Newspaper Page Text
8
GROVER’S MESSAGE
To the Fiftieth Congress of the
United states.
RECEIVED WITH FAVORABLE COMMENT
Washington, December 15. —The senate
Chamber wore a frosh and tasteful appearance
this morning. The floors and galleries were
newly carpeted and desks glistened in their
coat of varnish, the odor of which mingled
faintly with that of bouquets and gorgeous
floral devices which enlivened the picture.
The senator most favored In the matter of
flowers was Mr. Daniel, of Virginia. The de
vices were all of mammoth proportions and
covered not only his desk and chair, but over
lapped ujwn the desks of his neighbors. A
huge horseshoe, a ladder of a half dozen
rounds and a shield comprising the coat-of
nrniH of Virginia was chief among the pieces.
TJie senators began to arrive and take their
scats before 11 o’clock, Senators Stewart and
Iliscock being the first corners.
The galleries wore early crowded and to
overflowing. Mrs. Cleveland, clad in a cos
tume of dark green, and accompanied by Mrs.
Gilder, Mrs. Kingsford and several other lady
friends, occupied seats reserved for the family
of the president in one of the private galleries.
The diplomatic gallery was filled by members
of tho various legations, the front scat la ing
occupied by the Chinose minister, his secreta
ries and associates. The minister wore a mag- <
nificent rolio of light blue satin and his com
panion < wore clad as richly, though in more
subdued colors.
The following papers worn, thereupon, sub
mitted and read : Certificate of the governor i
of Florida, making the temporary appoint- i
inonl of .1. .1. Finlay, as senator from tho lili |
of March, 1887, until the legislature should 1
fill tlio vacancy caused by the expiration of i
the term of Senamr Jones, ('ertificatc. oi‘the i
governor of Floridaof the election, by the
legislature of Samuel FiiS'-o, certilicatcs of the I
governor of New Jersey of the eleciion of Itu- t
fus Blodgett, of the governor of West Vir- i
ginia, of the unpointiiK nt, by him. of Daniel 1
.11 Lucas,to iillitho vnneacy caused by thc< xpi
ration of the term of Senator Camden, ami i
of the governor of West Virginia of a sum- t
maty of the proceedings i>y
which the. legislature, in special soislon.
elected < barbs J. Faulkner as senator
to fill the vacancy; tlio credentials of William
E, f’bandler; protest of Daniel If. Lucas i
ngainsl the administration of the oath of oflice
to Charles .1. Faulkner. Tim grounds of pro
test nro: First, that the executive of the slate 1
of West Virginia has not certified the election |
of Charles .1. Faulkner under se tl of I lie. state,
as required by the act of congress. Second, for i
the reasons sol out in the, brief of Daniel B.
Lucas, a cony of which aecompmiied the pro
test. Third, bocaaso Charles J. Faulkner was
at the time and state of his alleged election, on
the sth of May, 1887, judge of the 13th judicial t
district of West Virginia, and, therefore, inoli- <
giblc to the ollie© of senator.
KfESEH IN I HE HOUSE.
Washington, Du<ember s.—Long before .
the hour of noon the galleries of the 1
house wore crowded to their utmost capacity
with_apcrtat<>ra drawn together to witness the ]
opi ujjig scenes of the new congress. Ladies
were in the majority and their gay costumes
lent an air of animation to the chambers.
At noon the clerk of the house called the
body to order, and was about to call the roll,
when a crank in the gallery started
A SALVATION AHMY HYMN,
which ho Kang lustily until ejected by a door- 1
keeper, which was nut until several minutes
hart < lapsed, as the crowd impeded the official 1
in his attempt to reach the musician. 1
Tlie pages were kept busy carrying be- i
luted bouquets and floral designs to proper re- i
cipients. Among the bandsonm,st deigns was i
one presented to Mr. Lawler, of Illinois. It
vtiin a, tablet of roses on which was inscribed,
in mirplo immortelles, ‘ Labor’s Champion.”
'the vote resulted as follows: Total num
ber of vubs cast old: im- Curlis) 16.1; for
Reed, US: for Brumm of Bcnnsylv;!. la, 2. Os
the four Independents Andeismi,of "an, vot’d
for CaiM.slc; Nichols of North Carolina and
Smith of Wis-< nsin, for Brumm, while Hop- ,
kins, of Virginia did not vote.
The speaker rapped the house to order and (
addressed the members as follows:
Gentlemen of the house of Representatives:—ln
assuming for tho th rd time duties of the laborious
and r spun..iMe office for which you have just i
cbi>-<ii id. 1 do ircio lender my grateful thinks i
for the distinguished favor eon hired, and to assure
you II will be my conMiuit endeavor to justiiy
ihc eoutbleuce expres, e«l in me by a lair mid im
parllal administration ol* the law governing your 1
pror. < dlu m. N<« leu th of service in this trying
1 position can ever enable an incumbent to begin
allots of a new term without an oppressive feeling
of einbitriHssmcnt and apprehension.
In hi-1, experience in this place Increases rat her ’
than diminishes the sense of personal official re- ’
B|x>iihibility. and I can, therefore, sav, without as
-1. ctathm, thatou no previous ouvhmuu have J un- j
derlaken the dis. hntgv of my duly here with less (
loiiiidvnre in my own ea|Mi<Jty to discharge tLe.n
well, or with so strong a feeling of dependence un
the .-upport us others. None of us can hope tu sat
lst\ thvjuM expectations of our respective con
stituents, or to discharge the full measure of our re
Upon-ah Lty to the public at largo, unless we enter
ou the important and difficult work before us with
n dvlurndmulon to cultivate a spirit of forbearance
imd conciliation, nnd to assist, each"other al all
times m tn< uminlcm.nee of order and decorum) I u
our proceeding*.
lu ins vitons "to* promote the prompt mid rogu'ar
transa ion of public buslnes, the pivsldiug ull'u u
of a l .uiy like 1 Ins i • almost entirely dependent
upon th© co op oration ul gentlemen on the fluor mid
His a very great in cement to me to know
from pas’ exj er.< uce that ho can always re y upon
your m t V ’ Mtpport when Im is right, iiihlvii y.mr
kind uni* 1 ur ewnwhen he is wrong I shall
doubtless have ireqiivut m c udon to invoke your in
dulgence, but I tv» ( you will never huve.int cuure
to comp »dn licit t lifs been nbt:•••<!. There lais
Kern rely ever been a time in our history when the
continue I | rospe:ity of the country depended so
largely on ivi'.islaiioh in e< n uess as now, tor the
lea 'H tiihl the dangers which al this
time threaten e uumen ml anil industrial inter
ests of the people : ic the direct results olbhixvs
wh ch c u'one <un modify and repeal.
