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PUBLISHED EVERY DAY EXCEPT SUNDAY.
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invariably in advance.
ATLANTA, GA., .11 I.Y 4. 1594.
“XZS77/V 7 0 8 77.7’ 7/ /.'.\N.
With peculiar reverence the peo
ple of Georgia loved Alexander 11.
They knew that Toombs was a
brainier man, but they felt that Ste
phens was the safer more careful,
more thorough, more far-seeing.
They knew that Ben Hill was a
better talker, but in the rushing
stream of his glorious eloquence they
found less depth than in the quieter
current of Shephens’ statesmanship.
Our fathers looked upon the Sage
of Liberty Hall as a prophet.
He saw the future of railway de
velopment, and he pushed the West
ern and Atlantic through the mount
ains of Georgia to tap the trade of
the West. Ile saw the horrors o’
Civil war germinating in the wild
talk of Secession, and he did his
utmost to thwart Calhoun and Rhett,
Yancey ami Toombs.
He saw the deadly evils which
would enter the Democratic party
when it left its own principles and its
own leaders and accepted the prin
ciples of New York and the leader
ship of Horace Grecly.
So deeply was the old warrior
moved by this fatal blunder that he
went forth into all parts of the State,
battling against the false creed which
had crept into our ranks; and he
spent bis fortune in trying to main
tain a Daily Paper in Atlanta to
teach the people the true princi
ples of Thomas Jefferson.
That he failed to arouse public at
tention: that he failed to stem the
tide of mistaken policy; that he
was unable to prevent Jefferson's
party from being captured by the
Northern and Eastern leaders who,
under the name of Democrats trample
under foot all Democratic principles,
is no discredit to Mr. Stephens. But
the fact that he saw the peril which
threatened his people ami which has
now brought them to the very brink
of political ruin, is a wonderful proof
of his unfailing power to “look ahead.’’
In 1879, Mr. Stephens occupied a
~Wht ih CongresS, —in jthe lower
The “Crime of 187.3” had by that
time become fully known. Its blast
ing influence was beginning to be
felt. The question of destroying the
silver money of the nation was un
derstood by a few, but not by the
many. Mr. Stephens grasped the
whole situation ; described the evil
and prophesied the desolation which
would fall upon the country when
those who schemed to make a corner
on g >ld should succeed in t heir con
In another column we present to
our readers the important parts of
Mr. Stephens’ speech.
Note what he says about the coun
try drifting to ruin, without knowing
it, just as the sleeping dog floated
down the river on the haystack
T. E. W.
7; ier )• /:OD i■ rea d this.
Let us make it a matter of honor
to sustain our Daily Paper.
It belongs to the whole Party and
is devoted to the service of us all.
Those who have paid §6.00 in a 1
vance, and those wh > will now do so,
will get the Daily Paper one year
and half a share of stock in the Com
If those who have pajd six dollars
uSM aeud five more they will get a
full share of paid-up stock (§10.), en-’
titling them to a vote in the manage
ment. They get also the Daily Pa
per for one year.
If you have not subscribed to either
the stock or to the paper, send us
eleven dollars and we will send vou
certificate for Ten Dollars in sto.-k,
and also send you the Daily for one
Those who have paid §5 on one
share of stock can send us six more
and get certificates for ten dollars in
stock and also get the Daily for one
But stick to the text, now. This
•aeans just what it says—and no
Ifdoes not mean that you can pay
$22 aud get §2O in stock and two
copies of the Daily.
No. It means just what it says :
that you cau pay up §ll right now
now and get §lO in Stock and one
copy <>f the Daily for one year.
Why do we do this? Simply to
make it possible for the poorest man
in the South to own a share in his
paper and to have a voice in its man
Comrade, join the baud 1
If the Government owned and
operated our national highways as it
should'do, the great strike which
now psrayzes domtste commerce
would never have occurred.
Nobody ever heard of a strike in
the Government mail service.
