vere de Vere,” dryiy retorted,
“Everything is novel here except the
law of the land.” While Conkling ex
torted admiration from every Senator,
he had but two friends in the body—
Hannibal Hamlin and W. W. Eaton,
the latter a Democrat—and from that
day Morgan was one of the most pop
ular men on either side.
Morgan understood the thing. You
never heard him howling about “gov-
ernment by tho people.” He was too
fathers in America improved on it. It
Government 'by the representatives of
the people. That is the stuff. Our an
cestors in England invented it: our
fathers in America improved on it t t
is in all the State Constitutions that
are over thirty years old. Tt is the sou!
of that system of Government we cal!
a republic. . It is the only free Govern
ment in the world. The one meaner
Government than the Persian despot
ism, of Darius and Xerxes w»s the pure
Democracy of Athens. . Midway be
tween the two is representative Gov
ernment.
And where is the candid man to say
havF» not been reasonably sue-
cessful under representative Govern
ment? Why pot bear the blessings we
have a little longer rather than fly to
fads we know not of? It is a very
Constitution and a very good Govern
ment. We might go farther and fare
worse. Indeed we might.
John T. Morgan came to tho bar in
1845. when 21 years of age. It was a
powerful inllec.t with which he was en-
dowed and it was a srand character
that he made. Like all-Southern gen
tlemen of that age, Morgan devoted
much study to Government. He was
deeply read in history, and he was a
laborious and profound thinker. He
was on the stump in every campaign
and a leader of that people, as splendid
a citizenship as the world ever saw
When the Inevitable struggle came he
went with his State, entered the army
a private, and by his valor earned the-
rank of general of brigade. When de-
Xobod.v but a Senator who served
with him. and capable of estimating
his mental and moral qualities, knows
what a great man Morgan was. Tbo
labor he accomplished was simply stu
pendous. It was imposstble for that
mind to be idie in his waking mo
ments, and it was just as impossible
for it to dwell on frivolity. His writ
ings and speeches would fill many large
volumes, and they will be a lamp to
illumine the page of American history
if Its story is ever told by a Hume or
a Macaulay. Inferibr to Jefferson Da
vis as a dialectician, he was his equal
in expression, and not below him as an
American Senator. Some thought him
too voluminous of speech, but the same
was alleged against Thurman, and
both were as luminous as they were
fluent. Some of the finest epigrams
in Congressional debate are to b.e
found in the speeches of John T. Mor-
man. He had Imagination, ton—th-j.t
torch-bearer of eloquence—and he
could make reason not only red hot,
but 'brilliant.
It was Ben Hill who sj>oke for the
South in the sectional debates subse
quent to 1877. but Morgan also bore a
hand, as did Lamar. When the South
ern question was retired to make way
for economic problems, Morgan par
ticipated actively. He was a silver
man, and supported the 16 to 1 va
gary with all his might. He advocated
the Stanley Matthews resolution that
Lamar and Hill opposed against the in- ,
structions of their State Legislatures.
To the same understanding “bimetal
lism.” as the 16 to 1’ers deflned.it. is
an impossibility. It never existed any
where, though it was for centuries the
law of the land everywhere. There
can no more he a double standard in
coinage than there,can be double eon.-
duci Vn morals. The Imser metal will
drive from the mints the dearer, just
as iniquity will drive virtue from the
heart, that gives welcome to both. Mr.
Hyde and Dr. Jekyl could no more, exist
In the same personality than gOld .aiyl
silver can in the same mint at a fixed
ratio. Morgan, like Jupiter, here en-
dulged a nod. .
Hut that Is a dead issue—pity that
other and more vicious vagaries that
no*" plague American politics were, not
buried with it.. It was .a calamity to
the Democratic party and to the public
that John T. Morgan arid Grover
Cleveland did not understand each
other and each nut the actual value on
the other that was his duo. Perhaps
there was too much of.,the bulldog in
both to occupy the same kennel. . Mor
gan ought to have been Secretary, of.
State instead of Bayard, and.Morrison '
should have been Secretary of the.In
terior Instead of Lamar in Cleveland’s
first Cabinet.
The last fifteen years of Morgan's
Career he devoted entirely to foreign
affairs and the Isthmian canal. Here
was his best and greatest work; here
his wonderful and herculean labors.
His policy was the Western Henoie-
phere for America. His pet, coinage
scheme was 1C to 1 for every Govern
ment of North. South and Central
Americas and fhe isles of the .sea' of
the western world. He wanted a pan-
American for finance and for tariffs.