Neither the executive dvpar’mcnt of the gvip’-al
government nor local authorities of the m veral
h ates, can deal etlectivily with the situation which
imw v.'iitionts us. Whm> \<u h dond must bo done
lure, mid it nothing is done, the i\sponsibilily must
r.'st hme. It must b” evident to < very one v, ho has
lakru even a partial survey of public allairs, tlmt I
the time has no a come when a icvtsion ufmn rc\e- ■
liuv laws nnd a reduction ol taxation is absolutely |
necessary in order i »| r.wnt the Inland un .ver- I
Oils a. eumu’.atam of nio my in theirvas, ry. Whether {
this on -.iit, or ought not to have been done hereto- i
lore, is a question w hich it would l e uaclcxs now t >
dIMUHM.
it i- >uffi ient for ub to know that the financial
Ciiniuion oftiie; overnnu nt and the private busim s
o: the people alike demand the p ompt considera
tion of these subi. cis and tin- speedy euarimcnt ot
Borne Miltiluntiai invaMU'C of relief. I nfoitumitcly
wo me iiu’.'.a eJ by danger-. ■ om opposite dir « dans. I
White a policy of non a lion must inevitably ■.
Boonvr or later, in sv; u>u* injury to the country, we |
Cannot Im? unmindful ol Um fact that hasty mid in- |
coiisiderat legislation u i sut’jvcis mow or h*s us I
i'vctiug I artinma tnl ant iudUßtriaiintewstti might ’
produce, temp >rajilv nt ba t. dixunbanc-’s tHid ’
cmt'ar:a»MHieni» winch am.ao prudent wmm would |
entirely avoid. Thu invvdmeut made by labur i
employed in nume.ous and ya'uablu industriv>
which have grown up under our present system of
taxat'on ought iwt l<» 1< rueviy dislurlei by slid- i
den an I rani, u* chutq < - in the no'biy to w in h tin y i
have a Rusted th him Tvs; bid luuju.*4 deunuuk of ,
an*»ver lu\ t t»eople, and the obviuu- inquire- I
inents of e.ii.-incial m tiers, cannot entirely be |
gnu«ed without e?ri< ndy ni.ietdu.,, a much greater ;
inn! mote v. .de y extend d nimrru than any that |
could 5 o -ibly be injurious!. aCbc*cd by a nuAlerate '
hug reduction of duties. No pan of our '
is u»le mo more im.nc lintoly i r vitally Interested '
hi the iMUtinuauce of tinmwlal pwwqnjr.iy than
those who ln‘ or tbr Upon them and j
their ftunties must always fall the ;
nt vd ditwi t oub c tisequvnres us a mone\ '
cr.s.s rn t ttwy. too. me always last to real ire Hie <
b- uetit ot a return to uro-;n rOUB times. Their wages I
arc iibtiiy $ first to :a’i w Leu a crisis cumo and tnc I
last to r.M’ w hru i. ; in ay. Our eftbrt should |
l»e to h *o: I i v.«■‘♦a y rein f t»»adl without tnjury to I
the iuteti s o: any and. therefore, that a course of
Ivgialalnni ahouln i prism d which wfl! guarantee I
the la'■ string p ,v ot the country main«t the
j»malyxmg <‘tie« t u a . neral and i nffimgej fuiau- ’
ciul dej're-sion. at 1m im- -,inw time not interfere '
with I v r-tuiidy eanphnum i t or deprive them of
any pan o the just reward- their til.
It tins ci n t»e done wwl I ’- li<\c i. can it our
dcliber.it o »> arc condueled w ith wlmlimu mid pa’.rr
oiisin, w . htl • giavityuf the situation detmnids, ’
this cohgrixs will i H\v<au<* to congratulate list If i
on an w 1 J vcmeut n ! i< h i r umsea an i pros
< > mtn .• many yeamtooohMk raw
rtmiuk' mu u* <t u d.b.d - nncwbnt out us the 1
t : p 1 , - i. i ent nly |x rtinvut to
the ■cc .!■ n. Liu I 14. i you will v.\ctu>c Weil),
gentivm.c, lxe«u>< they* relate to subjects, t
x °“il- < .met Hon of the qina ..ms wLi h
th* a v , . ,n Vl .he m .vd land the
talc nut ‘ .1 iwi.ia al parties, but wi.at 1“ far |
11.*r- nr<- rt • t the p-rmafiKi.t vcilfare of the j
u .r' t luU 11 * 1 ’ 1,1 “cnel ixuiMiiuvncy in the .
DU- IhiV'. 'V 1 ' IU f° r |Ue , U- I
.*u j uvuv.*u,v t a. w» wiiiUiyuuhaveu»aigned I
THE MEEKLY CONSTITUTION, ATLANTA, GA.. TUESDAY. DECEMBER 13. 1837.
me, nnd without attempting tn detain you further,
we will proceed to complete the organization of
the Louse.
READING THE MESSAGE.
Washington, December 6.—[Special.]—The
president’s message created a genuine sensa
tion today. In the house and senate its rend
ing was listened to with the greatest interest,
not over thirty minutes being consumed by the
clerk. Mr. Randall gave to the reading the
closest attention, and then betook himself
to the printed copy.
Mr. Mills, of Texas, being asked about the
message, said, “splendid; it could not possibly
be better.”
Mr. Randall refused to express an opinion at
present, declaring that he intended to give it a
more careful reading.
Mr. Springer believed that the principles
enunciated in the document woula become
planks in the next democratic platform.
Mr. Crisp thought the message one that was
likely to give general satisfaction to the coun
try at large.
Mb Townshend said that it was the best
message that had ever been read to congress—
that eatery sentence went to the heart of the
wood.
Mr. Buchanan, of the republicans, smiled
with satisfaction and said, “Well, it puts the
democrats on record, and we have got them
now where we have wanted them for a long
time.”
Dr. Carlton agreed w ith the principles of the
message in everything save as to tlie internal
revenue tax. lie wanted it understood that bo
was against that, first, last and all the time.
Mr. McKinley, of the republicans, thought
it was taken from the records of the Cobden
club nnd was ironically effusive in his pro
testations of pleasure.
The nomination today of L. Q. C. Lamar
for supreme court judge, Postmaster General
Vilas for secretary of the interior, and Dick
inson for postmaster general were no surprise
to the people .or th* 1 country. It was antici
pated. Tho nominations were not confirmed j
by the senate, but will probably be confirmed
within ten days. They were sent to tho com
mit b-.e under the rules.
There is some talk to-night about taking
Lamar from tin cabinet, and putting him on
the bench, leaving nosouthern rupn sent itive
in the cabinet, but t'nis talk is counterbalanced
by the positive as- i<i«m that Mr. Lamar
would not h;« *• be* n disturbed at. all. Lad it
not bi-.eii at his request. It is generally known
that the president regardshim as one of the
foremost men and statesmen in the country,
'i’here is some doubt express* <1 as to the con
firmuiion of Mr. Lamar, owing to his age, but
it is confidently asserted (hat being an ex
scnator, ami having very many friends in that
body, ho will certainly go through.
