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6
The-
j CLARK HOWELLEditor
f W. A. HEMPHILL Biwiness Mnnutter
f Entered at the Atlanta postoffice as second-class
i mail matter November It, 1873
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The Party and Its Policy.
Editor Richard \V. Knott, of The Lou
isville Post, returns to the discussion of
democratic policy with great vigor, but
.still with the positive bias that might
be expected from a distinguished editor
who was not in sympathy with the move
ment to make the democratic platform
what it is, ami hence, who does not
speak from the attitude of a friend of
that instrument. We do not make this
statement for the purpose of animad
verting on our friend's recent position.
He has returned to the recognition of
party regularity, and is presumably will
ing to permit the majority of the party
to decide the policy he is to pursue
hereafter. That is sufficient for us.
At the same time, our readers will be
better able to understand the nature and
purpose of those who now -*,.sh to side
track the party's national platform
when they know that those most promt-i
neat in the movement were l foremost in !
antagonizing the party in 1806.
Mr. Knott bases his editorial on some I
recent remarks made by The Constit.it- !
lion with respect to the futile effort that
is to be made to permit the gold men to
write the party platform as the price of
their support. We pul the matter-plain
ly because there is no need of mincing
words in describing it. .Moreover, we
print Mr. Knott's remarks in full, so
that, our readers may be able to under
stand clearly the nature of the proposi
tion that the gold democrats tire bring
ing forward.
The vety first sentence in Mr. Knott’s
article challenges attention. “Organized
parties tight to win.’’ That is true, but
it is just half the truth. Organized
parties tight, to win for what? They
must have a. purpose in winning. It is .
not the end and aim of organized par- )
ties to win merely that the leaders ami ;
party workers may enjoy the spoils of :
victory. The very existence of a. party |
organization depends on a higher mo
tive than that. A party organization!
is only possible where a body of men i
unite in agreeing on the efficacy of cer-I
tain principles of government as opposed •
to certain other, or to all other printd- ■
pies. Organized parties fight to win be-;
cause those who act with tiie.se par- :
ties believe that the principles on which
•, they are based will la•aeiit the people]
’and advance the b'.-t interests of the
public. Otherwise a party has no ex- i
cnse for its existence, and, in fact, could |
not exist.
So far as the true policy of the dem- !
ocratic party is concerned, there is no:
question whatever of an “alignment’’ of I
the <• <ui ii wiih the west against ti:e east, '
or with the east against the west. The i
<1 mocratic partv is not a sect iomtl par- :
ty tit ail. It has never depended on ;
sectionalism, bt:> has always, everywhere '
and ar till times, whenever it had the ■
opj uulunity. stood for those principles;
of government and those policies of ad- i
miifstration calculated to promote the I
gi ‘ a - e f. good of all the people without i
regard to geographical, sectional or po- I
li<ical lines.
The south is democratic, not because;
its- people are opr \sed to the interests ,
of the e; s or west, but because its peo- !
pie believe that democratic principles |
and policies will be i 'st for the whole)
country. But if we are to narrow the)
matter down to a question of section..l ;
ism, then the detroeralie party, owing to I
conditions which are too well known to'
need description, must take, care of it- ;
seif. It can do this only by remaining I
true to democratic principle;. Poptt-I
lism, which Mr. Knott regards as such i
a bugaboo, was tiie direct result of the!
policy which led the southern democrat- j
ic leaders to defer to the wishes of dem- i
ocrat.s from i < publican state..- in making)
the national platforms. They deferred
in order to “win;" they consented to,
accept straddling and evasive platforms. ;
in order to “win;” and the policy was I
so disgusting to the average voter that )
a third party arose in the south, and 1
finally the populist party appeared—till
the result of the indefinite, weak-kneed. )
inconsequent efforts of the party load- ,
ers to “win” by tucking democratic prin- )
ciples out of sight.
One after another The southern states '
have been on the verge of seeking other )
and more dangerous connections as the ,
result of this time-serving policy. North I
Carolina was lost and Kentucky elected '
a republican governor as the result, of a '
gi raddling state platform. With this
object lesson before his eyes, ami with |
the victorious result of a campaign in
which the democrats of Kentucky made )
an unequivocal fight for democratic prin- •
ciples still fresh in bis mind, we won- ;
dec why Mr. Knott, if he really desires
trs psrty to win. should cbjoct to an
unequivocal declaration of democratic
principles. If the party is to win, it
must win as it won in Kentucky, and we
venture to say that it will have the
cordial support of such men as Mr.
Knott who. while they cannot perhaps
indorse every line of a democratic dec-
laration, can at least feel that a demo
cratic system of government and a dem
ocratic administration of the laws are
of more vital importance to the people
than are the objections of an individual
to certain platform declarations.
Our friend says that “the south has
a profound interest” in the tables amt
comparisons which he is pleased to lay
before us But the south has a pro
founder interest in the essential facts of
democracy, as well as a profounder in
terest in the conditions which make it
absolutely necessary for the democratic
party to stand united, representing, as
it does, tho public sentiment on ques
tions which affect the social order and
well-being, but which are somewhat
alien to purely party polities. There
fore, before looking about for “connec
tions,” the democratic party of the south
must look to its own preservation. The
rejection or the suppression of the na
tional platform would create consterna
tion and confusion in the democratic
ranks in every southern state, give life,
and hope to decaying opposition to de
corcacy ami confront the. party with
serious antagonism in every southern
state, with the certainty that several
would be lost to the party.
