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THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION. ATLANTA. <?.V* TUESDAY JULY 27 1886
CONGRESS.
Proceedings of the Two
Last Week.
With the President and His Ad*
visers—General News.
The Senate.
Washington-, Jnly 21.—The senato at
noon proceeded to the coneideratlon of the
report in the matter of the election of 8enator
Payne and was addressed by Mr. Pugh in ad.
vecacy of the poaition taken by hlmeelf,
Mean. Sanlibnry, Vance and Euatls, to the
effect that there had been no exprouion of
belief or auapielon on the part of any menr
her of the committee to the effect that Mr.
Payee waa connected in the remoteat degree,
by act or knowledge, with anything wreng,
criminal or immoral in hla election and that
no further investigation of the chargee ehonld
be made.
Mr. Pngh criticised the views of the minor
ity, Hoar and Frye, and argued that they
were in conflict with precedents of the senate
In former cases of a similar character. He
had merely desired to present the case briefly,
and now in the names of seven ontof the nine
members of the committee on privileges and
electionr, he moved that that committee be
discharged from farther consideration of the
subject.
Mr. noar addressed the senate in support of
the views of himself and Mr. Frye, reesm
mending an investigation of the charges.
Mr. Logan took the floor to reply to the ar
guments of Mr. Hoar to sustain the views ex
pressed in the report signed by himself,
Messrs. Teller and Evarts, to the
effect that an investigation should
not be instituted by tno senato. and
that committeo should be discharged from its
further consideration. He said that the
smoke of a lamp would not be discovered on
any persnation.that he would make: bnt he
would present a plain proposition on law and
facts. He then, in a long speech, full of this
characteristic, vigorous methods of expression,
justified the action of himself and his two re
publican colleagues, and devoted a large meas
ure of his time to replying to the attacki
of the Ohio republican press upon
Messrs. Evarts, Teller and hlmaelf. He read
from the Cincinnati Commercial Oazette some
of these attacks, which he said were intended
to bully himself and his two co-algnera into
action contrary to their sense of duty and
right, and he made a counter attack upon the
political record of Murat Hals ted. He also
read a letter from Lieutenant-Governor Ken
nedy to himself (Logan), in which Governor
Kennedy went on to say that Ohio was niton-
isbtd at the result of the vote, and
that the telegraph reported him (Lo
gan) as desiring to keep the vote a
eecret. The writer did not wonder much at
that—that a man would want to keep his
vote secret when it was purchased. It was
but a part of the eternal fitness of things. He
had read the letter merely to let the country
know this gentleman’s opinion of the three
senators. If Governor Kennedy derived any
benefit from ithe was entitled to it. He (Lo
gan) had no criticism to make upon it.
except that* he was sorry that
a man holding so high a position should make
use of such language against a man who was
nearly as good as himself. It might strike some
people as strange that ho should read these
newspaper paragraphs and letters; but he did
it for the purpose of showing the malignity
behind them against certain republican sena
tors and to show the character of the attack
that was made by republicans upon
republicans for their destruction. The men
who would resort to such vile attacks
were men who did not desire the success of
the party,bnt rather desired the destruction of
certain men who would not bow to their beck
and call. He would not repeat the words that
wete said to him aa to what would be done if
he bowed to demand made of him, and violated
his conscience. If be had done that he would
be a good fellow. But he would rather lose
his right arm, and never be permitted to let
hlstongne lisp another word, than be drawn
by a man behind a newspaper, or elsewhere,
to do what ha did not beliove was right. In
conclusion, he said that he had been actuated
in this matter, not by impulse; not by being
aggrieved; not by attacks, but by a calm and
deliberate examination of testimony and of
the law in ths case. Hobad done his duty,
and would stand by It, for his action was
right and just and proper. [Applauso on the
floor and In the galleries.]
Hr. Teller followed Mr. Logan on ths same
line of argument, and, after speaking some
time, gave way to a motion to adjourn, hold
ing the floor to conclude his remarks to
morrow. ’
The Bouse.
Judge Reagan has succeeded in getting the
bonse to consider the intcr-stato com
merce bill. As was anticipated
he will insist on the sub
stitution of hi* bill for ths Cullom bill.
Tho house will probably prefer the Beagan
bill, and will tack It on as an amendment to
the senate bill, after striking out all of that bill
except the enacting clause. The differences
between the two houses will then be referred
to a committee of conference, but there Is no
hope of an agreement or a compromise. If
there is to be any interstate commerce legisla
tion by this congress it must be the Cullom
hill or sciurthing very like it. Judge Reagan
and bis friends by insisting on his bill are
simply preventing the enactment of any law
en this subject, for the present at least.
Tho house then went into committee of the
whole on revenue measures, with a view of
reaching the oleomargarine bill. In order to
clear the track of unfinished business, being
a bill to regulato the manufacture of vinegar
from grain—Mr. Hatch, of Missouri, moved
that it be reported to the house with a recom
mendation that its enacting clause be stricken
onto
The only bill passed at the evening session
of the house was one amending the act to
modify the postal money order system. It
provides for tbs tramsmfssion of small sums,
nnder five dollars, through tho malls. Tho
postmaster general may authorise postmasters
at money order offices, or at such other offices
as he may designate, to issue money orders;
and those money orders shall be designated
and known as “postal notes" and a fee of
three cents shall be charged for the issue
thereof
The senate amendments to the oleomargar
ine bill was then concurred in—yeas 174, nays
75,
Ths bill now goes to the president for his
action. ______
The Oleomargarine Bill.