Washington, December 0 —The senatcand
house roue sod soon after meeting, to await tho
presld* nt’s message.
At 1; 10 o'clock the senate reassembled and
the message was read.
The Message.
Following is the message:
To tho Congress of the United States* You
are confronted, at the threshold of your legislative
duties, with a condition of the national finances,
which imj erfttivcly demands immediate and care
ful eoiuiidt ration. The amount of money annually
exacted through the uponition of the present laws,
from the industries and necessities of the people,
largely exceeds the sum ne c-snry to meet the ex
penses of the government. When we consider that
the theory ot the institutions guaianteca to every
citizen the enjoyment of all the fruit of ids industry
mid enterprise with only such deduction as may be
his share towards the careful and economical
nia'iitenaneo of the government which pro
tects him, It is plain that the exaction of
more than this is indefensible extortion and a c il
pablo betrayal of American fairness and justice.
This wrong inflicted upon those who bear the bur
den of national taxation, like other wrongs multi
plies a brood of evil consequences. The public treas
ury, which should only exist as a conduit convey
ing th© people’s tribute to its legitimate object of
expenditure, becomes a hoarding place for money
needlessly withdraivn from trade ami the people's
u e, thus crippling our national energies, suspend
ing our country's dovel >pment, preventing invest
meat in productive enterprise,threatening financial
<1 >(urbum*e and iuviting suhemo.’i of public pluuder.
Thiscmidltl' n (.four treasury is 11 >t altogcth r new,
ami it has more than once of 1 itc been submitted to
the people's representatives In the congress who
alone can apply u remedy, and yet the situation still
continues with luvravated incidents, more than
ever presaging fl.i mcial convulsion ami widespread
d'saster. Il will not du to neglect this situation be
cause its dangers are not now palpably imminent
and api'urent, t hey exist none the less certainly,
and await the unforeseen ami unexpected occasion,
w hen suddenly they will be precipitated upon us.
On tho UUth day of June, ISSS, the excess of rev
enues over public expenditures, after complying
with the aunt al requirement of the sinking fund,
wa-tl7,S''.i,7:is.M; during the year ended June3o,
lss(», tu h wee s amounted to S-tP,405..M5.20; nnd
during the year ended June 30, 1837, it reached the
Mini of d.
The du .mil contribution to tho sinking fund dur
ing the three ycais alove specified, amounting, in
the aggregate to 058,320.91, and de looted from
the surplus, as stated, were made by calling in lor
that purposo outstanding three percent bonds of
the government. During the six months prior to
June'3o, 1887, the surplus revenue had grown so
large by repeated accumulations, and it was io ired
the withdrawal of this great sum of money needed
by the people, would so afreet the business of the
countiy that tho sum of tf7‘.’,Nd,l(X) of such surplus
w n applied 10 the 1 aymentoftl.eprincipal and inter
c.-tol tin? thru? per cent bonds still outstanding, stud
which were then payable at the option of the gov
ernment.
The previous condition of financial affairs among
th<‘ still needing reli t, immediately after
the Join day of June, 1887, tue remniml rof the
thn e |u r cont bonds li en outstanding, amounting
with |.»i incipal and inter..'-1 to the sum us ,sCn>,
wcn 'ealle Lin and applie 1 totheidnking fund C 'Utri
butiou for il e eurient fixe i uj>on. Notw itbsianding
these nclioiK of the treasury department, repre
sentations of distre>s in business circles nut only
ecnlinuc L but I", re.:, e l. ami absolute peril seemed
at han 1. In these circumstances tho contribution
to the saiking turn! lor the rm rent fiscal year was al
once completed l*y the expenditure of &27,6<1 1 28’>.5.>
in the pme! a- of government bonds, not yet due.
Waring fouriui 1 four and a half per cent interest,
the premium paid thereon averaging about twenty
four per cent u»r the former nnd eLiht per cent for
the latter. In add lion to this the intered accruing
du.ihgt.ie cunei.t ’ocaijbear upon the outstand
ing bonded imL'htedntss of tho government
w .l> tosa.iM extvn , anticipated, ami banks st .eel
* las <i p • t i >of publlemom y wen* permitted to
s mew i ut increase I heir deposits, while the expe
d'entß thus vmpl yed to release to the people the
money lyin . :dk m the treasury served to avert im
r.iedu.tu dangers. But surplus revenues hav<‘ con
tinued to accumulate, the exi oss tor the present
year amount.ng. on the first day of De. ember, to
L> ~B.’. j . I'.', Hildas, iumted to reach the sum ot S 11,-
OUc.uX’o 1 the .’>Oth of June next, nt which date it is
ex)n'vtc I that this sum added to prior accumula
tions will uw’ell tbv surplus in the treasury to 8110,-
00,000 There seems to b? no assurance that, with
Mich a withdrawal from use us the 1 eople’s cireu! it
Ing medium our business community may not.
in the near lUture. be subjected to the same distress
w hich w as quite Lit‘ly produced
from tho same cause and while tho
furn iture* oG tv national treiuury should la? few
and simple, and w hile its best condition would b«'
teaclivd. I belli vc. by its entire diseonneetiou with
, private bus ness interests, yet w hen, by a perversion
| of its purposes, it iiHy holds money uselessly sub
i traced frpin the channels of trade, there soeius to
1 be reason tor the < hum that some legitimate means
I should bo devised by the government to restore, In
I an enu rceney, w ithout waste or extraxa■•auve, such
. money to its plceu iuuuug the people.
i In Mich an emergency arises there now exists no
. clear and und übted exevntric j>Qwer 01 relief.
: Heretofore the (redemption of three per cent bonds
j which woru payalJvHttho option ofthe govern
I rnent, has oticre I a means of the disbursement of
thr ev>\js nt our revunnea: but these bunds have
■ ail b eu retired and there are nobomis out^anding,
the pavment of which wehnvenrVJH t.» insist
1 up >n. The eont; itmtion t »tho sinking fund, which
j finnislh s the omiM.m for e«|»onditure in the pur-
I eleiseof bomb. Las been ahculy imide for the cur-
I rent yea; so that therei> no outlay in that direc-
I tion.
lu the present state of legislation the only vre
-1 t' iiso <>f my existing executive power to restore, at
I this time, any part of our surplus revenues to tho
; peoi'le by its expeinhu.reevus ssinthe supposition
the secretary ot the treasury may enter th©
j umrk' t mid puivha c the l ends us the government
' not yet due, ala rate of premium to be agreed upon.