The contest of last year, unequivocal
and clearly denned, has made the par
ty in the south stronger than it ever
has been, and it is stronger before the
people everywhere as the popular vote
shows. It redeemed Alabama from the
list of doubtful states in which it had
been placed by the policy of straddling
platforms, and recalled to its ranks, by
the declaration of last year, the most
potent leader of the opposition. Mr
Kolb. Ami there wore similar re
sults in other southern states.
Mr. Knott wiil find few democrats to
agree with him that the election of
Cleveland in 1892 was a victory for the
party. On (hr* contrary, it was a vic
tory for the forces and the interests to
which the democracy has been opposed
from the foundation of the government.
In the whole history of the country, dem
ocratic principles never suffered a more
crushing and disastrous defeat than they
did when Cleveland was elected in 1892.
The people saw and understood this per
fectly, and the result was that, when
they get an opportunity they visited
their indignation on the party by de
feating it.
The trouble with Mr. Knott's argu
ment is that he sees in the defeat of
the party last year a rebuke to the Chi
cago platform, whereas it was a rebuke
to Clevelandism. The people punished
the party because if. had made Clevc
landism possible; and unquestionably
the party was responsible for that vi
tal mistake. If Cleveland, as president,
had stood by the democratic majority in
c< tigress, instead of brow-beating am!
null-dozing it, the party would have
been overwhelmingly triumphant last
year.
So far as New York, New Jersey and
other states are concerned, the demo
cratic. party rot' only wants them, but
proposes to win them. It proposes to
win them on broad democratic grounds,
and not by methods of chicanery, in
trigue and deception. The people of
those states cannot afford to re-indors<-
the kind of republicanism repp-.-en led by
McKinley. They will not vote for fur
ther depression, lower prices and star
vation wages. New York has just said
so in terms that cannot. Im mistaken
In selecting its candidate for the state
ticket, ns well as for the mayoralty of i
rhe city, the party was careful to name
only men who vcied for Bryan and who
had stood true to the party last year !
All others wore given notice that they ;
ii' cd not apply.
The significance of this lies in the ;
fact. that, as no state convention met.]
amt as the party had no opportunity to,
reaffirm the Chicago platform officially, )
ft took pains so :<-:.fiirm it through the ;
candidates selected. Judg. Parker :
made known th", I'ac. that he was a plat- ;
form democrat as. soon as he was noni- ;
mated. Mayor Van VVyck declared
that he was for the platform heart and i
soul. Last year the New York stale
convention indorsed the Chicago plat
form.
But. on the other hand, if it were'
possible, as the gold democrats seem to 1
think, to obtain the vote of New York ;
without wrecking the party in the south, ’
we are not in the humor down here to )
commit political suicide.
A hearty welcome is extended to such
gold democrats as are willing to return '
to the party rather than .give aid ami
comfort to the destructive influences of ,
McKinleyism. But we cannot, forego
principles t ; give them entertainment.
The party has taken its stand in he.- .
half of the people and there it will !
abide, as in ho old days, when th. re
were no < (infusing issue..'. To aee.mi
plish this last year it. had to overcome '
in every state and county the mos pow- i
erful opposition that over confronted it ,
this opposition coming from office-hold- |
ers who were paying their patronage,
obligations instead of working for par
ty success. It had their opposition in
the primaries, and on election day at
the polls, when word had gone out that
all true offi(-'-holders must support Me-;
Kinley.
\V< shall have no more of such op- |
position. Ami there will be no more |
evasion, no more dodging, no more at- |
tempts to fool tiie people. We will :
“'_■<> in to win,” but for the sake of ,
principle and not office!
Lost Their Furcliasing Power.
The financial editor of The New York
Evening Post must have met a man with ;
a light.
Commenting on the condition of the
dry goods market, lie remarks: "The
purchasing power with buyers for con
sumption seems to be extremely limited |
in all lines of prints.”
The editor has here run full against j
the whole secret of the hard tint's, and
has exposed it to the gaze of the public
possibly without realizing the import
ance of the discovery. Nevertheless
he states a fundamental fact. Not only
in prints, but in all lines of marketable
TITE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA. GA.. MONDAY. DECEMBER 6, 1897
goods, the reduction of the purchasing
power of consumers has made its bane
ful influence felt.
Some market editors are wondering
why the increase in the price of wheat
has not had a more salutary effect. But
the answer lies on the surface. Three
months of fair prices have not made the
wheat growers prosperous. Over against
that will have to be piaffed the losses
they sustained during the preceding four
years. They have been aide to pay off
some of their debts, but they are not
able to enter the markets as purchas
ers to an extent calculated to influence
trade.
As for the southern farmers and their
immediate connections, who constitute
the great buyers of cotton goods, espe
cially prints, their purchasing power
has- been entirely cut off by 5-cent cot
ton. This price leaves them without
money to buy; it leaves them practical
ly without money to make themselves
even with the world. A great many o!
them will have to make sacrifices to pay
their debts, and those who do not have
to make sacrifices are not likely to spemi
lightly the money they have procured
at such a tremendous outlay of time and
labor.