The senate then took up ths oleomargarine
bill, and Mr. Vance proceeded to argue against
Ifr. Vance characterised it as the most vi
cious of all legislation everiattempted in the
senate—the most outrageously violative of the
constitution and of individual and personal
rights. It was really “protection gone to
eetd." It was an attempt to use the taxing
powers of the government for private purpoi.-a
carried to its logical extent. It reminded him
of what a naturalist once told him. When
governor of North Carolina ho had favored
Uie introduction of block bars. A naturalist
told him that black bass introduced into a
pond would destroy every other fish. “All
the better," he said. But that waa not all—hs
was told after tbey bad cleaned out over
other fish and frog and tadpole, they tumel
on one another and ate each other up. So this
doctrine of protection was the black bate of
American politics. It began on thisarticio or
that article, so aa to exclude foreign competi
tion, and having succeeded in Imposing a pro
tective tariff on more than fbur thousand arti
cles of foreign production, it now began to de
vour its own species—It now began to eat np
American Industry. On tho principle or the
bill congress would have to tax kaolin to pre
vent the adulteration of candy; glueoes, to
prevent the adnHeration of sngar; chicory, to
prevent tho adulteration of coflee, and Anally
congress would have to descend to
an investigation of the mystery of
sausage and boardinghouse hash. The bill
would result, not at Darwin’s doctrine of the
survival of the fittest, but In the survival of
the nnfltteat, because any business that cams
to congress and invoked the arm of the law to
keep it alive at the expense of another busi
ness waa unfit to live, and thus it was that
“Protection’s battle once begun—
Bequeathed by bowling sirs to son—
Only could be rougnt and won
By taxing every son of a gun
In the name of American liberty."
[Laughter],
He was opposed to,the bill not only because of
its unconstitutionality, bnt on account of its
inexpediency and the oppression which it
would bring about, for on OTory hearthstone
would be a government spy. What difference
was there between this proposed law and a
club of atrlkera who refuted to let non-union
men work? As much as he abhorred both, ho
bad infinitely more respect for the clnbof
strikers than he had for a legislative
sneak In the protective interest. One was
manly and open, and acknowledged itself to
be the violation of law, while the other was
an attempt by a perversion of the law and
the constitution to secure one interest an ad
vantage over its rival. He had great respect
for the cow, but how waa the product of the
udder entitled to more respect than that of
the ilb. If butter waa to bo protected, why
not.beef{iteak also? Ho intimated that the
supporters of the bill were influenced by po
litical considerations; and said that butter,
like conscience, made cowherds of them all.
[Langhter.[ The necessity of “grease" to car
ry the state of New York two years hence was
what affected them.
Mr. Ingalla in elucidating that question pro
duced a vial of coloring matter and comment
ed upon the circular accompanying it The
preparation, he said, “pretended" to be manu
factured at Burlington, Vt, [Laugh at the
expense of Mr. Edmunds.] "This vial,” he
raid, “was warranted by the firm which put it
up, perfected butter color”—at Burlington,
Vt.—“for dairy purposea”—was warranted to
color 300 pounds of winter butter. It had
been pretended, he aaid, that the dairymen of
Vermont and elsewhere were en
gaged (In their bncolic honesty
and simplicity) in a struggle with the hercu
lean efforts of manufacturers of otoomarga
rine. One sentence in the circular recom
mended the coloring matter as giving butterja
“tint like the highest grade of Jersey bntter,
and no expert can detect it." The fourth
recommendation In that circular was that tho-
coloring matter was economical. In use It re
quired no labor, and waa cheaper than other
coloring matter, the vials were of three sloes,
costing twenty-five cents, fifty cents and one
dollar, and coloring respectively three hun
dred, seven hundred and fifty and two thou
sand pounds of butter. Ho almost hesitated
to read the last paragraph. [Several senators
—“Let us have it.”]
It was; “We warrant it to add at least five
cents per pound to the value of white butter
[laughter], and return a dollar for every cent
it costs.” “Tbir,”(sa!d Mr. Ingalls, holding
no the vial), “is the preparation. It looks
like tinctnre of Iodine. It Is manufactured at
Burlington, Vermont, for the use of dairymen,
and is warranted to add five cents per pound
to every pound of white batter that they
make in winter time.” He explained how
this "auxiliary of the dairy” had come
into his possession, when, aa a member
of District of Columbia committee he
was investigating the alleged adulterations of
food.
Mr. Miller rose to reply. Ho was not sure,
he said, wbetber this little tragedy—Mr. But
ler suggested comedy—whether this little
tragedy or comedy, or burlesque, had been re
hearsed between the senator from 8outh Caro
lina and the senator from Kansas. There
teemed to have been a perfect' understanding
between them. Tbey must have been “set
tingup o’ nights” rehearsing it. The adver
tisement given to this Burlington manufact
urer of butter coloring could not have been
? ot by him for $50,000 in ready cash. He
Ur. Miller) knew nothing about this coloring
matter. When the distinguished senator (In
galls) was going over its wonderful quail.tee
he was carried back to his boyhood
days when, “on general training
days” he used to sees man standing on a
wagon auctioneering hla bogus goods or bogus
jewelry, or offering to the people tome “elixir
of life.” Whether the eenator had ever had
any experience of that kind he (Mr. Miller)
did not know, bnt the senator had shoirn
great aptness for lk If the senator lklled in
his present calling he conld certainly succeed
In that kind of work. It had always been
known that coloring matter was used In
bntter, Jnat as salt was, and no
body ever regarded it as a fraud. The senator
from Kansas usually came.to the capltolwltb a
flaming red neck tie. Why not wear one of
the natural color of the cocooon? Because
the senator admired tome other color, and that
aa true of butter and everything else.