He was the stoutest champion the
Monroe Doctrine ever had and he -
snapped the chords of the Clayton-
Bulwer treaty as Samson broke the
Green withes. With a President in
accord with him he would have ibeep a
dazzling ‘Secretary of State, as brilliant
as Dlraeli and as strong as Bismarck:
It was in this project of pan-Ameri
canism that Morgan’s imagination
would not be denied: hut it was always
he-ld in check by his strong eommon
sense and sterling manhood.
He was for an isthmian canal be
cause he thought it necessary to the
power and the welfare of the republic.
He was for tfie Nicaragua route be
cause it was nearer and saved thirty-
six hours In a voyage from an Atlantic
or Gulf port to a port of California, or
Oregon, or Washington. In case of war
that saving of time might easlly. mean
victory in either ocean. He labored for
ears on this great project. His
speeches in that behalf, are evidence of
the mental and moral energies of the
man. No man can realize how great
he was until he has read and digested
those speeches and the reports on
hich he founded them.
And then when , the work was done.-
when the fruit was in his grasp, it
was snatched from his hand. Morgan
feat overwhelmed the South it left him I went to his grave In the firm convic-
bankrupt in everything 'but manhood ' tlon t!,at 11 was a J°b. put up. by the
and tharacte'r —♦-> —" —
He returned to his profession and
again took his place as a leader of his
people. The famous fanatics of the
North thought they had made John T
Morgan, the highest type of Saxon, the
subject of Jerry Haralson, a cotton-
field negro. The Saxon was disfran
chised; the negro was sent to Con
gress The Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes was the sagest statesman
ship and holiest piety in comparison
The burning of witches, the hanging
of Quakers, and tho banishment of
Baptists was profounder virtuous pol
icy It jvould be as easy to subject the
winds to man’s will as to bend the
Southern white to the Southern negro"
Morgan knew that and lent his pow
erful aid to restore civil liberty to the
Saxon of the South.
He succeeded. The acepter returned
to the house out of which it had de
parted in the smoke of ruin and the
blood of battle. Morgan was a captain
in that conflict of peaceful revolution
and the entire South had not a
stouter or a nobler, and car-
petibagging, scallawagging and all
their concomitant knavarious fell be
fore the stern resolve of a people born
to rule:
In our halls is hung
Armory of the invincible knights of old,
We must be free or die who speak the
tongue
That Shakespeare spake; the faith and
morals hold
Which Milton held. In everything we
are sprung
Of earth’s best blood.
It was the design and the hope of j
Stevens and Butler, of Wade and
Chandler, of Morton and Logan to turn
the South into a Hayti and hold it is
an asse-t^ of the parry of Great Moral
Ideas.
transcontinental railroads fljecause of
[the thirty-six. hours longer sail by the
Panama route. He wa? not mealy
mouthed about it. What his mind
forged that his tongue uttered. In
commerce time it became a leading
factor as It is. and ever was. in war
To the weakest understandings and
most cereless observation it is manifest
that the transcontinental railroads pre
ferred the Panama route to the Nica
raguan. But the wine was drawn and.
bitter as it was. Morgan quaffed it.
I cannot close without mention of
Morgan's cross-examination of C. P.
Huntington and William Nelson Crom
well. He did not elicit the informat'on
he was in search of, but he carried
moral conviction to every one who
heard and to all who havo read.
"What an advocate he must have been
before a box with twelve men in It in a
trial of a great cause of nici prius. Ful
lerton's cross-examination of Reecher
does not equal Morgan’s handlings of
Huntington and Cromwell.
Washington, June 15.
(Copyright by E. W. Newman.!
HOTEL MONTEREY BURNED:
THE LOSS WAS $75,000
ATLANTA, Ga., July 6.—The Hotel
Monterey, a summer resort at ML
Airy, Ga., about 100 miles east of At
lanta, was destroyed by fire this after
noon. There was no loss of life. Loss
$75,000; no insurance. The Wilcox
cottage, adjoining the hotel, was also
burned with a loss of $8,000.
Vidalia Chamber of Commerce.
VIDALIA, Ga.. Julv 4.—At a meeting
of the representative business men of
Vidalla, a Chamber of Commerce -vv.is
organized with the following offi.t-rs:
They well might have adopted President, Professor E. L. Ray; vice-
the motto emblazoned on the vandal j president, S. A. McColslcey: secretary
banaet.pf Albert,.o£ -J atnlaadi Uteasurcr, A. Mc.Queej^ sr
j INDISTINCT print ]