The melon growers of South
Georgia whose property is rotting on
the side tracks when it ought to be
speeding to market should bear in
mind that the wl ole trouble lies in
the false system of allowing private
individuals to control the public
r. a:s-the national channels of
trade. If the G ivernment were run
ning the railroads there would be no
Who ever heard of a strike in the
Government Custom House service?
♦ ♦ ♦
Col. Milton A. Candler, declines a
joint debate with Colonel Livingston
Co). A. O. Bacon declines a joint
debate with Col. L. F. Garrard.
It would seem that pugnacity is
putting on a fine polish of prudence
# ♦ •
The reason why Hon. IL S.
Turner disappointed the Democrats
in his Opera House speech is that the
job he undertook verges on the im
Judge Turner is mentally a very
big man but the the task of defend
ing Cleveland is still bigger.
Judge Turner says that ho would
vote for free coinage of silver at 20
to 1 “as a beginning.”
Does Judge Turner think that sys
tems of national finance can be work
ed over as farmers work a cotton
crop—a different plowing for each
change of weaker?
This idea of experimenting on free
coinage, and of changing from one
ratio to another “as a beginning,” is
a striking proof of the confusion
which falls upon a modest statesman
like .fudge Turnir when he runs for
two offices at once.
* * *
If Col. L. F. Livingston came
■swooping down from Washington
just spoiling for a fight, what’s to
hi oder him from getting it out of
Col. B. M. Blackburn?
I am willing to make any reasona
ble guarantee that Col. B. M. B. will
be found with his spurs on, and his
* * *
- -Colonnl Livingston knowfrirho to
That’s one of the reasons he gave
no dare to Co'. B. M. Bia kburn.
If Colonel Livingsto i really hun
gers for combat and will call at the
shop of Colonel Blackburn, my
opinion is that he will get the best
specimen which the display counter
* * *
The Sugar Trust which is a private
trust is still having a gay and licen
tious time with those pompous frauds
who ta d that “Public office is a pub
Sugar and Cleveland honesty meit
into i ach other uncoutrolable sweet
* » »
In Georgia the Court House rings
which knocked General Evans out,
are still endorsing Cleveland Sugar
Trust and all.
In Kentucky they are endorsing
No wonder that .Judge Turner’s
speech showed a disposition to sag
and flag ami rest itself.
The right was very hot—and so is
* W 4
The Atlanta Journal seems very
much disgusted because the Pops of
Randolph county put a negro Popu
] list on a committee of arrangements.
If the colored brother in question
I had been a Bishop the Journal would
i probably have made no complaint.
The Atlanta Democrats who
1 wanted $200,000 of the people’s tax
j money for the Atlanta Exposition
put a negro on their committee and
used him for all he was worth. But
then he was a-bi<hop.
The Journal ought not to be too
bard on us. We can’t all be bishops.
If a colored bishop is good enough
to go on a Democratic committee
surely a colored farmer or school
teacher or preacher ought not to
create a panie when he gets on a
« • «
If it is wrong to put a colored
j man on a committee, or a delegation,
' then a bishop is as much out of
I place as a layman.
Being a bishop doesn’t change race
I or color nor any question dependent
After live months work the Dem
ocrats in the Senati laid out the Me.
I Kinley bill by passing another which
. differed from tin obnoxious bill only
I in degree.
THE DAILY PRESS: ATLANTA GEORGIA: JI I.Y 4, 1894
ALEXAXDEK 11. STEPHENS.
His on Silver in the House
of Representatives June 187I>.
The trade-doliar was declared by
law a legal tender for the payment of
debts in the sum of §5, just the same
as subsidiary silver coins were.
There was an obligation on the part
of the government to take 'them.
Since then the trade-dollars Lave
been demonetized. Yet they are
afloat in the country, ami the honest
laborer is reciving th.m. How the
trade dollar became demonetized the
gentleman from IHinoise [Mr. Sprin
ger] and the gentleman from New
York [Mr Cox] have just explained.