Ur. Ingalls said that the senate would hear
him witness that, in his observations, he had
made no personal attack npon, or personal
all (ion to the senator from New
Yoik. He had simply presented
what he believed to be legitimate argument
In the matter. The senator from New York,
however, bad seen fit in bis reply to descend
into the arena of personalities. His humor
was very much like the attempt of a hippo
potamus to dance on the slack rope. [Laugh
ter.] The senator had seen fit to refer to hla
(Ingalls's) yonthflri avocation, and to present
tho spectacle ol a country peddler dealing in
bosue jewelry and elixirs. To that he (In
galls) had this remark to make, that,
whatever he might have done, he
had never stood before the senate
advccating a measuaure in which he had the
strongest personal intorest, as the senator from
New York had done. That senator was in
the dairy business. He owned a dairy Arm
and a herd of dairy cattle, putting its produce
on tne market as the product of Oak Hill or
Oak Leaf creamery, and he used the whole
power of hia official station as a senator and as
chaii man of the oommlttee to get (in the tint
place) the mesaare away from the committee
to which it belonged and referred to.bie own
committee, and that he stood on tbw floor of
the senate day after day, advocating a meas
ure which was to increase directly the profits
of his own product.
After Ur. Ingalla had delivered this sentence
ith great emphasis and eflbct, he paused for
veral seconds amid the moat profound al
ienee.
He then proceeded; He had not invited this
controversy. He had not made any reference to
the senator from New York. If the senator de
sired or thought it advisable to pursue the tab-
>t on personal grounds k he would find that
10 (Ingalls) would not decline the invitation.
A more shameful spectacle had never been
presented to the American people than had
been presented in regard to this measure. In
the other house it had been nnder the leader
ship of the chairman of a committee, who
waa himself engaged in the dairy business:
and, in this body, that gentleman was rein
forced by the chairman of the committee on
agriculture (Miller) who waa engaged in the
same business, and who was to
profit directly by the legislation.
The senate had heard something about at
torneys who were members of congress not
being permitted to take fees against the
government In cases where land grant rail
roads were involved. The impropriety and
indecency of members doing such a thing had
been dwelt upon, and dwelt upon properly,
but if that was improper, how much more
improper was it, how much more indefensible
waa it, for chairmen of committees of the two
hr-uses to present measures in which they
had direct p-r-oml interests? And then,
when an argument was made against It, tods-
tend to the arena of vulgar personalities and
diLunciations in order to make the passage
of tho measure less obnoxious.
Mr. Miller, apparently laboring under great
exriument, rose to riply. He denied having
referred to the senator’s (Ingalls's) calling in
early life. Tbe senator had charged him
with being directly interested in this meas
ure. He (Miller; was proud of the fact
that he had been born and reared
on tbe farm. It was true that, for his own
delectation, he kspt a few corn and horses and
other domestic aalmals. It was true that, at
some periods of the year, be mode butter on
his Arm and, at other periods of the year,
cheese. He had, however, in his experiment
for making bntter and cheese expended $10
for every dollar which he got back in return.
But whether this bill became a law or not
it would not add one Arthlng to any
profit which he could possibly receive, for
whatever butter was made on his farm sold
for prises so high that it was In no way affect
ed by the competition of oleomargarine or
butterine, or other bogus staff. Should It be
said that no man having any material inter
est in his country should hold a seat in con
gress to represent the industry of the claw to
which he belonged. Three-fourths or more
of the national legislators were lawyer* And
shonld it be said that whether lawyers,farmers
or manufacturers they could not honorably
discharge their legislative Auctions? He
thought not He had no answer to mako to
the imputation of the senator from Kansas
that he (Miller) was actuated In support of
this bill by base and corrupt motives. Having
been born and having lived among the dairy
classes all bis life, and seeing them today
being driven from their farms through
bankruptcy, he had felt called npon to
raise his voice for their protection and no
aneers at the dairymen of the country; no im
plications that be was actuated by base and
corrupt motives, would close his mouth. He
appealed from that infamous charge to his
constituents through all tbe great rural dis
tricts of New York. He left the judgment of
the matter to them and not to any man on
the floor [of the senate who ventured
to charge him with corruption. Them were
words which the senator or any other man
would not dare to speak to him outside of the
senate chamber. They might shield them
selves behind the constitution and behind
parliamentary law, but he would go to his
conatltnents on that base, infamous charge,
and there ho would leave it. This closed the
personal altercation between the senators
from Kansas and New York. The senate
listened to the speeches with great interest
and ennolity, and there was an
almost painfnf stillness in the chamber as
each of them spoke.
Then Mr. Butler rose and closed the debsto
Ar the day. He repudiated the suggestion
that there bad been any prior understanding
between hlmaelf and Mr, Ingalls, or that there
had been any “rehearsal of tne tragedy.” He
sincerely hoped, however, that it would not
result in a tragedy. He taw a good many
comlo features attached to it—
a good many things bad been
said in a Pickwickian sense, which he had
no doubt each senator would consider cooly
when he got outside the chamber. In conclu
sion he argued against the bill at a measure
which conld result only in oppresalon, calam
ity and disappointment.
Washington, July 20.—[8necial.]—Senator
Blown bit the oleomargarine bill square be
tween tbe eyes today In ono of tbe beet and
most practical speeches yet made on the sub
ject. It was a complete exposition of tbe
fraudulency of this meaxnre. In fact, this bill
has been from the start the creature of a lobby
which has been working for tbe associated
dairymen, with the purpose of putting np
the price of their butter. 8enator Ingalls
made a merciless exposition of the
methods of these honest farmers, so-
called, when he exhibited in the senate yes
terday a bottle of thecolorlng matter they use
to convert the cheapest skim milk butter into
the flneat grade ofgolden Jersey. The Ingalls
amendment reducing tbe tax from five to two
cents has passed the senate. It will reduce
just three cents a pound the bounty which
congress proposes to scoop from the poor poo-
S le of the country for the benefit of the rich
airy associations which control tho butter
trade.
