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V0L.13-NO. 49.
MESSAGE
L. L. POLK,
'a-.. Z’residexxt
and \
it mak Os The
on the ’
ing, vs
;,? NATIONAL
FARMERS ALLIAW
I
-AJSTID
INDUSTRIAL UNION.
• OG.S.[.A, FLA,.BBCEMBER 2, 1593.
To the Officers and Members of the
I Supreme Council of the N. F. A.
and I. U:
' Congratulating you, and through you,
the great organization you represent, on
the hopeful and encouraging auspices un
der which you have this day assembled,
I beg to submit, for your earnest consid
eration such thoughts and suggestions
affecting the present and future of our
great order, as may conduce to the suc
cessful prosecution of its noble and patri
otic purposes.
Profoundly impressed with the magni
tude of this great revolution for reform,
involving issues momentous and stupen
dous in their character affecting the pres
ent and future welfare of the people; the
public mind is naturally directed to this
meeting with anxious interest, if not so
licitude, and you cannot be unmindful of
the importance and responsibility that
attaches to your action as representatives.
Coming, as you do, from states and lo
calities remote from each other, and
differing widely from each other in their
material and physological characteristics
and marked by those social and political
differences, which must necessarily arise
under our form of government, it is your
gracious privilege, as it shall be your
crcwning honor, to prove to the world by
your harmonious action and thoroughly
ifraternal co-operation, that your su
preme purpose is to meet the demands
of patriotic duty in the spirit of equity
ana justice.
The great and universal depression
under which the agricultural interests
. of these United States are suffering, is,
in view of our surroundings and condi
tions, an anomaly to the student cf in
dustrial progress. No country or people
in all history have been so favored or
hlested with opportunity and favorable
conditions for the successful and profit
able prosecution cf agricultural indus
tries.' With soils, climate and seasons
admirably adapted to the successful
growth of all the great staple crops de
manded by commerce; with a people
justly noted for their industry, frugali
ty, and progressive enterprise, and char
acterized by an aggressiveness in mate
rial development which has no parallel
in history; with transportation facili
ties, inland and upon the seas, equal
to the productive power of the
country; with a development in rail
road and manufacturing enterprise, and
in the growth of villages, towns and cit
ies—marvelous in its expansion—with
the rapid accumulation of colossal for
tunes in the hands of the few—why, in
stead of the happy song of peace, con
tmtment and plenty, which should bless
the homes of the farmer and laborer of
the country, should we hear the constant
and universal wail of ‘‘hard times?” To
solve this significant and vital question
in the light of equity, justice and truth,
is the underlying principle, the holy
mission and inspiraiion of this, the
greatest industrial revolution of the
ages. . .
Te restore and mair tain that equipoise
between the great industrial interests of
the country which is absolutely essential
to a healthful progress and to the devel
opment of our civilization, is a task
which should enlist the minds and ener
gies of all patriotic people—a task as
stupendous as its accomplishment shall
be grand and glorious.
The pathway of human governments
is strewn with mournful wrecks of re
publics, whose ruin was wrought by and
through the subordination and degrada
tion of some one or more of their essen
tial elements of civilization.
It has been truly said, that agricul
ture is the best of all wealth, and im
portant and indespensible as it is in this
relation, yet its higher character and
function as the basis of all life, of all
progress, and of ail higher civilization,
can be measured only by human capabili
ty and aspiration to reach the highest
perfection o.f society and government.
Standing as it does, by far the most im
portant of our great indue trial intjrests,
and related as it is, in such important
connection, with every individual and
every conceivable interest in our coun
try, its prosperity means the betterment
of all—its decline means the decline of
all.
Retrogression in American agriculture
means national decay and utter and in
evitable ruin. Powerful and promising
as is this young giant republic, yet, its
power and glory cannot survive the deg
racation of the American farmer.
Never, perhaps, in the history of the
world has industrial and economic
thought been more intensely engaged,
than for the past two years in this coun
tiy, in which the investigation of the
causes which have conspired to’ place
agriculture so far in the rear in the ra ;e
of material progre s.
This investigation earnest, sincere
and searching—has led to the general, if
not universal, conviction that it is due in
large measure and in most part to par
tial, discriminating and grossly unjust
national legislation. Were it due to
false or imperfect systems of farm econ
omy we would be graciously allowed
and liberally advised to apply the reme
dy by ituproved oi ejjr o.wn
devising, but, thanks to the foundeis of
our government for the power and priv
ilege of going beyond the domain of
the farm to correct the evils that afflict
us.
This great organization, whose juris
diction now extends to thirty-five states
ot this union, and whsse membership
and co-workers number millions of Amer
ican free men, united by a common in
terest, confronted by common dangers,
impelled by a common purpose, devoted
to a common countiy—standing for a
common destiny, and goaded by the dic
tates of an exalted patriotism will in the
exercise of eonservative political action,
strive to secure “jqual rights for all,
and special privileges to none,” and se
cure indeed “a government of the peo
ple, for tae pscple and bv the people.”