Oh, these are troublous times, dear
financial editors! There are serious
questions to consider. If you want
money to purchase double what it used
to buy you must be prepared to accept
with satisfaction, if not with glee, alt
the desperate and disastrous results
that grow out of such a condition, such
as commercial calamity, business dis
tress, poverty and discontent.
The Bankers Will Agitate.
The following letter from a correspon
dent in southwest Georgia deserves
both attention ami comment:
Americus, Ga., November 30, I.B97.—Editor
Constitution: I notice; with a great deal of
pleasure tiie call of the Atlanta bankers
for a meeting of representative.- of all
southern banks in Atlanta on tile 15th in
slant to discuss the question of curri ncy
reform and to demand the enactment of
legislation by congress that will prev ,u
bank panics anti currency fimijn s. Agita
tion is necessary forth- prop . lion of th--
people. We wer.. notilieil in th'- l ist ■ iin
paign that the- only thing in the way of
pros|><'rity was eonfiiieti. e. an.l (h.it agita
tion pr. v. iite«l the return of '■oulklei-,,-. .
This was repultkean argument. Nov. we
find that our representative business men
throughout the t nintry are joinin': in tiie
agitation for cell. f. I congratulate them
and I congratulate The Constitution on the
th >r>iu;.’!» and complete v.ndie.i! '■ m of it.;
position. A WIIiEGRASS BANKER.
We presume that there were many
honest, and even thoughtful men who im
agined last year that the hard times
were due to democratic, agitation for cur
rency reform, or, in other words, fm
financial relief. They were misled by
the «.-itch-penny phrases of that class;
which does not want, currency reform
except in the direction of making money 1
dearer and scarcer, and which, ? lie.
of enrrem.. famines, mak"s its larg'-st :
profits. It was this class which de
clared that all that was necessary io
prosperity was a return of confidence,
and that tiie efforts of those who w<"-.
agifa iiig for t'diof and reform drove |
confidence out of the country.
Bin those who realty believed that a
return of confidence would restore pros
perity were v-wy quickly undeceived.
After the election all agitation <ante to
a standstill. Those who had been agi
tating lor refo’m and relief were tin
first to say ;o Mr. McKinley and the re- i
publicans that they asked for nothing,
but the restoration of prosperity. They :
said: “Givi' us prosperity by a high tar '
iff or by any other republican method,
and you’ll hear no more of the demands ;
which we have been making. All we j
ask or desire is a restoration of pros- i
perity.”
But did I lie e"ss:it i >n of agitation re
store prosperity? The answer so tiiis i
question is to l :e found in the fact that)
the bankers of the south, bd by those
of Atlanta, who are as conservative as
a.ny business men in the world, are pre-:
paring Io agitate for relief and reform.
Their methods are not tho.-i" advocated
by the agitators last year, but the ends
they aim at arc precisely the same, il.u-e
arc some of the proposed reforms:
“To give smaller towns the benefit O'
l:et;er banking facilities, so that every
onet t man will have meted out to I
the credit lie is ent hied to.”
“To give prodm ers of every kind and .
in every section ample currency at rea i
sortable rates of interest to handle and 1
hold their crops or manufactur.'s until !
they desire to dispose of them.”
“To make ail banks equal under any -
law of ti e Cui led States providing sot
banks of issue,”
“To prevent bank panics and curren- )
cy famines.”
For years Tito Constitution has been
agitating on those lines. We have point
ed out time and again that tit" law
which limils the borrowing of money ;
to those who own or who can command •
government bonds is a deadly blow at j
the basis of all business -credit. We >
have shown that while this may have)
b een n e C < ssarj when the law' was passed |
tin 1866) to give substantial market val
ue to government hands, it is no longer
necessary. The banks may issue bil
lions of notes, but so long as character
and integrity' are ruled out of the loan
market, just so long will there be a i
contraction of the currency, so far as
ordinary business is concerned.
For saying these and other timely
things, The Constitution has been ac- ;
cased of “attacking" the banks. As a .
matter of fact, however, there are hun- ‘
dieds of national bankers who agree I
with every criticism Tiie Constitution
hag made on the law. But wo mention ;
this merely by way.’ <>.' reminiscence. j
The main thing to consider is the itn- '
portant fact that the bankers them- ;
selves are l:eginning io realize that the-,. ;
is real necessity for reform along some |
lines advocated by those who, tw"lve i
months ago, were labeled as “agitators.' '
Se.'ing the necessity, the bunks do not )
hesitate to agitate, and we think it is a )
wry’ good thing that they are willing
to do so. They’ proceed, too, in a bus
inesslike way. They issue a call for a
convention —which we )mst will contain
a representative from every southern
blink, for the reforms proposed are of
vital importance to this section —and
then when the convention meets there
will ensue the agitation of discussion.
Let us hope that this -event will give
to “agitation” its proper meaning in the
minds of business men. Reforms can
not be carried without it; relief can only
be obtained as the result of it. Il is
true that there is no prospect that the
republicans will pay any attention to
the demands of the southern banks. In
deed. it is certain that they will oppose
the most important propositions put for
ward by the Atlanta bankers in their
platform. But that is no reason why
agitation in favor of them should not
begin and go on until the people of all
sectior..: are brought to see their impor
tance. In this way the national plat
form of the democratic party will
achieve its triumphant vindication.
He Has Had Enough.