Washington, Jnly 20.—Mr. Pugh, waving
for the present his notice that he would call
up ,the Payne election caw, the senate at 11:45
resumed consideration of the oleomargarine
bill and waa addressed by Hr. Brown, in oppo
sition to the bill. It waa clear to his mind, he
said, that the government had no right to col
lect more revenue than was necessary for the
efficient and economical administration of tho
government. Thlv bill proposed to add an
other class to tho property made subject to tho
internal revenue system. He would vote on
all proper occasions to repeal tho
internal revenue system in whole or (If
that conld not be done) in part. He favored
tariff legislation to raise the necessary reve
nue, and so to adjust it as to protect American
labor and favor American industry by dis
criminating against foreign products. This
bill was one not to protect the farmers as a
class, but to protect a small class of farmers
at the expense of a vast number of Armors.
He would like to see legislation by the several
states compelling vendoit of oleomargarine to
label the article: bnt he was not willing to tax
a wholesome article of food oat of existence
because it might be sometimes sold for a dif
ferent article of food. >
Mr. Hawley spoke in support of the bill.
Mr. Call argued against tho bill. He op
posed it as inexpedient, because its policy in
terfered with the right and exclusive power of
authority of the states, because it destroyed
(and was Intended to destroy) a particular In
dustry, and was Intended to have no other
eflbct.
Mr. Evarts argued in favor of tbe MIL
Mr. Ingalls addres ed tbe senate. Ue said
that towards the close of tbe debate yesterday,
exasperated by personal allusions intended to
to offensive, he bad made somo observations
which, on reflection, be was persuaded, had
exceeded the limits of propriety in debate,
and he availed himself of this, tbe firat public
occasion to express his regret. Ue then pro,
ceeded to argue against the biiL
Mr. Ingalls moved to reduce the tax from
five cents a pound to two cents. Agreed.
Bill and amendments were reported to the
senate,the first question being on Mr. Ingalls's
amendment to reduce the tax on oleomarga
rine from five oenta pound to two cents. It
was adopted—yeas 3-1, nays 28.
The preliminary amendments were adopted
without question, and the bill as amended
waa passed—yeas 37, nays 24, aa follows:
Yeas—Beasts. Aldrich, Allison, Blackburn,Blair,
Cameron, Camden, Chaw, Cockrell, Conger, Cnl-
lorn, Dawes, Do'nh, Edmunds, Krarts. Gorman,
Hale. Harrison, Hawley Hoar. Ingalls, Logan. Mc
Millan, Mabone, Mamie non, Miller, Mitchell or Or
eaon. Palmer, Payne, Platt, Plumb, Sawyer. Haw-
ell, Sherman, Spooner, Stanford,Teilerand Wilson
of Iowa-37.
Nays—Messrs. Beck, Berry, Brown, Butler, Call,
Coke, Colquitt, Basils, Gtoson, Grey, Hampton,
Harris, Hearst. Jones of Arkansas, Maxey, Pngh,
Hansom, Rlddleberger, Vance, Veit. voorhocs,
Walthall, Whltthome and Wilson of Maryland
-24. .
The section as to the penalty, as amended,
reads as follows:
■ ■SIW 111 Mlf VIHVS SUIIII IIJB4I III ugw wouunu 1
paper psekszes m abort described, or who pact
in any package any oleomargarine In any msnm
contrary to law. or who falsely brand* an/package
or affixts a stamp on any packsce denoting a less
•mount of tax than that required by law, aball be
fined for each offense not more than 91,000, and be
* oned not more than two ysara-
Mfiler moved that the senate insist on
it> amendments to the bill, and asked the
boose for a conference. Agreed to.
At that time the bill regulating the menu*
facto re of vinegar made from gram waa reach*
ed. Then the frienda of the oleomargarine bill
reported to different tactlea and instead of ask*
tag that the bill be laid aside, Ifr. Hatch took
the floor to advocate the measure, his object
being to make the bill nnflnished bosinem,
to as to prevent the neceesitj of beginning at
the head of tbe list tomorrow. In progress to
wards tbe oleomargarine bill. He then /fold
ed to Mr. Hlscock, who in ahamoront manner,
began to talk against time In favor of the bill,
and bis remarks were received with good ns*
tnred applause and langhter.
Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, In an equally bn*
mo jour manner, took the other track and vig
orously denounced the bill, declaring it to be
the most infamons proposition ever brought
before an American congress; and be waanof
surprised to see an old gray-halred rascal like
tbe gentleman from New York advooatlng
snob a villainous measure. [Laughter.] He
withdrew the oflTenaive remarks and admitted
that the gentleman had eome dark hafra in hia
j. m. mail.
The Regulator and Controller of Low Prieee.
Will mail samples of all daaasa of Dry Goods, and
pay exp re—go on all orders abort; WUXI Yon
will save money and get better variety to select
pom by writing os about what yon want and gel*
ting oor samples. Tbe large* stock in Atlanta and
the acknowledged lows* prices, seanda White-
ball it “
head. This bill was only In keeping with tho
mixed-up performances which the house had
seen on tho psrt of the committeo on ways and
means. This was such an infamous proposi
tion that he saw no good in It, and he felt
like raking the committee fore and aft for
bringing in tnch a bill. [Laughter.]
The last remark annoyed Mr. Breckenrtdge,
°f» Kentucky, who was the author of the bill,
and he inquired if it was parliamentary to
denounce a measure as infamous?
Mr. Henderson—I withdraw the remark.
Mr. Breckcnride—I take it, that when he
says the proposition is infamous, he speaks
that which he knows to be false.
Mr. Henderson—I ask permission to take
back the offensive remarks.
Mr. Hopkins, of Illinois, suggested that the
remarks had been mado in a Pickwickian
sense.
Mr. Breckenridge—They were too strong to
be tolerated. #
Mr. Henderson—The correction from my
venerable friend touches my heart, and I beg
to be permitted to withdraw the offbnsivo re
marks. I forgot that my friend was a member
of tbe committee. When I said it I was think-
Oply of the chairman. [Langhter, in
which Mr. Morrison heartily joined.]
Senator Brown's Speech on the Oleomarga
rine Dill.