But the faith of the government
never could be obliterated by that
act of demonetization. The statute
just read declared, and the faith
of the government is pled
ged, that the trade-dollar should be
one of the coins of the United States.
.Now, I am not here to designate
anything as a cheat or a fraud. The
trade-dollar was demonetized in
1876. Ido not know how it was
done. But before that time there
had been coined and issued several
mi.lions of trad dollars. The faith
of the country had been pledged
that these millions of trade dollars
should be received in sums of §5 for
the payment of debts. All I have
to say, all that the friends of this
bill say, is that the government
should redeem that pledge, should
keep its faith, should take up these
trade-dollars and exchange them for
other silver dollars cf 4121 grains.
The government will make 7} grains
on every dollar by that operation.
Whom will it hurt? No one.
Whom will it benefit? It will
benefit the honest, toiling, laboring
millions. There is hardly a class in
society that it will not benefit. The
merchant, the banker, the shopkee
per, the traders, the laborers; almost
every class of the community wil be
benefited by it. The government of
the United States has issued this coin;
it bears upon its face the stamp of the
government. The poor, ignorant
laboring-man seeing that stamp of
the government upon it bc’ieves that
it is a coin of his own country, and
relying upon that stamp takes it in
payment of his debt. When he
comes to pay his debts, when he
comes to pay his tobacco tax -yes,
the poor humble black man who lives
as a tenant upon my farm, when
he goes to pay his tobacco tax with
that trade-dollar which has upon it
the stamp of this government is re
tused. Is that not wrong? 1 do
not care who may have this trade
dollar. lam no respecter of persons.
Whoever takes it, the honest laborer,
the banker, the shopkeeper, the fer
ryman, whoever takes it should have
it. redeemed by the government.
That is enough about this bill, ex
cept some of the amendments which
1 wish to refer to.
There are •“iLmxpther things, hpw_-
ever, to which 1 want to refer very
briefly. Some gentlemen have
argued that if we pass tins bill we
will have twenty-eight million of
these trade-dollars returned to us
from China. By adopting an amend
ment which is to be offered to the
bill, no one need apprehend any
such danger. But lam free to sty,
that I wish it would bring back all
the millions of trade-dollars that are
now in China. It is said there are
about twenty-eight millions of them
there. I would say to every silver
coin afloat with the American eagle
on it, “Homeward we want you.”
But how is it going to eff ct any
sucn result? Do you suppose that a
Chinaman will bring over here 120
grains of silver and give it to our
government for 112.} grams? Never
or hardly ever. [Liughter.j The
Heathen Chinee is hardly “child
like” enough for that. He will never
do it or hardly ever. [Renewed
laughter.] What I Bring over here
from China 1211 grains ot silver in
order to get 412.1 for it from our
government? No, sir. No, sir.
Even the Heathen Chinee will see
that that will not pay the expense of
1 wish that could be done. I will
till you that I am not afraid of the
silver glut that frightens members so
much. 1 want all the‘silver that we
can get. The trade-dollar is now un
der discussion 1 know. But upon the
general silver bill, which is now in
the other branch of Congress, and
which was here before us a short
. time ago, I will say that I wish we
could obtain all the silver bullion in
the world possible and coin it into
Now, Mr. Speaker, five or six years
£.go there were in the world about
§8,000,000,000 of meta! money—
gold and silver—which lave been
the money of the world from a peri
od long anterior to Herodotus, long
anterior to Grecian history—which
were the money of the world even
long before \he time of the patri
archs. Os these §8,000,000,000 of
me al money §4,500,000,000 were sil
ver, the rest gold. What was dene
bv those nations that demonetized
silver? At one fell swoop they de
posed from its functions more than
half of the metal money of the world.
Then began monetary revolutions.