Editor Watterson again serves notice
on the bolters that he has had enough
of their tomfoolery. He doesn’t call it
tomfoolery, but if it were anything
better, we may be sure that the editor
of The Courier-Journal would not come
out from among them, fetching a big
sigh of relief and smiling a broad smile
of satisfaction.
This last proclamation by' Editor Wat
terson is called forth by’ a long and
somewhat hazy letter from General Si
mon Bolivar Buckner, now known as
the "Sage of Glen Lily.” We don’t know
when he became a sage but certainly
it was after the death, of General For
rest, who bad some rather warm views
on that ami kindred subjects. But no
matter, General Buckner, “the Suge of
Glen Lily” (and other things), remarks
in a column or more that the bolters
who bolted the democratic party, and
then, to keep their hands in, bolted their
own organization, should retain :.t com
pact organization, defying the den; icrats
on the one hand and opposing (he re
publicans on the other, until “the so.et
second thought of Ihe people,’ and so
forth and so on, world without < ml.
Mr. Watterson prints the letter of the
“Sage* rtf Glen Lily,” and thereupon
issues a proclamation on the subject,
in the course of which he make- th"se
remarks which we commend to “the so
],er second thought" of bolters ewiy
where:
Test <1 in V9G in tiie nation, and in 1597
in a few of the states, though notably and
conclusively in Kentucky, the sound tnotu v
organization, which took tii. nam -of tin
national <l<mo.-racy, showed its If both an
illusion and a. snare. The instinct of th.
Vo:. r.-1 provfi wiser than the judgment of
their leaders, it th. voters had followed
tin leaders Jhe first object of the move
mi ni—the overthrow of th.- fusion which
niem-e.d the eonntry with tint money and
n,. tiona 1 fil -i red: l would have b- 'nd- l. at
, ,|. Its second <>!■!> ■: was tbeen at ion of a
h democrats miglit rally
and re-.ra niZe a: i;. K> ii'.u-'ky . s
than 10,000 earn s:, enlightened, devoted
m. ii accept, fi this opportunity in an actual
poll of 375.000. and a po ible poll of 4-iii,u:io.
Th.- faithful in. n are not enough for
... <ii corn: and ti y !>-ok in vain for re
< i■'> meat i-isewh. r .
Th. <’<iuri'?r-Journal is as responslb'e as.
p rival's more r< sponsible, than, any' other
a:-- r.ev for all tiles I'l l’;,-;. It admits its
r. sponsiiillity. But it refuses long, r lo <le
• ■ ve il.-ea' a:st such aii array of facts;
acai, yielding n ine of the pri.iclpi. s at
stake, it is not wflang to deceive anybody
els.-, either friend or foe. T:i. issue was
Ina. l . 1 in th'.' last <.ani;>..ign -so distinct that
co inleii:;;.nt man ..ould misunderstand ii
Ii is woolly uawo.-ihy and beside—th" pur
pose to set up the pl. a that it was ‘ (.tie
lo al colit sts that dio it.” To claim this
is to e!'.ar-..e that tn. ; -opl.. wre . itli. r
too ignorant to eonipr. io-ufi, or too treach
erous lo be lion. SI. T'n. v w.-r.- neither
Th. ,v w. re opposed to ta.. plan, or indiffer
ent to ii. in . Über -e th . lesson is '.lie
s. to ii.v anil. w..--'etig <>•. l-spe, J ; ( y
thus, who want moi. of it. w shall a.-eept
no t ull her leadershl;i. as -1 an- no furtti.-r
r. spoiisJhlities, on Hint line, for w.- have
All oi this is iiiter.'-ting, because it
is ti. until cleverly put, and because
it repres.-nts the views of all semi ide
<1 mccrats who wore led by disappoint
ment or by pa.-nion to detert’their party
last year. But we notice in this proc
lama, on--it i.s tilin' ecssary to quote the
pht ideology- and in others that. Mr.
Watterson has tna<l since the collapse
of the hillbynum party in Kentucky, a
tendency lo abuse the party with which 1
he proposes to as.:oc;ate hcreati'er.
1 iiis, we think, is very bad policy.
The democratic party has dore Mr. Wat-,
terson no harm. If a few democratic
edit.irs have abused him, the party i.s
not responsible for that. Thought- :
fill deiiicvr.-it.; everywhere have main- •
mined a different altitude toward Mr.
Watteu-on than they have toward any
other leader among the bolters. They
have continued to appreciate the ser-;
<:.<,• lie iia.s dine tiie parly; they have,
cciitini . d .o admire hi.-s c haracter and
his ability. They believed his course to
be wrongterribly wrong and he has '
acknowledged that by leturning to the
party.
That being so. why’ should Mr. Wat
terson explain ids conduct by saying .
that he prefers to act with a pariy of
fools rather than with a party of I
knaves? As a minor exhibition in
rhetoric the' phrase will do very well; )
but of all men in this world, Mr. Wat-;
terson has the least reason to sacrifice
h's friends io rhetoric. if the political .
contest in this country is between!
knaves and fools, sensible men would do
well to follow tiie example of the “Sage i
of Glen Lily,” and wrap themselves'
about with a fog of words.
The demoreatic party was no more re-j
spon ible for Mr. Watterson’s going out)
than it is for his coming in. I' <!i<> ,
not ask him, in the first place, to advo- i
.ate any doctrine on the money ques- )
lion that his newspaper had not al
ready advocated, and it does not ask him ;
now to surrender any conviction that is !
necessary to his peace of mind.