Washington, July 22.—The speech of Sen
ator Brown, dolivered In opposition to tho
passage of the oleomargarlno bill, has been
widely and favorably commented on. The
speech, in fall, appears as follows:
Mr. Fietident—While the power of taxation oon
ferred upon the government of the United States
by tbe constitution, is unlimited In Its terms, It is
very clear to my mind, that tho government of
the United States has no right to collect more
money by taxation than the amount necessary to
an efficient and economical administration of the
government.
rbjsinecessary tax may be raised exclusively by
I ten millions off of arilclesnow taxed and put it on
oleomargarine, as a simple revenue measure; but
it is not proposed to do that. There Is no proposi
tion now pending npon which any action 1* ex*
pectcd at this session or congress, to reduco the
revenues of the government! No more revenuo is
needed, and this is simply a proposition to lncreaso
the revenue.
ten millions of dollars, that Is not needed, and
•mount actually necessary for tho proper admin*
1st ration of tho government.
For almoat half a century prior to tho com
mencement of the late unfortunate civil war, our
fathers collected the necessary revenue, not by in
ternal taxation, but by laws imposing a tariff upon
imports.
This, in my opinion, is tbe bettermodeor raising
the necessary revenue, and this has boon the Judg
ment of the American people during the greater
portion of tho existence of tbe government.
Tbe Internal revenue system has been used In
emergencies; as in case of tho war or 1812, whon a
system very similar to the system adopted during
tbe late war,was put into operation,but theMaw was
repealed within about three yean after tho term!*
nation of the war.
The present internal revenue system was adopted
on account of the necessities or the govoromont
daring the late war, and sui a war measure. In my
opinion It should have been discontinued before
this time, and it abould now be discontinued at
the earliest practicable period. I will not vote for
the present bill, because it increases tbe classes of
property made subject to tbe Internal revenue sye*
tem, I will vote on all proper occasions, where
the vote is likely to avail anything, to repeal the
internal revenue system in whole, and if that can
and rorter American industry by discriminating in
favor of American productions and labor as against
foreign productions and labor. In other words, I
would raise the revenue by Imposing a tariff npon
such imported articles as are raised in this country
so as to foster American Industry and protect
American labor while raising revenuo for the sup*
port of the government. And I would put upon
tne free list, wherever the revenue conld be spared,
such articles as are raised abroad which cannot be
rsl*ed in this country.
This much for the general and safe rule as I un
derstand It on this question.
Now, a few more words as to tho measuro before
therenate. The object of this bill seem to be to
Impose a tax on oleomargarine of live cents a
pound, for the purpose of protecting the butter,
which is the product of the dairy*
Hut judging from all the publications with
which members of congress have been flooded for
months past, the true object is to tax oleomarga
rine, or butterine. out or existence. Ten eonts per
pound was asked for. Fire cents Is in tho bill as
it came from the homo. Why should this be done?
We arc told that it is necessary to pass such a law
in cider to rave the dairy interest from ruin, as
tbat fattiest cannot tear the competition of the
oleomargarine. I will not undertake to disease
the question whether oleomargarine Is a
heaitby article of food. Chemists and sol*
entifle men of ability and integrity havo
pronounced It so. By taxing it, Instead of extermi
nating it, the government recognizes it as a
wholesome article of food. Then why attempt to
tax it out of existence? It is said it is ntco$sary
to pass tbe act to tax it for the protection of tho
Is offered for rale, and the dairymen will raise
their butter In like proportion, or probably in
much greater proportion.
Now, Mr. President what will be the eflbct of
this? It la said it will be an act of justice, as it will
protect the farming Interests of this country.
There are now say sixty millions of people in
the United States. 1 think it has been stated here
that tbeie are fifteen thousand dairies, or cream*
erles, but suppose wo say that there are four times
that number, or sixty thousand per
sons, or companies having creame
ries, or making bntter for sale. That would
be only one pe r cent for one in every hundred of
rho srould got tbe
—......— umuv* the bill. One per*
ron^wonld get the benefit of Jhe protection, the
den, by \
In other , _ _ ...
people in this country who huy butter than there is
who sell butter. Now, Mr. President, notwith
standing the rules I have laid down, which I be
lieve to be sound, if (here is any case where I
would vary from the rule to protect an/bidy, It
srould to to protect the farming class of this coun
try. But I cannot violata a sound principle or a
•wind roie to protect a small fraction of the fam
ing class at the txpense of the great body of tbat
class; in ether words, I cannot violate a principle
to protect one In a hundred of our follow citizens of
that class at the expense of the remaining ninety
•i d nine, who aro also our fellow citizens. This is
very difleren. from the protection of our heme
labor and our home Industries against foreign
labor and foreign Industries. If this bill Is pissed,
he cream cries of this cnntrjr. of
which many proprietors may not be prattle*
farmers, will get ail the benefits of the act. It
will protect tbe butter of the proprietor! of the
creameries, and if they are farmers, that number
of farmers will receive the benefits of tbe so j, but
the farmers who raise beef cattle for sale will re
ceive uo benefit from It. In fact, the evbianco
more in ths market, on account of tbe use that
can be mado of part of the animal by manufaetur*
ing it into oleomargarine, which wonld be of but
little value for any other use. It will be no pro
tection to the farmers who raise sheep, and it will
be no protection to tbe farmers who raise hogs. A
bog would be worth less In tbe market If no por
tion of bis lard could be used as an ingredient in
the masofocture of oleomargarine.
The act will be no protection to tho very largo
Clara of our farmers who raise corn, rice, rye, oate
and barley for sale, and the class of farmers who
robe beef cattle, sheep, hogs, corn, wheat, rioe. rye,
oats and barley, is vastly larger than the small
* lea and make butter
i act to protect Uie far*
— * —* B small
number
of formers, to protect one lamer of the creamery
class, at the expense of probably one hundred far
mers, who do not belong to tbat class, but raise
other productions lor the market.