What has been our business history
since the United States adopted the
policy? Why, sir, the first year fol
lowing demonetization here there
were upward of seven thousand fail
ures in this country with upward or
JOOO.OOVjOOG liabilities; the next yeas
upward of nine thousand of the stur
diest houses in the country t’aile i
with near §2**0,000,000 of liabilities;
the next year there were upward ot
eight thou.-a id failures with near
$200,0(.'0,00o liabilities; ami the last
year ten thousand failures and up
ward with a still larger amount of h-
abilities, over s2trt),'bO,OUO.
From 1874 unt> ’be close of last
. j year thirty-six tbor-and houses con-
I sidered the staunebst in the country,
faded with liabiliies amounting to
; over 180V,000,00(L almost one-third
‘■ of the pub.ic deb of the United
States. What was’-he cause of this?
The gentleman froa Ohio [Mr. Gar
field] entertained .i» the other day
’ with an interesting description of a
scene that he witnesed on the Ohio
River of a hay-stSk with a dog fast
' ; asleep upon it fitting down the
' river, while the dg was totally un
' i conscious of the flod or his danger.
’ It seem to me th t many people of
i this country are fi ating down upon
’ this tremendous tie of ruin, and are
just as unconscion- as ’hat sleeping
' I pointer, setter, terier, hound, or cur
( as to what has.hajbened. [Laughter
and applause.] I dinot know whether
the dog in qae-iti<u was a pup or a
grown-up dog; bu they say, and I
’ j believe it is true, nat it takes a pup
nine days to gt its eyes open.
Some people, wm are going down
upon this flood with their eyes
’ closed, may requir nine years to get
their eyes open ; >ut they will see
the truth after awil ■ A large part
of the cause of thee disasters was the
striking down as currency of more
’ than half of money of the
But it is said wemust await the ac
’ | tion of European nations. This is
what we were tod yesterday. Sir,
I I perdict a changt in the policy of
’ European nations n this regard. I
I venture to prediutthat by the next
meeting of this (ingress there will
be such a tide n favor of what i
is known as our siverbill that it will ■
sweep everybody in this country,
pretty much as lie haystacks were
swept down the Olio river.
[Here the hamner fell.]
Mr. Stephens. 1 trust 1 may be
allowed a few monents more—
The Speaker. n he chair is aware
that members deiie to hear the gen
tleman from Ge< gii, and he will
proceed if no gentleman objects.
The chair hears n> objection.
Mr. Stephens, dr. Speaker, I say
as an American flat for us to await
the action of a Eirupean conferened
upon a change oF.he relative values
lof geld ami siler is chimerical.
Why, sir, we have a debt which wi‘l
forever prevent it- We have a debt
of over §2,200,((Ml,000 which by
the terms of the contract is to be
paid in coin of tie standard value
existing at the tine the debt was
contracted. At tlat lime the gold '
dollar contained 258 grains and the
silver dollar 412} grains. Now, the
gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Mc-
Lane) said yesterday that he was in
favor ot bnnettai money. Nearly
everybody on the ether side of the
House, have said the same. Now, if
we are to have bimetl.ilic money,
th it is, if we are "to have both silver
I and gold as money, this standard
I must be prep(ved. We cannot
i we increase it as was proposed by
i the gentleman from Maryland [Mr.
Kimmel] to 460 grains. That would
i increase the pupiic debt about 11
per cent, and virtually add over two
I hundred million dollars increase on
the public debt. 1 have not made
out exact figures. Suppose the silver
1 dollar should be increased to 485
grains, as another gentleman [Nir.
G arlield ] suggested ; that would be
an increase of the public debt to the
' extent of 19 per cent., or ovel §400,-
0(10,000, with an annual increase of
in crest of about 516,000,000. Can
J t 1 is country do anything like that?
5 We must consider it as a fixed, im
] mutable fact that we cannot increase
the weight of the silver dollar until
at least the public debt is discharged.
Tha - debt must be discharged, every
dollar and every cent of it, in good
> faith according to the contract. The
j I stand ird silver dollar when that con
tract was made was 412.1- grains.