It s enough that he has seen the fol
ly of the billbynum business. It is!
enough that he realizes the fact that the!
democratic’ voters of Kentucky ami oi '
the country reft'.'e to repudiate their
party or their principles. It is enough
that be realizes that he has had enough.
Therefore, we repeat that there is no
reason in the world why Mr. Watterson
should return to his party with bard
sayings in his mouth. The logic of
his return stand', for all explanations
tnat may be expected.
An Echo of Misery.
The Springfield Republican gives the
following a prominent place in its edi
torial columns;
A New Haven shop girl writes to The
Jkegiste-r a dismal Thanksgiving letter.
Within three years her weekly wages in a
dry goods store have been cut from 58 to $3.
and “my case is one of many,” she says.
“The wages paid to female help i:i the
stores of this city have fallen steadily
since this j ear opened, until al last they
are so small that they wiil not buy .-•■ulH
eient food.” This girl has also to support
her mother—pay rent, feed and clothe two
persons on 53 a week. She inquires: “If it
is a fact that prosperity i.s returning, why
ar.- wages steadily reduced?” And finally
she asks: "On tiiis Thanksgiving eve I
pleat for a rescue from this misery. With
ail the money spent in this city, isn’t there
profit enough to at least k.-ept body and
soul together?” Tiie class in sociology may
answer.
The class in sociology! Yea, and the
class in theology, too. And the class
in moral philosophy. And all and sing
ular the students of humanity. Let
them all stand up and give an answer
to tiiis cry of misery. It is but a faint
echo of a great cry that is going up ah
over this land today—a. cry that is like
ly to grow louder and louder as the Han
nas get their innings and the gold syn
dicates rake in their winnings.
The fact that makes it significant, is
(hat it rises in New England -rich ami
pro.-1 oro.is Now England—where the
boom tor “sound” money has taken the
place of religion; where the preachers
rose or knelt down in their pulpits and
publicly worshiped the golden calf and
advised their congregations to do the
same; and where the effort io prevent
the robbery of the producers of wealth
through :i eon antly appreciating stand
ard of value was denounced as- “repudia
t ion.”
The j'oo'- shopgirl gives ]><>r testimony
to the effect ilttil her case i.s one c*
many. It is something more than that,
it. is one of millions. It is not the re
sult of stinginess on the part of her em
ployers. They would be glad to pay
her $8 a week today if their business
would justify it. But in the propor
tion ilia' her wages have been < ut down,
just in that proportion have their busi
ness and prefits been cut down. This is
otic of the notes of McKinley prosper
ity. It has come upon New England
with a vengeance.
The president can make maxims and
he can also make republican jirosperity
“It i.s better to open the mills to labor
than to opi n the mints to silver.” Ami
the mills opened to admit “prosperity.”
“By a protective tariff we enable manu
facturers to employ mo:* labor at bet
ter wages, and better wages mean en
larged and profitable markets to the
farmers.”
Oh, the sweet anil precious joy of max
im-making! Would you save the na
tion? Make a maxim! Would von re
store prosperity? Make two maxims'
\t.d -l.'ii d-sdare that the only way to
mtik'? < v<rybody happy i.s to make nine
ten ths of the people poorer.
We were chatting with The Spring
field Republican the other day about un
der consumption. The cases of which
the Now Haven shop girl is a type give
a very vivid illustration. How much
mocy for trading pttrposes i.s left, out
of a week, when the sum must sup
port two? How many frocks can\‘he
two afford to buy?
We have no hope whatever that the
New England people will ev- r he aide
to see what i.s destroy mg their indus
tries until it is too late to save them
but we are pretty well convinced that
The Sprin'-Ti- Id Republican sees and
knows. The trouble i.s that the money
dealing class is too powerful in that .sec
tion of the c.ountrv' for a newspaper to
antagonize its gr< < dy i ’ogr'tmme.
The Increase of Crime.
On the heels of (he announcement, that
the number of murders has doubled
in South Carolina during the past year,
comes an address from Bishop lAli.-ir
(’afters to the clergy of his dioct. e,
which cover., the .■'tali*, fixing Dceem'ie.-
Ihtii as the day winn (hey .-,'t.il! prericn
against the crime of murd 'r, and invit
ing Chrtsthin minister;: of al! demoni
nations to unite on that dry in upholding
the sacredne.-.s of tinman life and the
honor of the state.
The movetm ;it i.s a good one. (’reach
ing and prayer are as effective now :r0
they wet." in the old days, <nly, in inc
<'ompl-'xity of our civilization their re-!
salts are not so ideally manifest. But!
the most effective work that can be!
done, both in Georgia and in South Caro- ;
lina, is for the courts to make it clear-'
ly under.stc'id that the matt who com-'
mils murder will .suffer the extreme pen- :
ally of the law.
We have d:.scti.sse<l this question on
former oci asions, iml have considered it
from every possible point of view. Ther<-
are bur two ways of accounting sot
the astounding and threatening growth
<;f crime in Georgia and otlu r state.-)
during tli<’ past few years. One is tha !
the l:'.v i" ineffectual and therefore'
rankly nnjn.st to society, and the other
is that the courts, by consenting to pest- ,
ponemenß tied d'ehiys and in giving!
inipe'.’iani e to technical quibitles, are
••tigered in fostering crime.