' The only provision of law from which such a i»owvr
■ could l»e ilurivvd is louud in an appropriation Lull
• packed a number of year* n o; and it is subject to
I the Mitplciuu that it WHS iiUcudu lush uqM.w»r\ and
hmiled ui iu lappr.cat.uu, iuslead of confeiimg a
' coniinuhu d’serett »n a”.d mith■•rity. NocondltuMi
ought to <x.st which would justify the grant of
j power to a sing'e offlei d np »n his Judgment of it
nce< stv to w iihholu tYom or rel> a ' to the bus •
| nexsofthei'oopiu. tn an uniremd manner, money
held in th. -,r. asury and thus efect. at his will, the
tiliam i d‘•.t .-ttioa of t u C ’.uitry, and it it is v
‘ to lodge in the heen trry ol the treasure tl o
; authority, in the present juncture, to purchase
. bonds, u should : p'.ainly \. . i;d. and provided, ©<
1 far : s iMXvdhle, with s u b choeksand limitations «'
wdHie.im llwsodaml > ri -l.t and direret*.. n a . I at
the same time relict u lam ftvm uudue jc.q'oiui
In condd. nt on of tho question of purchasing
I bon 1< a «ineanß of r - o’iug to the rtreulaUon the
1 snip u- in ucy ham .mulati: g in Uet vasury. 11
; b Luu id lx burn© Lu unud that premiums mu t, us
I course, be paid upon such purchase, that there may
b»! a large part of these loads held es investments
which cannot lx; purchased at any price, and that
combinations among holders who arc willing to
j sell may unreasonably enhanc' the cost of such
bonds to the government. It has been suggested
I that the present bonded debt might l»e refun led at
■ a less rate of interest, ami the di Herei. e bet w een
! the old and new securities, in cash, thus finding
use for tho surplus in the treasury.
1 The success of the plan.it is apparent, must do
i pend upon the volition of the holders of the present
tx>r.d<i, and it is not entirely certain that the induce
ment which must be offered wouldresi.lt in more
financial benefit to the government th n the pur
chase of bonds, while the latter projG.-iu n would
reduce the principal ot the debt by actual payment
instead of extending it. The preposition to deposit
the money held by the government in bonds
throughout the country for use by the people, is, it
sic ns to mo, cxcee lingly objectionable in principal
as establishing bx> close a relationship between the
operations or the government treasury and the
business of the country, and too extensive a collec
tion of their money, thus fostering an unnatural re
liance in private business of public funds. If this
scheme should lx* adopted, it should only be done as
a temporary expedient to meet an urgent necessity.
Legislative and ex© nitive effort should generally Imj
in the opposite direction, and should have a tend
ency to divorce as much, and as fust, as can (safely
be done, the treasury department from private en
terprise.
Os course it is not expected t hat unnecessary and
extravagant appropriations will be made for the pur
pose of avoiding tnc accumulation of an excess or
revenue. Such expenditure, be-ide the demoraliza
tion of all just conceptions of public duty which it
entails, stimulates a nabit of reckless improvidence
not in the least consistent with the mission of our
peopl •or the high and beneficent purposes of our
government. I have deemed it my duty to thus
bring t > the knowledge of my countrym- ri, as well
as to the attention of the re pres an tat Ives charged
with the responsibility of legislative relief,
the privity of our financial situation.
The failure of the congress heretofore to
provide against the danger which it was quite evi
dent the very nature of the difficulty must neces
sarily produce, caused a condition of financial dis
tre -. and apprehension, since your la*-tadjournment,
w hich taxed to the utmost all the authority and ex
pedients within executive cmtrol; and these ap
j> ?ar now t» be exhausted. If disaster rc.sul's from
the continued inaction of congress, the responsibil
ity must rest where it belongs. Though the situa
tion lhu< far considered is fraught
with danger which should be fully
realized, and though it presents features
w rong to the people, ns well ?.s peril to the coun
try, it. is Lui a result growing out of a perfectly pal
pable and apparent caurc. constantly reproducing
the same alarming circumstances—a congested na
tional tr< usury and a depleted monetary condition
in tn • bis-iae-' of the country. It need hardly be
stated that while the present s;tmtfon demands a
remedy, we can only be saved from a like predica
ment ii the future by the removal of its cause. Our
scheme of taxation, by means of which this nced>
less surplus is taken from Uie people and put into
the public treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied
upon the importations from abroad and internal
revenue taxes levied upon the consumption of to
bacco and spirituous and m lit liquors.
REVISION <>F THE TARIFF.
Jt must be conceded that none of the things sub
jected to internal revenue taxation are, strictly
speaking, necessaries; there appears to be no just
complaint of this taxation by the consumers of
these articles, and there seems to benothing so well
able to bear the burden without hardship to any
l>ortlon of the people. But our in es.mt tariff laws,
the vicious, inequitable and illogical source of un
necessary taxation ought to be at once revised and
amended. These laws In their primary and plain
effect raise the price to consumers of all articles im
ported and subject to duty by precisely the sum paid
for such duties. Thus the amount of the
duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase
for use those Inijnirted articles. M uiy of these
things, however, are raised or manufactured in our
own country, and the duties now levied upon for
eign goods and products are called protection to
these home manufactures, because they render it
possible for those of our people who nn manufac
turer, to make these taxed articles and sell them
for a price equal to that demanded for the imported
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The name of every subscriber sent in between now and January
Ist will be put in a box; the box shaken; a name taken out by an
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That name gets SSOO in Gold I
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First. They cost you nothing. You subscribe for the paper, pay
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scribe at once. Don’t delay.
goods that have paid custom’s duty. So it happens
that while comparatively few use these imported
articles, millions of our people, who never use and
never saw any of the foreign products,
purchase and use things of the same
kind made in this country a;id pay therefor nearly,
or quite, tho same enhanced price which the duty
aids tithe imported articles. Those who buy im
parts pay the duty charged thereon into the public
treasury, but the great majority of our citizens who
buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum
at least approximately equal to the
duty to the home manufacturer. This reference to
the operation of our tariff’laws is not made byway
of instruction, but in order that we may lie con
stantly remindol of the manner in which they im
puse a burden upon those who consume domestic
products as well as those who consume Imported ar
tich s, and thus create a tax upon all our people.
It is not proposed to entirely relieve the countiy
of this taxation. It must be extensively continued
ns the source of the government’s income: and in a
readjustment of our tai iff the interests of American
labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully
con-ddered, as well as the preservation ot our manu
factures. It may be called protection, or by any
other name, but relief from tnc hardships anti dan
gers of o ir present tariff laws should be devised with
especial precaution against imperilling the existence
ot uur manufacturing interests; but this existence
should not mean ft condition which, without regard to
the public welfare, or a national exigency, must
always insure the realization of immense profits in
stead of moderately profitable returns. As the vol
ume and diversity of our national activities in
crease. new recruits are added to those who desire a
continuation of the advantages which they conceive
the present systemof tariff taxation directly affords
them. Stubbornly, have all efforts to reform the
present condition been resisted by those of oar fel
low citizens (thus engaged, that they can hardly
complain of the suspicion entertained’ t > ascertain
that there exists an organized eombintaion all
along the line to maintain their advantage.