Mr. President, I have received a great many
cone moniestions through the mall on this subject,
and so far as I hare been able to judge of them,
they came from a few interested parties, who are
conducting large creameries, who have combined
their efforts to bring an immense pressure to bear
open tbe congress of the United States, to foster
and protect their interest by a heavy fax on a
wholesome article of food, to increase their own
—* *lje expense of a vastly larger number of
This bill, then, es I understand ft, is not
tion ot tbe formers of this country at the expense
of a vast majority of them, and again* all other
elsrres of tbe population of this country who aw
It is estimated that if this bill baoomes a Uw it
will yield a revenue of probably ten millions of
dollars or more to the treasury offthe (United
fctatis, which will be that much collected out of
the honest working people of this country, and
out of all elaraes ofpcople who ue* butter, er oleo-
margarine, as food. The taxon tbe oleomargar
ine will rairc tbe price of both butter and oleo
margarine, and the consumer will have tops/
mots for It than he now pays. It Is a tax, as al
ready stated, neon one American production for
tbe bt-niflt of another American production. It
tsxrs those who u>e oleomargarine manufactured
of American material and by American labor, for
the benefit of those who make butter
for sale out of American material
and by American labor. This is in violation of
every known role or practice adopted by the gov
ernment in raising its revenues, lithe additional
ten millions were necessary to tba support of the
government, there would be a better reason for the
passage of the act. Bnt It to not pretended that
toeh u the ease. We now b&ve a surplus in the
treasury, and It la not pretended that we need
mere revenue. Congress may la * •“*— **'*
class. Tbe class against whom the discrimination
is made is a very large class. It is not the protect
ion of American commodities, or article* produced
by American labor, as against foreign commodities
produced by foreign labor, but it lithe protect
ion of one class or American production and labor
to the detriment of another class of American pro
duction and labor. OH'
It is a discrimination between American pro
ductions and American labor, for the benefit of
tho few against tbe many. It is said that oleomar-
gerine is manufactured of such materials, and so
colored, that it is very difficult to distinguish it
from butter, and tbat this close Imitation #? butter
operates as a fraud upon those who bay it, fti It Is
often sold for butter.
I am willing to vote tor otringest laws applica
ble to the District of Columbia and the territories,
where contrast has jurisdiction of such questions,
and I would like to sec laws passed and enforced
in all tbe states to compel tho manufacturers and
vendors of oleomagarine to label It as such, *o as
to inform every purchaser of the fact that It is
such, when he makes tbe purchase. But I am not
willing to attempt to tax one wholesome artielo of
food out or existence because it may sometimes bo
sold for another, and different article of food.
Tbe proper remedy In my opinion is .to
otmpel tho manufacturer and vendor
of the Imitation article to sell it
for what It really Is, aud not attempt to tax It oat
of existence. Tbe same rale would apply to in
ferior butter, which, by the use of coloring matter,
appears to belong to tho higher grade ot butter,
when In fact, it is of the lower grade. It seems
to me that lie who by artificial coloring of a very
inferior article of butter, sells it in the market f »r
the Hurst article, is a« much gnllty of fraud as he
wbocolot* oleomargarine In like mauner, and
sells It for butler, when it la so close an Imitation
ttat thwo who use it cannot tell tho difference.
I abould think there wonld beat much propriety
In requiring the manufacturer and vendor or In
ferior butter which, by coloring appears to bo the
superior quality, to label it as “secoud class but
ter, colored,” as there would be in requiring the
vendor of oleomargarine to label It as such. The
law against fraudulent imitation should, I think,
be the same In both cases.
. For these and oilier reasons which 1 might men
tion, I cannot vote for this bill.
The Payne Investigation.
Washington, July 23.—[8pocial.]—The
overwhelming vote by which tho asnato re*
tor Payne wxe a surprise oven to hi* friends.
They hid coanted on nlno republican votes,
bnt when they received flfteen, with several
others who were absent, paired In Senator
Payne’s favor, they were both gratified and
tnrprieed.
Senator Payne had intended to conclude
tho debate in his own behalf, and an interest
ing expoeiton of Ohio politics was expected
from him. After 8enator Kvsrts’s masterly
effort in his behalf be concluded to let the caoo
go to the senato without a word in hla own de
fense. When the vote was announced Senator
Payne was summoned and warmly congratu
lated by frienda of both aides of the chamber.
This vote Is a regarded aa a severe
rebuke to Senator Sherman, who pushed the
prosecution of Psyno with great vigor. Soon
after voting Senntor Logan left tho senate and
took thfl train for San Francisco, whither he
goes to attend the meeting of the Grand Amy
of the Bepnblic. It le expected that bis presi
dential boom will be actively Inaugurated at
tbat place.
Mr. Sherman next spoke, Mr. Sowell oosn-
pying the chair.
Ue Tose, he said, to perform tho most dtaa-
E rceablo duty of his Hie. During all tho timo
e had been in this body ho had never had
occasion to bring before the senate, tho politics
of Ohio as distinguished from national nolltioi.
In performing what he regardod a public duty
to the people of Ohio, and particularly to tho
republican people of Ohio, ho wonld do it In no
spirit of unxlndness to his colleagne. He had
known him (or had known of him) alnce he
had strived at the age of manhood. Ho had
always known him as a respected and honored
citizen of Cleveland, regarded well by his
neighbors, and he was glad to say that in this
investigation, and in performing thit duty, bo
should not have occasion to arraign his col
league In the slightest degree. Ho bellovod
that, by common consent, tho evidence show
ed tbat whenever corruption occurred In the
process of election, no knowledge of snch
corruption wee brought to his colleagne.
He believed also, sincerely believed,
tbat if the Investigation wero granted his cal-
league’s honor would not be tonohodbythe
testimony that Srould be produced. Ho wished
to sav, also, to tho senators from XTlInols.