While on this subject The Cotistitu-;
tion lakes occasion to reaffirm its- hearty
i".horsemen' of last year of th.' mea--
ttre which Ims iasM th" --emtio pro j
riding for tiie election of judges and so
Heitors i.y the people. We do not know .
that lhe choice of those officials by the]
legislature lends to corruption, but we )
do know that it leads io bargains and j
dickc.s in which the true interests of;
ihe people are entirely lost sight of. t
We are not afraid of the people. W<> i
think that their judgment is better than ;
that of any smaller body of men. The.v )
are not infallible, but when they make i
a misiake they knew how to correct it, I
and they rarely repeat it.
The choice of judges tnd solieite.rs by :
the people may’ not better the choice:
of tiie legislature in every resnect, but. )
it would nut an end to some very ques .
tionable practices which have sprung'
up as the result of elections by the leg -
i.slature. The people are not as like
ly to make a mistake as the general as- i
sembly. for their choice would be in i
the open, and the voters would not he I
likely to support a man who was in any .
way unfitted for the responsible offices. I
Then, wi.li the people to please, and wiih |
Ute great, majority of the people in fa-!
vor of a vigorous prosecution and pun- '
ishment of ofi'endens, officers of the 1
court, would feel a stronger sense of
their responsibility, and would put an
end to tiie practice and procedure which
have given the criminal classes and a
large part of the order-loving public
contempt for the law.
We trust, the house will pass the bill.
It is thought that Mr. Wolcott will
now be a gold statesman. This would
account for the air of mystery which he
brought back with him.
In Massachusetts they send a man to
the house of correction thirty days for
assaulting a woman. Really, this is
not. giving the men a chance. Why not.
send the woman to jail for a term of
years?
The European nations will begin to
discover after awhile that, the Monroe
doctrine has a long arm and heavy
whiskers.
DEFEAT CH VICTORY IN 1900?
From The Louisville, Ky., Bost.
Organized parties light to win.
merits of parties fight for mere gloi>. '
have great respect for The Atiante Consti
tution, but w<- do ii"i understand its theory
of political warfare as expre-sed in tn'-e
paragraph:
‘•Rut if we are to consider merely the
policy of returning to the old practice ol
deception and evasion for the purpose o.
carrying tiie ‘pivotal states,’ let us .o k a
:ii| sides of it. Suppose that. I'.v ‘‘! : .
with platform declarations, the part> < •
squeeze through in New York and
Jers"'.', is it not morally certain that t eie
would be a revolt in other states? M'>’'•)•
not Kentucky. Virginia. North ' a,< ? ) ,
and other states l»e hopelessly lost. ’' ll ')
the party carry any southern states too ij
on a platform that would be pleasing i ;
(he political agents of tiie nmn ■
Wo are inclined to doubt it most capiml '-
Let us get down to business by t is 1
fining what is meant by •'the "id practi
of deception ami evasion.” 1 >ur Atlant i
con t • :n "or irv would .-<> clri t ae( erize t""
platform of 1892, while it -peaks of th'
platform of 1895 as the courageous expres
sion of a party’s purpose.
As fir is The Even ng Post 1» con c irneil
it nevi r stops to quarrel with descriptive
adjectives. Trie platform of K 92 was good
enough for tiie democratic party and the
i people in 1892, so we do not care whet "er it
■ i.s denounced as a coward.y subterfuge, a
■ mere makeshift, ar. evasion, n trek, a
trap, or a time-serving dev'ce. or win tber
| it i.l. 'i-'l a " se, discreet, carefullj
| phrased avoidance of point's "f dis gree
;mi nts. So dropping th. a.i - liv. lei u
| contrast tiie effect po! ticWl of the two
I platform:! of 1892 and 18!>:.
' In 189:1 the ticket named and pl i< e1 .m
the platform wns elected. Tiie vote -to "I:
t'iivel.'tml 277 votes, Harr.son 145 vot-s.
Weaver 22 votes.
<ln tiie piatfonn of I'<"i the party went to
di Teat. Tiie vote stood: McKinley -.1.
Bryan 17'1. This is marly an exact re
versal of (lie electoral vote of 18ii2. But
let ins analyze lite vote in the e.ector.il
college and see just wli.it we iost, w.iat
we gained and where tiie changes took
The following Cleveland slates voted for
McKinley:
California 8
Connecticut “
I' Ii« are 3
Ii inois- 21
i..di i'i i . . .. ■ ■ ■ ■ 15
.Aentueky .. .. 12
Marylandß
Michigan 5
N' w .I. rscylo
New Vork3s
North H.ikota 1
1 Ohio I
: Wisconsinl2
j Totallß
Ix-t it be remembered that the vote of
K< n.ti.'l:y and California was <1!vl !■ d in
:Stn;, as was the vote of Ohio ami North
; • ■ I 1592 We I Vi merci the (’leve
land votes of 1892 th it w.-re McKinley votes
n 1896, a total of 14) <■ e(o al vo; 10-"
by .a.banfioning the politic noi'ey for one of
extremism.