We are in ti e midst of centennial celebrations,
and with Incoming pride we rejoice iu American
skill and ingenuity; in American energy and cn
leruri*©. and in the wonderful natural advantages
and resources developed by a century's natural
growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a
scheme winch permits a tax to lie laid uj»on every
consumer in the land for the benefit of our manu
facturers. quite beyond a reasonable demand for
governmental regard, it suits the purp» s s of advo
c.iuytocali our manufacturers infant industries,
slid Deed'ng the highest and greater degree of favor
and fostering care that can l*e wrung from federal
legislation.
It is also said that the increase in the price of do
mestic manufactures, resulting from the present
tariff, isn©c-s«ury in order that higher wages nifty
be ptitd tu our workingmen, employe I in manufac
tories than is paid for what is called th© pauper
labor of Europe. All will aekuowfe Ige the force of
an argument which involves the welfare and liberal
coiupcnsution of <U“ laboring juxipfe. Our labor is
honorable tn the eyes of every American citizen,
and as it lies at the foundation of our development
and progress, nis entitle*!, without affectati n or
hy pucrisy, tu the utmoA regard. The standard of
our lalMtrvr should not be measured by that of any
other country less favored, and they arc entitled to
their full share of all our advantages.
By the last c<.iißUS if was made to appear that of
the 17.itiXi.0ih) of our ix>|»ulaUon engaged in all kinds
of industries iv < ; rv employed in agriculture,
*?’" 111 V IO ‘ k ss i‘ oal nnd p-rs nal servL 0
876« q wliom are domestic servants an I laborers,)
while 1.810.2 <• ar©employed in trade and transpor
tation and l\B ,112 arc classed u* employed in man
ufacturing and mining.
For prescut purposes, however, the hist number
given should l»o onridt rably reduced. Without at
tempting to enumerate all. it will be (.xmceded that
th ie should le iledmtid Horn those whi-’h it in
clude carpenters and joiners; 2<«. KM m.lli
ne s. dressmakers and seamstress 12 .2 . black
sn.\ith - «bd tailotuse-; 10..'. 173 ina-
and i.v l engaged in uumv.faeturiug »-. r c dturnl
implements, aggregate to 1.2H.02L leaving 2 623.080
persons employe I in such manufacturing Industrie
as are claimed lu be lieuefiled by a high tariff.
Io thes ‘ the atqeul > xn.idc tu s i\c theiremplov
meld and maintain their wage* bv resisting ’a
dung? Ti.en should le no di<;vs ti »n to auswer
mi h mi. gestio vi bv the allegation that they nre in
a minority among iho-e wbo labor, and. tuerefore.
should lurego an alvanlageiu the iinur«*s; u: low
prnco k«r the m«qurdy| ihe.r cuujpcuMUion, as it
may be affected by the operation of tariff laws should
a‘ all tun s be scrupulously kept in view; and yet,
with slight reflec’ion, they will not overlook the
fact that they ar? consumers w ith the rest; that
they, too, have iheirow n w ants and those of their
families io supply from their earnings, and that the
jiiif ES of the neceFsirics of life, as well as the
amount of their wages, will regulate the measure of
their welfare and comfort, but the reduction of taxa
tion demanded should be so measured as not to ne
cessitate or justify either the loss of employment by
the workingman nor the lessening of his wages, and
the profits still rema ning loathe manufacturers alter
a necessary adjustment, should furnish no excuse
for t?ie saeriii'-eof the interests of his employe*,
either in their opjxntunity to work or in the
diminitimi of their compensation. Nor can
the workers in manufactories fail to
understand that while a high tariff
is claimed to be necessary to allow' the
payment of remunerative wages, it certainly results
in a very large increase in the price of nearly all
sorts of manufactories, which in almost countless
forms he needs for the use of himself und his family.
He receives at the desk of his employers his wages,
and parhaj* before he reaches his home is obliged
in a purchase for family Use of an article which cm
braccs his own labor, to return in the jayment of
the increase in price which the tariff permits, the
hard earned compensation of many days of toil.
'Die fanner and the agriculturist who manufacture
nothing, but who pay the increased price which the
tariff imposes upon every agricultural implement,
upon all he wears and upon ail he uses ana owned,
except the increase of his flocks and herds an I such
things ns his hu-bandry produces from the soil, is
invited to aid in maintaining the present structure,
and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is
net ess iry for the benefit of those who nave sheep to
shear inorder that the price of their wool may be in
creased. They, of course, are not reminded that the
farmer w ho has no sheep is by this scheme obliged in
his purchases of clothing and woolen goods
to jay a tribute to his fellow-farmer as well as to
the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any men
tion made of the fact that the sheep owners them
selves nnd their households n.u t wear clothin, r
ami use other articles manufactured from the wool
they sell at tariff prices and thus, as consumers,
must return their share of this increased price to
the tradesman. I think it may be fairly assumed
that n large proportion of the sheep ow'ned by the
farmers throughout the country are found in small
flocks, numbering from twenty-five to fifty. The
duty on the grade of imported wool which these
sheep yield is ten cents each pound, if of tho value
of thirty cents or less, and twelve cents
if of the value of more than thirty cents.
If the liberal estimate ol s.x pounds be allow ed for
each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or
sixty-two cents, and may be better taken as the ut
most enhancement of the price to the fanner by
reas-m of this duty. Eighteen dollar* would thus
represent the increased pric j of the wool from twen
ty i.ve s’ic.'p and thirty-six dollars that from the
wool of fiity sheep, and at present values this addi
tion would amount to about one-third of its price.
If upon its sale the farmer receive this ora less tariff’
prom, the wool leaves his hands charged with pre
cisely that sum which Is all its charges will adhere
to it, until it roaches the consumer.
When manufactured into cloth and other
maleii.d for use, its cost is not only increased to the
extent of the farmers’ tariff’profit, but a further sum
has been added fur the benefit of the manufacturer
under the operation of other tariff law’s. In the
meantime, the day arrives when the farmer finds it
ne ary to purchase woolen clothes and material
to clothe’ himself and family for tho winter. Wh( n
he faces the tradesman for that purpose, he dis
covers that he is obliged not only to return, in the
way of increased prices, his tariff profit on the wool
he sold and which then, perhaps, lies before him in
a manufactured form, but that he must add a con
siderable sum thereto to meet a further linercase in
cost caused by a tariff duty on the manufacture.
Thus, in tho end. he is aroused to
the fact that ho paid upon a moderate purchase as
a result of the tariff scheme, which when he sold
his wool seemed so probable, an increase in price
more than sufficient tosweep aw ay all the tariff pro
fit proceived upon the wool produced and sold.