Therefore I say it would be chimeri
-1 * cal for us to join in any European
monetary conference to change the
• present standard of the legal-tender
dollar of the United Slates. Such
1 a proposition is preposterous.
Next as to the great difference be
tween gold coin and silver bullion.
That is the bugbear throughout the
whole controversy; it is all in refer
ence to the present price of silver
bullion. Some gentlemen said our
bill (the silver bill that passed the
House the other day) was in favor
of the bullionis's; that it was a specu
lation of tne bullionists. On this
view I wish now to make a few re
marks. Why is it, Mr. Speaker, that
there is a discrapency between the
silver dollar, the trade-dollar, and
the gold dollar today? That is
the great quesion. My own opimon
is if we pass this bill today, and our
silver bill passes the Senate, six
months will not elapse, ninety days
will not elapse, beore they will be
about as near together as they ever
were before. What brought silver
down? Youdegraded it. You deprived
it of its money'quality, its debt-paying
power. You left it purely as a com
modity passing for its intrinsic worth.
Silver, when it was demonetized,
when it wa< thus degraded, was 2 or
3 per cent, above gold.
[Several interruptions here occur
red which, as they were not relevant
io the main question under discus
sion, are here omitted.J
Mr. Morion. I understood my
friend from Georgia to express the
opinion that within six months after
the passage of this bill the bullion
value of the sia>dard silver dollar
will rule between 2 and 3 per cent,
of that of the gold dollar. Am I
Mr. Stephens. Ves; and the pas
sage also of the silver bill which
is now in the Senate. 1 said it would
rise within 2 or 3 percent, not of the
bullion value but of the real bona
fide, gold value; up almost to an
equality with it.
[Other like interruptions are again
omitted for like reasons.]
Mr. Stephens. This bid stops the
coinage of the trade dollar. It pro- -
vides for taking up all those which
are now in the country, and which are
producing so much distress among
the people, and on account of which
they ask relief.
A. vety few words more only.
There is one other subject to which
I wish to allude, and that is the op
position which was ma le to the silver
bill which passed the House some
time -ago, on a count of the profit
which the bullion-ho’ders would
make by bringing in the silver bul
lion to be converted into coin. It
was said that the amount of bullion
in a si ver dollar of 412} grains was
worth eighty five cents, and the bul
i lioaists would make fifteen ecnis
profit on each dollar. I kne w that
many hon s people opposed tbi< bill
on that ground. We c anged the bill
in that particular. But if the Sen
ate should restore it as it was at first
reported to the House I should like
it bett'-r. Suppose the m ner should
make fifteen cents on evety dollar of
his bullion, would that hurt any
Mr. Marsh. Will the gentleman
allow me to ask him a que-t'on?
Mr. Sie ihens. Certainly.
Mr. M rsh. If the Government
should make fifteen cents on the dol
-1 ir, would that help anybody?
Mr. Stephens. Not much; neither
the Government nor anybody else.
The Government makes by wha'ever
adds to the prosjierity of the coun
try. Suppose that there were one
hundred million dollars’ worth of'
sever bullion, and that we had un
limited free coinage, which I am in i
favor of, but which the bill that we '
passed the other day does not ex- !
aetly carry out. Suppose that the !
owners of that bullion should make
fifteen cents on every dollar’s worth ]
of it, who would be hurt? That is i
the question. Would the Govern
ment be hurt? No. The Govern-’
ment would convert it into silver coin j
and issue it or certificates for it.
The Government w ould lo.«e nothing, I
though the bullionists would make 15 ;
per cent, on the amount. That
would add so much to the general
wealth of the cou.rry. Who wool 1
be injured? Nobody. The bul
lionists woul 1 be ben‘fitted. Wiio
else would be bem-fitted? Every
n a i who owns a dollar of property
in this country would be benefitted .
by it by a rise in his property.
Mr. .Marsh. Will the gentleman
permit me to ask him another ques
Mr. S < phens. Certainly.