New York and Colorado (Logan. Evarts and
Teller) that he had no sympathy whatever
with the criticisms made upon thoso honored
senators. Ho did not think that any of tho
newspaper extracts read by Mr. Lo
gan yesterday shewed any reflection
on ’ their motives. As a matter of
courts, newspapers were rnde and rough In
their lengusge about public men; bnt if any
body expected better treatment from nows*
papers be wonld have to live in aa age ter re
mote. It was the history of politios that ovary
man in public life most be arraigned by the
newspapers. If his honored friend from Illi
nois were not so universally combative, ha
wonld havo found that it wonld bo better not
to combat newspapers, became he has not an
opportunity of replying to them. Mr. Sherman
then proceeded to re vie w the case at length, and
to argue that enough had boon presented to
the senato to warrant tho Inquiry recommend*
ed by Messrs. Frye and Hoar.
Mr. Sherman waa frequently Interrupted by
Mr. Logan, and a running debate between
these gentleman occurred over tho various
points Involved.
Mr, Sherman, In conclusion, ea(<l:
Any view that I can take ot it, I boilers that iijis
the duty of the senate of the United States (at It
regards / its honor and the
Allure of our own country) not. to
lesro this matter in Its present condition
to be believed by some end disbelieved by others;
to be made the subject ofpartr contest and party
chicanery-bnt that you should have a fair, foil
accusatloi
Ifthe<
barges are false stamp these
I or Ignominy. If they
s you shall tbl
Don.
r ith the brand
tree) deal with th. facta proven
Juit and right.
Mr. Euatla, u. a member or tho eenato
committee ,lgnihythe majority report, felt it
Incumbent on him to eay a few worde In eup-
port of that report.
Tho subject wae elao discussed by Meaare.
Boar, Frye, Banlebary and Teller.
The chair (Mr. Sewell) announced the ques
tion to be on tho adoption of tho report or tbo
majority of tho oommlttee.
Mr. Boer mored es an amendment, tbat tba
minority report, calling for an investigation,
be adopted instead,
Washington, July 23.—In tha eenato Mr.
Blair made a long personal explanation In re
gard to nawipaper charges tbat somo senator
had charged a widow $200 for getting a pen
sion claim through tba department.
Mr. Blair said bo bad no reason to anppoao
these newspaper reporta referred to him any
more than to any other senator until ho bad
been told by Senator Camden tbstthsy did
refer to him (Blair) and were to the eflbct tbat
while a member of the house, be had nude
inch a charge for obtaining a pension for a
widow. Mr. Blair axplained tbe transaction
that ha had, before coming to congress, ob
tained the award of a pension in question and
that tha transaction waa concluded by hts
law partner, and tha money collected by
hia partner after Mr. Blair come to
congreet That a charge of a hundred dollars.
If not two hundred, had been made, bnt tbat
the woman refused to pay and has nerar paid
anything.
Mr. Blair mored tbat tha matter and all tha
papers presented by blm be referred to tho
committee on prirtleges and election*.
Mr. Kenna remarked that, as far as b*
knew, no on* bad eappoaad or Intimated that
then wee eay criminality In tha senator’s ac
tion. To ba equally frank, bowarar, ha wonld
state that It struck him, and those who bad
taken any Interest in tha matter, that tha
case presented a question of much Interest in
view of the wholesale and Indiscriminate at
tacks of tha senator from New Hampshire
upon tho president In connection with bis
pension vetoes. It waa perhaps somewhat re
markable that a widow who had lost her only
HD in tbo army and whoaa husband was de
mented. should hare an attachment laid npon
her Jlttla farm, forreeh services rendered to
her. Tbat was regarded aa a matter of tome
Interest.
The Hirer anil Harbor BIU.
Washington, July 23-Tho conferees on
the river end harbor appropriation bill had
another long session last night without Arriv
ing at any streemeat. Five of ths amend
ments made by the senatei form the main ob-
eltcle in the conference. Tbeeoare Items for
the improvement of tbe Potomae flats. Now
\ork naibor, Handy bay, the purchase of
Tr •l’ 1 '’ c * D f | , * n d the construction
oftho Hennepin canal. Although but $2,000,-
000 are appropriated for these Improvement?,
yet the undertaking of the work wonld Ii?
I?lve an nltlmate total appropriation of
$20,0(0,000. and as the house had not had an
opportunity of passing on tho items, the con
ferees on the part of the house haveSdeterm-
ined to report back a disagreement in order to
test tho sense of tho body on tho amendments
Inqueatlon.
Washington, Jnly 21.—Another Ineffect-
usl.conference wss had this evening en the rlvi
the two house* arc is fer apart as over on too Hen-'
Iiei-ln canal, Bandy bay and the Portage lake
canal amendments made In Ibe bill by tbe collate.
Hit probable lhatanotber effort will be maSoby
tbe home conferees to teat tho sense of the home
?“ amendments before entertain
ing the Ides of conceding points at feme. There la
every prospect ofa compromise on tbo New York
nsruor iten.
The Fight on Flta-John Porter.
The enemies of Fits John Porter havo not
exhausted their spleen. They will oppose the
confirmation of hia appointment to tho retired
■1st of tho army with tho aamo bitterness
which has characterised their entire opposition
to hie resaoretfon. Senator Logan will not be
here to lead the attack of Porter in executive
•easlon, but Senators Harrison and Uandoreon
will do all in their power to retud hie inevita
ble confirmation. His friends in tha renato
ere determined to eecnre favorable action be-
fore congreis adjourns.
The Morrison ftesolntlon.
The Morriaon resolution to reduce tho trots-
ury has received such an overwhelming in
dorsement from the press and peopls in nil
parts of the country that those who at first
opposed it most obstinately are now consider-
Ing only how they can modify its provision*.