When the number of farmers engaged in wool rais
ing is compared with all the farmers m the country
and the small proportion of population is consider
ed; when it is made apparent that in the case or a
large part of those w’hoown sheep the benefit of tho
present tariff on wool is illusory; and above all
when it must be conceded that the
rat© of the cost of the living caused by such a tariff,
becomes a burden upon this? with moderate
means, ami the poor, the employed an I unemploy
ed, the sick and well, and the young and old, and
that it constitutes a tax which, with relentless
grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of every man,
woman and child in the land, reasons arc suggested
why the removal or reduction us this duty should lx;
included in a revision of our tariff' laws—in sneak
ing of the increased cost to the consumer or our
home manufactures .resulting from a duty laid
upon import ’d articles of the same description.
Tiie fact is not overlooked that competition among
our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of
helping tho price of their products below the high
est limit allowed by such duty.
But it is notoriou < that tho competition is too
strongly, bv combinations quite prevalent at this
time, and frequently called trusts, which have for
their objects the regulation of the supply and price
of commodities made and sold by members ot the
combination. The people can hardlv hope for any
consideration in the operation or these selfish
schemes. If, however, in the absence of such com
bination a healthy and free competition reduces the
price of any particular dutiable article us home pro
duction, below the limit which it might otherwise
reach under our tariff laws, and if with such
reduced price, its manufacture continues
to thrive, it is entirely evident that one
thing has been discovered which should be full y
scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxation. The
necessity of a combination to maintain the price of
a commodity to the tai ill’ point furnishds proof that
some one is willing to accept lower prices tor such
commodity, and that prices arc remunerative and
lower prices produced by competition prov© the
same thing. Thus, where ether of these conditions
exist, a case w ould seem to be presented for au easy
reduction of taxation. The considerations which
have been presented to enforcing tariff'laws are in
tended only to enforce an earnest recommendation
that the surplus revenues ot tlie gov
ernment bo prevented by the reduction
of our customs duties and nt the same time to em
phasize u suggestion that in accomplishing this pur
iose, w e may discharge a double duty to our people
by granting to them a measure of relief from tariff’
taxation in quarters where it is most needed and
from sources wherein can be most fairly and justly
accorded, nor can the presentations made of such
considerations be with any degree of fairness re
garded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our
manufacturers’ interests or us any lack of a] p;c
eiation of their value and importance.
These industries constitute a leading and most sub
stantial element of our national greatness and ftir
ni>h the proud pnx)f of our country’s progress.
But if, in the emergency that presses upon us, our
manufacturers are lu-’ked to surrender something for
the public good and to avert disaster, their patriot
ism, as well as a grateful recognition of the advan
tages already afforded, should lead them to willing
co-operat i<>n. No demand is made that they should
forego all the benetiu of governmental regard: but
they cannot fail to be admonished of their duty,
as well ns their enlightened self-interest and
safety, when they are reminded of the
fact ’ that financial i«auic and collapse,
to which the present session tends, affords no greater
shelter or }>rotectton to our manufacturers than to
our other important enterprise®. Opportunity for
safe, careful ami deliberate reform is now offered,
and none of us should Im? unmindful of a time when
our abused arid irritated peonle, heedless of those
w ho have resisted timely and reasonable relief, may
insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of
their wrongs.
The difficulty attending a wire and fair revision of
our tariff law *is not underestimated. It will re
quire on the iar: of the congress, great labor and
care, and especially a bread and rational contempla
tion of the subject,’and a iratriurie disregard of such
local and selfish claims as arc unreasonable ami
reckless of the welfare of the entire country.
In h r our present laws more than four
th msand articles are subject to duly.
Many of there do not, in any way. cumjiet© with < ur
own manufactures and many are tiardly w orth atten
tion as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduc
tion can bo made in the aggregate by adding them
to the free list. The taxation of luxuries prereuU' no
features of hardship; but the irtcemrici of life.
umhl and consumed bv all tlie people, the duty upon
which adds to the cost of living in every home,
should be greatly cheapened. Ihe radical redur
lieu of the dutie* impo>ud upon raw material us -U
m mauufi.c ures, or IU Dee impui talma, B,
of course, au impcrtaul factor in
any effort to reduce the price of these necessaries,
w’ould not only release them from the increased
cost caused by the tariff’ on such material, but the
manufactured product being thus cheapened, that
part of the tariff’now laid upon such products as a
compensation to our manufacturers for rhe present
price of raw material could be accordingly modified.
Such reductions, or free importations, would serve
beside to largely reduce the revenue. It is not ap
parent how such a change can have any injurious
effect upon our manufacturers; on the contrary it
would appear to give them a better chance in for
eign markets w itn the manufacturers of other coun
tries who cheapen their wares by free material.
Thus, our people might have the opportunity of
extending their sales beyond the limits of home
consumption—save them from the depression, in
terruption in business and loss caused by a glutted
domestic market and affording their employes more
certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet
and contentment. The question thus imperatively
presented fur solution should be approached in a
spirit higher than party anxiety, and considered in
the light of that regard for patriotic duty which
should characterize the action of those interested
w ith the weal of a confiding i>eople.
Bur the obligation to declared party policy and
principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effec
tive action. Both of the great political parties how
represented in the government have, by repeated
and authorative declaration, condemned the con- ’
dition of our laws, which permit wrongs upon the
people of unnecessary revenue and have in the most
solemn manner promised its correction—and
neither, as citizens nor partisans of our country,
made a move to condone the deliberate violation of
these pledges.
Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be
improved by dwelling on theoriesjof protection and
free trade. |This savors too much of bandying
epithets; it is a condition which confronts us, not a
theory. The relief from this condition may im
prove as a light reduction of tlio advantages which
we award our home production, but t ie ent: e
witlidrawal of such advantage should nut be con
templated. The question of free trade is absolute
ly irrelevant and the persistent claim made in cer
tain quarters that all efforts to relieve the people
from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes
of so-called freetraders is mischievous and far re
moved fiom an 5’ consideration for the public good.
The simple and plain duty which we ow’e the people
is to reduce taxa ion to the necessary expenses of
an economical optr ition of the government and to
restore to the business of the country the money
which we hold in the treasury through the perver
sion of government powers. These things can and
should be done with safety to all industries, without
danger to the opportunity for remunerative labor,
which cur v.or.iingmen need, and with benefit to
them and all our people by cheapening their means
of subsistence and increasing the measure of their
comforts.
THE STATE OF THE UNION.
The constitution provides that the president
“shall, from time to time, give to the congress in
formation of the state of the union.” It has been
the custom of the executive, in compliance with
this provision, to annually exhibit to the congress,
at the opening of its session, the general condition
of the country, and to detail with some particularity
the operations of the different executive depart
ments. It would be especially agreeable to follow
this course at the present time and to call attention
to the valuable accomplishments of these
departments during the last fiscal year,
but I am so much impressed with the paramount
importance of the subject to which this communica
tion has thus far been devoted, that I shail forego
the addition of any other topic, and only urge upon
your immediate consideration to tho “State of the
Union,” as shown in the present condition of our
treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon
which every element of our safety and prosperity
depends.