Mr. Mar.'h. Would not the silver
dollar be worth just as much in the
hands of the laboring man if the gov
ernment should make the difference
between the bullion value and the i
legal tender- vahie; irinlend -sf the bul
liorust or the miner makifig it?
Mr. Step he us. Just a< much, ev
ery bit and no more. But I would
offer an inducement for the coinage
of silver bullion. We want the bul
lion ; we want the silver; we want
the money. Hence, as I said awhile
ago, I would call out, ‘Ho! every
man who has silver bullion, b ing it
to this country and have it coined.”
We want to offer an inducement to
bring it her ■. Ti .it is the difference,
and a veiy wide on-, if we give an
inducement of fifteen cents profit on
the dollar, then the bidders of the
silver bullion lio n all countries wi l
bring it nere, not otherwise; and our
I own miners will have a new impulse
given to i heir energy and industry.
Mr. Marsh. Does the gemleman
think it necessary for the govern-
I ment to give rhe holders of the bul
lion 15 i er cent, profit in order to
induce them to bring their bullion
here for coinage?
Mr. Stepbins. We give them
nothing; we do not give them that
profit. They mike it. Let me il
lustrate: S me vears ago there was
a great drought in my section of the
state of Georgia. Corn was scar.e,
and it went up >o §1.75 a bushel. A
few- holders of the corn were making
a great profit on it. An enterprising
young man in my town got together
a sum of money, say, for illustration,
$3,000, went up to Indiana or Illi
nois, or some place out west, and
bought corn at, I think, about sixty
cen s a bushel. The freight and ex
pense upon that corn was such that,
laid down in the village where he
lived, it cost him one round dollar a
bushel. He offered it lor sale at a
dollar and twenty-five cents a bushel
and in thirty days made 25 per cent,
upon his investment. Bat every man
in the country that was buying corn
made fifty cents on the bushel by
that operation. "Who avas injured by
it? Nobody but the corn holders.
So in this case. The bullionis’s
might by enterprise make at least 15
per cent, anff all be benefitted but
Editor’s Note :—The bill under
consideration provided that the Trade
Dollar should be retired and that
I.egal Tender silver dollars should be
issued in its place. This law went
The law to which Mr. Stephens
alluded as “Our Silver Bill” which
*‘we passed the other day etc.,” was
the Biand act of 1878. By the
“Crime of 1873,” the Legal Tender
silver dollar of Jefferson h>d been
dropped from the coinage. It was
outlawed. This was the act which
John Sherman "sneaked” through
Congress at the bidding of England.
By the Bland act of 1.878, to which
Mr. Stephens alludes, the silver dol-
lar was azain recognized as one of
our lawful coins and the government
was directed to coin not less than
§2,000,000 of them each month. Mr.
Stephens said this law did not go far
enough to suit him. He wanted free
and unlimited coinage at the old
ratio. He said that to change the
ratio would injure the debtor —would
add to his debt. The more silver you
compelled him to put in a dollar the
harder you made it for him to meet
The Biand act of 1878 stood as
the law until 1890, when the Senate
passed a “free coinage” bill. The
House failed to agree; and the “con
ference committee” agreed on a bill
striking out free coinage and provid
ing that the government should buy
4,500,000 ounces of silver per month
and coin it into dollars. This was
the “Sherman Law” of 1890. This
law was denounced as a “makeshift,”
because it stopped short of Free
The Democrats were elected in
1892 to repeal this “makeshift” and
give us Free Coinage.
They repealed the makeshift but
gave us no coinage at all.
They have stopped making silver
dollars at all.
Thus the Democrats have landed
us back to where John Sherman had
us in 1873.
THEY WERE AFRAID.
We clip the following from the
“Watson,” said a Democratic mem
ber. “is as cunning as a fox If he got
half a chance he would make such a
speech as would bring disaster upon us
in every doubtful precinct in Georgia.