Now with these states In mind constitut
ing the seat of empire, let us see wlia: w.'
gained, lb re are the votes east for Har
rison in 1592, which Bryan seemed in 1895:
t’lliforn'a I
Monttimi 3
Nebr."-k;i 8
South I fakota . 4
Wyoming 3
Total 31
That is. of fit' 115 votes that w-r f.-
Harrison in 1892. only 23, or one-sixth, w nt
t,. Bryan, whereas of tiie 277 t ue.s for
<.-I ind in 1892. ill. or ntote than oie
li , f. went to M"Kinley:
There remain.-', only the Weaver vol • to
consi'l.-r. Os that vote the following w.-nt
.i Bryan:
Colorado -I
Idaho :.
N'-v.. Lt. ... ... 3
Tbs' is. by means of the Bryan pto
",r.i:ome th. democrat <■ parly exchang.-d
;!t t 'leveland vo.es in th. electoral college
l. r 23' 1 larrison '.nd 20 Weaver votes, and
of t tes" states, with 43 vol' S. Kan. as w. t
it-, lo votes lias gone bek to th rept bl.can
party.
T'>. e are <*.->ns'fi. r t'.ons which w'll force
tlicmselv s on tin- attention of the demo
cratic national convention of '9 in. and (■
<• "inot b" that such tin assembly wl.l ig
nore I lie les.-.on of experience which such
a t omi'.irison enforces.
I ut aside front tile d nm." atic pirty.
the ..-oiith has a profound inter.'.-t in t i
. tap , t :.-on. The Atlanta Com titution is
(be representative of the tild ronin ami o.
(!>.- ii’-w: of that “new south’’ born in
I I-'" from the ashes of tne old son'll
.•atl( red at Appomattox. It has stiff red
long ind it has endured much. For a full
con t'l.v under one gr.-at b-toles .-titer an
other from Jefferson and Calhoun to H a
:ml Lamar, the south has been the in
veterate foe of governin'utal aggr.tml?.:-
i" -nt ami tiie defend- r of mT mi .1 fr e lorn
ar.d local self-government.
Now as we :t ppr. aeii the contenni.il o
lite <l. moi rat' ■ party, is the -<i tit t > t i .
Its back on its old aides :n the north; !
it lo abandon its old fro nds, ch .ng ia
political priniaples. its political preju i'c-s,
if you will, that it may again k : 1 a 10--
orn itar.it of parentaiists. calb'u pop tii-t--,
again to inev:i:tbl.- def. at?
We itope not. We think m t. Tiie Con
stitution Is the exponent of a spirit o
'.ope util coolidtneo, bitt it must know tlia:
faith without ni"ans is vain. The south is
s'.i:l under th" can of public opinion, dny
it as we may. There :s even among our
best friends in tiie north a distrust of our
wisdom, our judgment ami our s'li-i-.-
str.a.nt. That should no destr-.yofi; that
should b" removed. We doubt not it wi; !
lie removed. The smith is pissloint a !
tim.-s, but it is thoughtful, it is poor, bit I
not lii'scouraged; cast down, but not for
saken.
It has a future brighter titan any chapt r I
in its past; a (loldica: I’lltllie, an in.ln tr al i
future of equality xnd independence. Ba
we submit this question to Hie sober jti ,g
m.-nt of our Atlanta contemporary: Is it
better for us to seek our allies from lit s.-
slates:
t ’ KTFOR NI A. CON N KCTI CM I’. I>K LA
- ILLINOIS. INDIANA, KHN
TI’.’KY. MARYLAND, MICHIGAN, ’. .. \\
JHRSI'IY. NKW YORK, Oillo AND WIS
C< -NSIN ?
Or from tiiis list of western .' t iles th it
know n«.thing, and < are ess, about tne
true principles of popular government:
MONTANA. NEBRASKA, THE DA
KOTAS, WASHINGTON. WYOMING,
<'. ii .< >!IA I'O, IDAHO, KANSAS AND NE- !
YADA?
'lite matter i.s more serious, as it seems
to ns, from the standpoint of i e new
south and the old. than f is from tae
standpoint of a democrate parts .ii. Th
r< cent el< etion gives us time for titot g it
anil for consideration. It pioc..ums alivel,-
dLeon'cnt among our old allies, with th ■
domination of tile republican party, but <1 ,
not let us suppose for a moment‘that this
vivst central empire is ready to seek re' es
in the doctrines of extreme populism. It js
democracy, and not populism, '.’or which 1
longs.
“Songs of the Soil”
By FRANK L. STANTON.
The Mo lel Legislature.
Talk ’bout the legislature not passln’ any
To legislate a fence law, or move the moon-
The good Lord bless you, brethren! there s
too many bills been passed.
Thank heaven for a legislature that gives
us a rest at last!
There’s been bills for dogs and ’i»ossums
bllls from the hills and rills;
Bills like tiie springtime blossoms,
ami a few tiv-dollar bills;
Bills from “the bills of Habersham’ -bills
from "the valleys of Hall,
Thank heaven for a legislature that plays
football with ’em all!
Too many bills, dear brcthi’fn! rnafs wnat
the trouble’s been;
It was left for this legislature the finest
record to win
By simply "a-doln' of nothin’” since first
they met in the fall; —
Thank heaven for a legislature that pass-s
no bills at all!
Thank heaven from the southwest lowlamlJ
tiiat dream in the plnctree’s shade
From (he winsome wilds of tiie witegiaSsi
to the icy deeps of Dade! j
The good fad'd bless you, brethren! there s •
too many bills been passed;
Thank heaven for a legislature that gives
us a rest at last!