The reports of the heads of the departments,
which will be submitted, contain full and explicit
information touching the transaction of the busi
ness entrusted to them and such recommendations
relative tn legislation in the public interest as they
deem advisable.
I ask for these reports and recommendations, the
deliberate examination and action of the legisla
tive branches of the government
There are other subjects not embraced in the de
partmental reports demanding legislative consider
ation and which I should be glad to submit. Some
of them, however, have been earnestly presented in
previous messages and to them I beg leave to repeat
prior recommendations.
As the law makes no provisions for any report
from the department of state, a brief history of the
transactions of that important department, together
with other matters which it may hereatter be
deemed essential to commend to tho attention of the
congress, may furnish the occasion fora future com
munica'.ion. Grovep. Cleveland.
Washington, D. C., December 6th, 1887.
COMMENT OF THE PRESS
New York, December 6.—Tomorrow’s pa
pers will have exhaustive editorial articles on
the president’s message.
The Times has not a line but praise for the
document.
The World Siays:
The admirable message of the president has given
to the d( m >• ratio party what it lias long lacked, an
issue and a Eleader. The issue is tax reform. The
leader is the president. We congratulate the demo
cratic party and Mr. Cleveland himself upon his
bold, s igacious and statesmanlike action.
The Sun says:
It is not a commonplace document, for it is sim
ple, intelligible and coherent: and the quality of
brevity is chiefly due to the fact that all other topics
of national interest are dismissed in a lump or post
poned as inconsequential in the presence of one
problem of supreme importance—th© question of
tariff’revision. We find him betrayed here and
there, no doubt unconsciously, into ah exhibition of
slight irritation against American man
ufacturers as a class, almost as if they were
conspirators and public enemies. Beyond recom
mendation, of the free admission on raw materials
and the general principle that necessaries of life,
rather than luxuries, should be effected,/ the
president docs not undertake to indicate to congress
specific methods up >n which tariff reduction should,
in his opinion, proceed. The message is not too
long for busy men to read, and ills the busy men
of the United States that have the greatest iiitercst
in seeing tbr themselves just what President Cleve
land says in this most remarkable, and in some
respects, most important document, that he has
produced since his political career began.
The Herald closes its article:
The message will not please extremists of cither
side—free-traders or protectionists. But it will, we
believe, piers? and satisfy the people at large, and
it puts upon both parties in congress the solemn
duty to relieve the country from a most serious
danger.
London, December 7.—The Morning Post
commenting on President Cleveland’s mess
age says:
The message will produce a profound sensation
in Europe, as wi ll as in America, and will strength
en the free traders case throughout the world.
Tho Daily News says:
Seldom has an American president had a more
important or impressive lesson to teach. The fact
is that although President Cleveland makes a pre
t* n e of shutting his eyes to it, the policy of protec
tion has been reduced to a practical and theoretical
absurdity. The stone now set rolling will not stop
until the idol of protection is broken iu pieces.
MR. BLAINE’SVIEWS.
New York, December 7.—The Tribune’s
Paris correspondent cables to that paper a re
port, giving the views of Mr. Blaine on the
president’s message. Mr. Blaine said to the
Tribune’s representative:
“I have been reading an extract of the pres
ident’s message and have been especially in
terested in the comment of the London papers.
These papers all assume to declare the message
is a free-trade manifesto, and evidently are an
ticipating an enlarged market for English
fabrics in the United States as a consequence
of the president’s recommendations. Perhaps
that fact stamps the character of the message
more clearly than any word of mine can.”
“You don’t mean actual free trade without
duty?” queried the reporter.
“No,” replied Mr. Blaine. “Nor do tho Lon
don papers mean that. They simply mean that
the president has recommended what in the
United States is known as revenue tariff, re
jecting the protective feature as an object and
not even permitting protection to result freely
as an incident to revenue duties.”
“I don’t know that I quite comprehend that
last point,” said the reporter.
“I mean,” said Mr. Blaine, “that for the
first time in the history of tho United States a
president recommends retaining internal tax
in order that the tariff may be forced down
oven below a fair revenue standard. He recom
mends that tax on tobacco be retained and
that many millions annually shall be levied on
the domestic product which would far better
come from a tariff on foreign fabrics.”
Mr. Blaine favors the repeal of the tobacco
tax. He said:
“I should urge that it be done at once, even
before the Christinas holidays. It would, in
the first place, bring great relief to the growers
of tobacco all over the country, and would,
moreover, materially lessen the price of the
article to consumers. Tobacco, to millions of
men, is a necessity. The president calls it a
luxury, but it is a luxury in no other sense
than tea and coffee are luxuries. The only
excuse for such tax is the actual necessity un
der which the government found itself during
the war and the years immediately following.
To retain th© tax now in order to destroy pro
tection which would incidentally follow' from
raising the amount of money on foreign im
ports is certainly a most extraordinary policy
for our government.”
“Well, then. Mr. Blaine, would you advise
a repeal of the whisky tax also?/
“No, I would nut. Other considerations
than those of financial aAuiinistratiun are to
I l>© taken into account with regard to whisky.
There is a moral side to it. To cheapen the
price of whisky is to increase the
consumption enormously. There would be
’ little use in urging a reform
J wrought by high license. In many places in the
, national guverumeut, it would neutralize the
good effect by making whisky within reach of
every one nt twenty cents per gallon. Whisky
would be everywhere distilled, if the surveil
lance of tho government were withdrawn by a
remission of the tax, and illicit
sales could not then be prevented
even by a policy as rigorous and searching as
that with which Russia pursues the nihilists. 1
It would destroy high license at once in all the
states. Whisky has been the cause of all harm
in the United States. I would try to make
it do some good. I w’ould use the tax to for
tify our cities and seaboards.
“In view of the powerful letter addressed
to the democratic party on the subject of
fortifications by the late Samuel J. Tilden, in
1885, I am amazed that no attention has been
paid to the subject by the democratic admin
istration. Never before in the history of the
world has any government allowed great cities
on the seaboard, like Philadelphia. New Y'ork t
Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans and San
Francisco to remain defenseless.”
THEY ARE VERY MAD.
Washington, December 7.—The conference
of wool growers and dealers, called by the
president of the national association of wool
growers, now in session here, adopted today
the following:
The wool dealers and wool growers of the United
States, representing a capital of over five hundred
million dollars, and a constituency of a million
wool growers and wool dealers, assembled in con
ference in the city of Washington, the 7ih day of
December, 1887, having read the t n inal message of
the president to the fiftieth congress, declare that
the sentiments of the message arc a direct (attack
upon their industry, one of the most important ;of
the country, and in positive violation of the na
tional democratic platform ot 1884, as in © .-prated
by party leaders, and accepted by the rank and Illa
of the party, that the argument made by the presi
dent for the removal of our protection against
foreign competition Is au old one, repeatedly
made by the enemies of an industrial progress, and
effectively answerc i in nearly every school district
in qur laud, and so thoroughly disproved <>y tho
logic of facts and the demonstration of experience
and history as to need no answer from us. We ac
knowledge that our “small holdings,” in a scattered
and unorganized condition, make us the easv prey
of freetraders, but we had the right to expect some
thing different from the chief executive of the na
tion. at once the most happy, prosperous and con
tented of any of the world, made so oy the policy of
protection : n .l development which he now seeks to
d-’stroy. We had the right to expect that our presi
dent would favor the wool growers of the United
States, un i confess our deep disappointn ©nt that
instead, he favored the interests of our foreign com
petitors.