Pence and Simpson and the rest of the
Populists would set their whole cleri
cal force to work franking copies of it
to every voter in the State. I know
Watson. He is one of the shrewdest
politicians in the South, young as he is.
We all know what kind of a speech he
is capable of making. Give him the
floor, eh? Not much.”
Here is an honest confession that
the reason Mr. Watson was not al
lowed to defend himself before the
jury rendered their verdict was that
the Democrat bosses were afraid.
. They knew he would put the facts
of that sworn testimony, taken in
Augusta, where the people could get
hold of them.
As the matter now stands there is
no record of the case which goes be
fore the general public.
Not a New Thing.
W. T. Stand says of Coxeyism in
England: “Journalists laugh at Cox
eyi m The laboring people sympa
thizes, and in the end it-is th i la'tsr
who wilt prevail. We are not un
famihar with similar petitions in
boots in London Lazarus showed
his sores in Trafalgar square, and
the unemployed tranued their shoes
off their ieet in 1886-87 demonstrat
ing their desire for work. London
newspapers, with one or two excep
tioi s, scoffed and flouted the agita
tors The metropolitan police broke
up the processions and cleared the
s pare am d the cheers of Dives and
Ids myrmidons. John Burns and
Cuiiiiingl am Graham were flung into
prison, and for a time there was
peace, the peace and silence of the
grave. But in two short years Lon
don elected its first couu'y council
and John Burns fresh from prison
became the most influential member
of the new governing body. The
men at Trafalgar square became the
rulers of Spring gardens, and the
greatest movement of our time in
the direction of municipal socialism
is being conducted at this moment in
■ the name of the London council by
the representatives of the army of
] discontent which bivouacked at the
base of Nelson's column only seven
I years ago.”
Judge Hines’ Appointments.
Georgetown, July 6.
Cuthbert, July 7.
Dawson, July 9.
Cochran, Julv 12.
Barnesville, July 14.
Conyers, July 17.
Covington, July 18.
Grovetown, July 21.
Austell (Friday night),
Rome, July 23, at night.
Brunswick, July 28.
Tifton, July 31.
Americus, August 1.
Fort Valley, August 2.
Milledgeville, August 4.
Athens, August 6.
Lexington, August 7.
Watson and Hines’ Appoint
Birnesville, July 14.
Grovetown, July 21.
Brunswick, July 28.
Tifton, July 31.
Americus, August 1.
Fort Valley, August 2.
Milledgeville, August 4.
The Dahlonega Signal says: “We
are reliably informed that Mr. James
Head, one of the members of the
Democratic executive committee of
Lumpkiu county savs he expects to
vote for Judge Hines. Mr. W. J.
Burt, another member of the com
mittee, is quoted as saying that he
did not expect to cast his vote for
another lawyer. Os course this de
cision wi 1 not help Judge Hines, but
it will be sad news to some of our
Democratic lawyers of this county,
who are offering their services to the
Grants of Public Money for Pa
A campaign is being waged 3t the
doors of congress against those it. m»
in the Indian appropriation bill pro
viding for the support of parochial
schools. The opponents of tne ap
propria’i* ns tor school, tinder church
managem nt claim that they- I .i'-e a
la ge number of menibe -of the
horse pledged to fight the g nts
when the bill is b r orght up. Jh -y
represent that durlnj he > ast eigb.t
years a tctal of *',3 16,416 has been
oiven to tae Roman Catholic schools
out of §3,66*,951 appro >riated, ;>nd
that the proportion given to the
C.itlioii: scho Is is steadily in •red
ing eince the Congr 'gatiem 1, Me h
odisi, Presbyterian an 1 E~s opal
churches have withdrawn their ap
plications for funds.
The whole amount asked for this
year is paid to be nearly §4(K>,OOO,
io be distributed among forty-five
Roman Catholic echo- Is. The par
ticular items in the bill which con
gressmen are asked to oppose are for
the fol’owiog schools: St. Bonuaee,
Banning, C t l ., §12,500; Holy Family,
Blackfeet. Mon’., §12,500; St. John’s,
Collegeville, Mmn., §10,000; St.