A Song of Her Love.
There’s a song of a bird in a blossoming '
And ongs in wind-trebles above:
But tile sung that is ever tiie sweetest to
me
Is a d".ar little song of her love!
Like fairy bells ringing
\\’h< re roses are springing.
Is th" song Os Iter low tii.H my glad heart
is singing!
O the bird li> tii** blossoms u .th ni* lohy
charms
And th** \vin<t'* sing lb • bhio fields above;
But of rosy-red lips ami (wo lit’.!., white
arms
Is tiie dear little song of my love.
Os red lips that kiss m-
And tenderly bless me,
And arms like a net klaco that clasp and
caress me.
Sing i v. r. y<- birds, (n the blossoming tree
Ami. winds, pirn, your music abow ;
Her brown carls are brighter than blos
soms ’o mo.
And I ni s? ging a song of her love;
I ike fairy bells ringing
here roses ar" springing.
Is th" song of her love that my glad heart
is singing!
Kiss Him Right Awake.
Win n be in his cradle sleep!."’,
Wid dat purty smile o' his,
His mammy come a-creepin'
En wake, him wid a kiss.
Fn den it’s “Go ter sleepy.
Sweetheart, fer mammy’s sake;”
Tint ain’t, a bit o’ uso in it,
Sho kl«s him right awake!
She always dar a-pe'pin'
En talkin’ out like dis;
"Hk look so purty, sleepin’—
1 ’bleege ter steal a kiss!”
En den it’s “Go ter sl< epy.
Sweetheart, fer mammy’s sake!”
But ain’t a bit o' use in it
She kiss him right awake!
Who He Favors.
Ain't he like his mammy?
Favor ’bout de eyes;
Calls ter mind bis daddy,
Settln’ up so wise!
Favor ever'body.
Till ain't a favor let’;
But I tell you who he favor mos”.
His own, sweet, purty se’f!
Cryin’, looks like grandpa—
Wrinkle makes him kin;
Bur. tell me who he favor
When he laughs de dimples in!
Done favor ever'body.
Till ain’t, a favor let’!
But I tell you who he favor mos':
His own, sweet, purty se’f!
My Friends, My Books.
Give nte my books Some patho-' to
t re: i d
When Homer harp.-d ids songs for hr. ad;
Where in some quaint and dim old inn
Dan Chaucer m-u y a night liiitlv been,
And told tii.- story and the joke
(if famous Canterbury folk;
Where S| onset 's fiO'Cy talcs abound
And Thomson rolls his “Seasons’’ round;
Where Shale sp are ga»e u. thotisasj
nights
Sublime or riotous delights
(And taught mankind to s.-alo the heights.)
Ol<i friends am! new, with winsome looks
Give me my books'
Give m.- my books .... I warrant you
There are your friendships swot and true,
For all tiie title i. nt ashed weather
We clasp hands and grow young togetln-..!
For all the winter':? frost and chill
They sing there at my fireside still,
1 ope the doo:, and friend on friend
Comes to me from the far world’s end!
Jack Falstaff lat and t.imous J ck -
i'lntirs my inn and calls lor sack,
And many a tare, toast doth propo.'"
While burns tl>.- 1!;. on Bardolph's noSe;
Or aneb iit Pistol, will'. I. might
Murders dull Latin half the night!
Or Justice Sli tll'iw -oid and \ ain-
Tells the wild tales of youth again!
I me<t them til witli welcome looks—
Give me my books!
Give mo my books .... Trim well tho
lire
And lei the singing blaze leap higher
Till spark- I’.a: tqi the chimin y race
Elash l!".bt: on .-v ry friendly fa- !
\\ hat cat" 1 for the winter’s cold?
H. ro are my friends--then' hands 1 hold,
i'bo'ir virtu. -, praise, th. ir faults condemn,
And warm me ■t. tile I: arts of tin m!
Svvact friends ami true! I yearn io you—
lit" old as dear still as the new!
• ’em. I' I II" Still -.'me .Ks,
*My friends- my books!
With tenderer story, sweeter rhymes,
Conte to me al the Christ mas Him
W li. n al! the. bells in music chime!
And where the holly berries gleam
Give me the olden, golden dream!
Come to me wiivn the yule log glows
And though without beat winter’s snows,
W itliiti snail bloom Kpi'ing's sw' .-test rosul
Be gifts to those I love the best—
Sweet, tender thoughts to every breast,
And heavens of delightful rest!
(jive them your brightest, merriest looks.
My Christmas books!
Mass Lindy’s Coldness.
Las’ time I Miss L:nd.v
, bile hoi iter head so iiign
Sin n v.-r know de way I go-
M:.-s 1. i uy pass me by!
Gh. Mi'" I a.dy
Utah’s yo’ lever true:
De weddin ring
Is a purty tiling,
En de weddin’ ring's fer you.
Las’ time I st e Miss Lindy
Aly heart beat loud en fas’;
She l;e-ili de solin', but don’t look ruv.'.a
Fn des go sailin’ pas’!
Oh. Miss Lindy,
Heah’s yo’ lover true.
De weddin’ ring
Is a puny tiling,
En de weddin' ring’s fer you!
A Love Note.
We smile, ami deem Love’s sun is set,
...d 11 ' Ktve tho rose our tears,
W h"0 love may be a violet
I hat blossoms unawares.