Justly alarmed at his position, we make an appeal
from his recommendations to all the people; to
seven and three-fourths millions of our citizens en
gaged in agriculture; to millions engaged in
manufacturing; to the army of wage earners, who
wages are maintained by the protective system ; to
the tradesman and merchant whose prosperity de
pends upon ours; confident that judgment and de
cision will be based upon justice and patrotism,
and, therefore, for the maintaince of the American
policy of protection, to which the country is in
debted for its unexampled development and pros*
perity.
To demonstrate the injustice of the president’s
policy, and the fallacy of tlie remedj- he proposes
for a reduction of the surplus, we point to the fact
that if the whole am mint of revenue received from
wool was abolished, it would reduce the surplus
about five millions; or less than ten cents per capita
of the population,which is paid by foreigners, while
the old war taxes, he recommends retained, yield
over one hundred and nineteen millions and is a
direct tax per capita of two dollars each, and is
what makes up the great bulk of the surplus of on©
hundred and forty millions, and which fosters a
most dangerous mono; oly.
We would further add the following statistics in
regard to the wool industries: The annual revenue
derived from imports of wool under the tariff’ of
1867 was less than 81,700,000. Under the reduced
tariff of 1883. the revenue last year was over five
millions. The number of sheep in the country in
1884 was 50,626,626; in 18S7, 41,759,314, a decrease of
nearly six millions and a dmunition of the annual
wool product of over thirty-five million pounds,
thus showing that reducing the tariff by the act of
1883 has increased the revenue from imported wools
and diminished the number of sheep in the United
States about 12 per cent and the annual production
in the same proportion.
The president’s policy would bring about
the destruction of this industry,
and the same policy of reduction
or abolition of the tariff would end in disaster to
all other industrial productive enterprises of th©
country.
Mr. Randall and tho democrats who follow
his lead upon the tariff question have not yet
spoken, but their silence is by no means re
garded as favorable to the president’s message.
Your correspondent is assured that Mr. Ran
dall’s position is this: that he realizes that tho
surplus is too large and must bo reduced, but
that it will not do to begin an indiscriminate
reduction of the list. The work must be ap
proached with prudence and caution, so that
the reduction mad© will not disturb, retard or
injure any American industry or enterprise.
TO MEET AT CHICAGO.
Washington, December B.—The republican
national committee was called to order at
eleven o’clock this morning in room 150, Ar
lington hotel, by B. F. Jones, of Pennsylva
nia, its chairman; Samuel Fessenden, of Con
necticut, acting as secretary. In a brief speech
Chairman Jones stated the object of the meet*
ing as follows :
Gentlemen of the committee: As stated in the call,
this meeting is for the purj ose of selecting the time
and place for holding the next republican conven
tion; also to consider such other matters as may
properly be brought before it. As everything con
nected. however remotely, with the government of
this great country is important, our action today
may have far reaching results. We should, there
fore, carefully consider such subjects as may b©
brought before us that we may decide wisely.
We may congratulate ourselves on the improved
prospects of the republican party since the national
commit too met in this city four years ago for the
same purpose that we are now assembled. At that
time the majority against the republican party in
the north, at the’last preceding general state elec
tions, counted up into hundreds of thousands. The
great states of New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio
Lad democratic governors: New York’s elected by
nearly 200,000 phuality, which was reduced for the
same candidate in the presidential election to less
than 1,100. Though by accident the democratic
party have the presidency and prestige of success,
tlie signs are auspicious lor the election of a repub
lican president in 1888.
The momentum acquired by twenty-five years of
prevalence ol republican principles has not yet Jost
its force, and tho material inte-
ests of the country are still
prosperous as a result of ft republican industrial leg
islation. l<(c?nt utterances, however, indicate#
determination to end this prosperity by adverse
legislation, forced upon the country by an adminis
tration hostile to American industry; and also indi
cate the necessity of the return to power ol tl:e re
publican party in the national government, so tiiat
American industry, wool growing and sugar raising
equally with iron’making and tcxt.Je production,
may have continued prosperity, and employes in
these industries constant employment and con
tinued good wages, such as American workmen
should receive.
Delegates were present to urge tho claims of
Minneapolis, Omaha, Chicago, St. Louis, Cin
cinnati and Philadelphia. Each delegation
was given fifteen minutes to present its case.
Colonel Wm. C. Elam, of Richmond, jiresent
cd an argument iu favor of tho republican
party of that state. He was accompanied, ha
said, by members of the senate and house of
representatives of Virginia, and by its five or
six republican members of congress; and they
represented the republican party of Virginia.
Tho first formal ballot resulted as follows:
Whole nnumber of ballots cast, 47; necessary to
a choice, 24. Chicago received 22, Omaha 4,
Cincinnati 9, Minneapolis 8, Philadelphia 3,
St. Louis 1.
Second formal ballot: Chicago 25, Omaha
1, Cincinnati 13, Minneapolis 8.
Mr. Gallagher, delegate from the New
York workingmen’s party, was, on applica
tion, admitted to present the views ol that
party. Ho asked of tho committee sum©
recognition of the cause of labor. He wanted
the committee to further tho views of th©
labor party in the direction of a high protec
tive tariff, a strong navy, more coast defenHOs,
internal improvements, compulsory educa
tion and other matters, and to use up the sur
plus and protect tlie labor us the American
workingmen. They ask for the enfranchise
ment of the white slaves, as they had witness
ed that of black slaves.
Washington, December 10.—[Special.]—
There is considerable talk tonight about th©
senate refusing to confirm the nomination of
Postmaster-General Vilas as secretary of the
interior.
There is no objection to Colonel Vilas per
sonally. The probable reason that is the basis
for the supposed objection is found in the fact
that he has a brother out in California some
where, whois engaged or interested in certain
land matters. These land matters have gotten
before tho interior department in some way,
j and it is suggested that if Mr. Vilas is cun-
I firmed, that he will have to pass upon matters
in which his blood kin is much interested.
Washington, December 7.—A lett»T from
the secretary of was laid before tho
I senate stating that an appropriation of 577,-
495 is required to complete the publication of
the final report on the census of 1880, four of
. the twenty-two volumes being still uupriuted.
I Laid on the table.