B-nedict’s, Stearns County, §IO,OOO ;
St. Paul’s, Clontarf, .Minn., §IO,OOO ;
St. Ignatius, Jocko, Cal., §45,000;
St. Jo eph’s, R nssalaer, Ind., §B,-
330; Kate Drexel, Umatilla, Ore.,
A Story of Shame Unparalleled
The American people are not yet
prepared tp believe that Congress
will consummate the infamous bar
gain with the Sugar Trust. The na
tion is not yet prepared to believe that
a majority of Congress will consent
to a plot for handling over to the
sugar monopoly from §40,000,000 to
§80,000,000 from the pockets of the
people, while sweeping American
wool out of existance and striking a
crushing blow at American woolen
manufactures. It is utterly useless
for a few Mugwump organs willing
to sanction the Sugar Trust betrayal
because it was dictated from the
White House, to attempt to divert
attention from Senato ial corruption.
What are the facts, as known to the
people? The president of the Sugar
Trust had interviews with Secretary
Carlisle and with certain Democratic
leaders in the Senate. According to
Mr. Havemeyer’s own testimony, the
Sugar Trust had been a liberal con
tributor to campaign funds, and there
is no doubt whatever that the Democ
racy was the beneficiary of those
It is known that the Sugar Trust
made such an effective appeal to the
Cleveland administration and certain
Democratic Senators that Secretary
Carlisle himself dre w a sugar schedule
giving the Trust a gift of from §40,-
000,000 to §89,000,000. The appeal
must have been powerful indeed to
secure such an enormous concession
at the expense of every family in the
land ; but a monopoly with a profit
of $12,000,000 or $15,000,000 an
nually can make powerful appeals.
The Trust apparently knew, for some
reason not yet explained but possibly
concealed in the testimony Mr. Have
meyer has refused to give, that it
had the administration in its grasp,
and it proceeded to obtain control
of Democrats in the Senate by
methods that are sufficiently familiar.
The bargain was struck and the tele
graph thrilled with the orders of
Senatorial speculators in sugar. The
sugar schedule was singled out for a
deferred date, obviously in order to
permit the Sugar Trust to make an
enormous additional profit at the ex
pense of the people and of the
treasury. Under this schedule
this year’s crop of foreign raw
sugar will come in without pay
ing duty to the government,
but the amount of the duly will be
charged to the consumer in increased
cost for the relined sugar. The
Sugar trust could readily import
sugar enough from this year’s crop
to supply the refiners for two years
to come, and thus make a double
profit of about §80,000,000, while
the United States treasury would be
without any revenue whatever dur
ing that period, and the people
would be forced to pay an increase
of 40 percent for their refined sugar.
Such is a brief review of tfie
shameful episode m the legislative
history of the United States. Such
is the detestable scheme which will
be carried forward to consummation
if the Sugar trust and its senatorial
agents can accomplish their aims
and place the yoke of their abom
inable bill upon the necks of the
After a most favorable comment
on the speech of Judge Hines at
Howard’s Academy, the Jonesboro
News adds : “We had the honor of
meeting Mr. Hines and talking with
him at some length. He is indeed
very pleasant, and in all his discourse
there was not a word of slang or
abuse for Mr. Atkinson or any one
else, he didn’t seem to be made that
way. He will speak in Jonesboro
some time in the near future, but
could not fix the date at this time,
but he will be here aud the News will
announce the same.
Two gentlemen were discussing
the subject the other day, and one
said that Governor Tillman’s posi
tion put him in mind of an expres
sion made by ore of the Augusta
ward heelers while the taking of tes
timony m the Watson-Black contest
was going on. Ha said it would
amount to nothing; that it was like
bringing suit against the devil and
h■ Iding court in hell.
The great labor strike will furnish
a good subject for a spread-eagle