It will bo reported favorably to the ienate
■ with an amendment increming tbe amount to
bo retained in the treasury from one bnndred
millions to ono bnndred ud thirty million*
Tbe house will accept such an amendment,
and in this abspe the president will, it le
thought, surely approve the resold tion. It will
not, of course, meet tbe approval of Treasurer
Jordan ud the other treasury officials who
havo amnmed tho airs of elootatorshlp on this
wholo question. ______
Washington Gossip.
Washington, July 10.—Apropos of the
•harp personalities that paaaed between Sena-
store Miller and Ingalla today In tha dlaeni-
•ion of the oleomargarine bill, gentlemen who
ere said to bo famllllar with theclrcuinstances
explain that in hie boyhood Hr. Ingalla waa at
one time a peddler, bnt that Mr. Miller was
wholly Ignorant of that fact when he attribu
ted to Ifr. Iogella an aptitude for that kind
ofhniineia. Mr. Ingalla, of course, supposes
Mr. Miller was aware of the circumstances,
and had twitted him npon tho fact inten
tionally.
The eenato hill authorising the construction
of bridges across Tonneaeeo and Cumberland
riven by the Ohio Valley railroad company,
waa passed. Also across Flint river,
Georgia, by the Amerlcua Preston
ud Lnmpbln railroad company;
serosa tbe Tsnncaaeo river at Chattanooga;
across Hr, Augustine river, Georgia; across the
Tennessee river at Sheffield, Ala.; acroai tbe
Biabee river at Jackson, Ala.
Wakbingtiin, Jnly 20.—What is said to bo
the text of tbo new extradition treaty between
tbe United States ud Grant Britain, now
pending In the ienate, ia published today.
Tha convention extends the provisions of
article ten of the treaty of 1842 to four crimes
not thereto named, as follows: Manslaughter,
burglary, emberudeiucnt or larceny Involving
the amoant o!$50or £10, ud malleioae Inju
ries to property, whereby tbe life of uy porson
shall bo endugerad, if inch Injuries
constitute a crime according to tbo laws of
both ronntrlea. It ia also provided that tho
provisions of article ten shall apply to persons
convicted of erlmes named In the treaty of
1842 ud the now convention, as well as to
thoso charged before trial with thacommlaalon
of them. Tho convention is not ratoraotive.
No surrender Is to bo demuded for political
offense, ud no trial la permitted for uy other
ofibnse than one for which the extradition la
requested until tho parson extradited has had
an opportunity to return to tho atato by which
ha waa surrendered.
Washington, July 21.—Tho eecratary of
tbe interior today rent to the aanato there-
C irt of Fred H. Wynn, special ageat oftho
nth causes, on tho defective, dependent ud
delinqutnt classes. It shows tbe total num
ber of ptieonera confined In Jslts, workhouse
and penltentiarlre in tbe United States In 1880
to bo 58,0011, ol which 53.004 were males and
5,000 ftmalea: 45.802 native ud 12,808 foreign-
erm 41,881 whites, end 10,748 colored.
Tbs number of prisoners to each ono million
of population is glvsn as 1,009, In 1870 it was
863. Tbo nnmbor of losano persons waa 01,-
950, or 1,834 for sach ono million of popula
tion. In 1870 tba total mi 37,432, or 071 for
eaob million. Tba number of homeless chil
dren of sixteen years ud nnder in 1880 waa
67,423, of which 30,171 ware males ud 27,252
females. The numbar of idiot* receiving apo
dal training h H08. This class has increased
from 24,527 in 1870 to 70,805 in 1880.
In the former year the ratio was 638 to each
one million of population, and in tha latter
yesr it wae 1,633. The total number of blind
in the United States in 1880 we* 481828, or 070
in eeeb 1,000.000 of population, Tne number
of blind receiving Initrnellen wae 4,604. Tbo
number of deaf melee reported to bevo re
ceived special instruction In the various Insti
tutions for tba dtaf and dumb is 12,164. Tho
numbar of outdoor paupers in 1880 la given aa:
Miles, 10,290: females, 11,305: 17,002 are ns-
tin a and 3,603 forelgnera; 10,328 white and
2,257 colored. The number of almehoaae pau
pers wee: Males, 35,501; females, 30,830, of
which 37,603 were white and fi,717 colored.
Washington, Jnly 24.—[SpeciaLl—It is tho
general hope tbat congress may adjourn one
week from Mondey. Both house* were hard
at work all day and nntll nearly midnight.
Tba conference oommlttee will sit Sunday ud
try to present tbe remaining business in good
shape on Monday morning. Everything de
pends on tbe unite, but there is no good rea
son why ono more weak ahonld not flnleh,
CRIMEN FOR CONGRESS.
LaGxangk, Os., Jnly 20.—(Spectal.l—Tbe
ot Taylor county, •*,S!»tirasn,jrod t jti t onci
call of <
Hon* Al
• arroll dividing her veto between Fannin and
tion. It was a very harmonious cenyonfioo.
CARLTON FOIt CONGRESS.
Atiius, Go., Jnly 20.—[SpeciaL]- The dem
ocratic congressional convention met Mrs today to
—* *n from ti:o etahtn coogree*
vtnlloo wss tuM in 0u-
cbkiimso. Upon tha lint ballot Carlton «
Insled by 22 toli Coloosl Jordon, of Hancock, •
Keeae dsltgete, then mored to auks the nom na
tion untoimous. This waa seenuded brUt. Wmg-
Ifeld. oI Putnam, sfeo a Keese nun. The nutfen
wea carried, and Mr. Carl too wee unanl moody
notrl rated. Tbo Iteeoo minilook It very quietly,
while Camon’i Mend* are Jubilant.
Recorder Andereon has reused etmatoreeUMS
bronchi before blm under ebsne of rloIsUng pro-
llllllpli
eajuldtanr.utho taller take It es u Indication
that the taw will be tnforced.