No patriot can view, but with feelings
of gravest apprehension and alarm, the
growing tendency, under the fostering
care of our politico economic systems,
to the centralization of the money pow
er and the upbuilding of monopolies.
Centralized capital, allied to irresponsi
ble corporate power, stands to-day as a
formidable menace to individual rights
and popular government. This power
is fait in our halls of legislation, state
and national—in our popular conven
tions, at the ballot box and in our tem
ples of justice, and it arrogantly lays its
unholy band on that greatest and most
powerful lever of modern thought and
action—the public press of the country.
Emboldened by the rapid growth of
its power, it has levied tribute on the
great political parties of the country
vrhich must be paid in servile party sub
serviency to its greedy demands. High
places in politics and in government
have been entrusted to its chosen ser
vants and suborned leaders, who scorn
the will and interests of the people, so
that reflecting, patriotic seen are con
fronted with the question, whether this
is really a populor government founded
“on the consent of the governed” and
whose “powers are vested in and deriv
ed from the people,” or whether it is a
party government, whose powers are
vested in and derived from arrogant and
unfaithful party leaders,
We are rapidly drifting from the moor
ings of our fathers, and stand today in
the crucial era of our free institutions,
of our free term of government, and of
our Christian civilization. To rescue
these inestimable blessings and interests
from the impending peril should be the
self imposed duty of all patriots through
out the laud.
PBOGBK6S OF OBGANIZ A.TION.
Since our last annual meeting in the
city of St. Louis, the states of Illinois,
Indiana, Michigan, North Dakota, Cali
fornia, Colorado, West Virginia, Penn
sylvania and Oklahoma have been addbd
to the roll-call of our Supreme Council.
Organizers are at-work in the states of
Washington, Oregon, Ohio, New York.
New Jersey and Arizona. And in all
these states the fields are ripe unto the
harvest, but the laborers are few.
1 cannot too earnestly urge upon you
the importance of devising means and
methods for the prompt occupation of
these, and other states, with competent
and active organizers. During the year
I have visited officially twenty-four (24)
states, and everywhere, I sou ad a zeal
ous interest and harmonious spirit
among the brotherhood. Ipdeed the or
der was never in finer spirit or more
united in purpose thin it is to-day.
LKCTUBKES.
If asked, what is the greatest and most
essential need of our order, as contribut
ing most to its ultimate and triumphant
success, I should unhesitatingly answer
in one word:-—Education.
THE OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE GEORGIA STATE ALLIANCE.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING. DECEMBER 9, ±B9O.
Education, in the mutual relations and
reciprocal duties toward each other, as
brethren, as neighbors, as memoers of
society—education, in the responsible
duties of citizenship—education, in the
science of economical government—?lu
cation, for higher aspiration, higbet
thought, and higher manhood ameug
the masses —education in a broad patri
otism which should bind the great con
servative masses of the country in the
strongest ties of fraternity and union.
Hence, I urgently commend to your
most favorable consideration the import
ance of providing at once a plan by
which competent lecturers can ba active
ly employed and maintained in the field.
Zealous, faithful and untiring as has
been your national lecturer, Brother
Terrell, yet the service rendered by him
was not a tithe of what is urgently de
manded from all sections of our territo
ry. I commend to your consideration
the policy of employing lecturers at
fixed salaries, to be pail from- the
national treasury, or treasuries of the
states iu which they shall be emplpyed,
op from both jointly, whose entire time
shall be devoted to the work, and in
sufficient number that the waole field
may be canvassed during the year.
Selected for their peculiar fitness anil em
ploying their whole time would give-us
a service which for efficiency, could be
secured in no other way. In most of the
states comprising this council, the entire
service of two good lecturers could ami
should be constantly employed, even
should it require the temporary abandon
ment of local or state enterprises.
Never perhaps in the history of tliis
order has there been, or will be, a period
when the demand f®r this indispensable
service will be so great as now and never
can the expenditure of money, if wisely
directed, be so effectual and profitable ‘J
our order! In view -of- its
tance ‘and the urgent demand for it, l’
trust you will pardon me if I most earn
estly insist that this department of our
work, shall have your most deliberate
and earnest consideration.
ALLIANCE LITSBATUBE.
By far the most potent and influential
power underlying this great revolution of
industrial and/ economid thought, has
been the refonn press. At the earliest
moment practicable, the supreme coun
cil should digest and inaugurate a plan
which will ultimately give to every fam
ily in our order a thoroughly relia
ble paper, devoted to the principles of
the order. We have a national organ of
high order and several of the statee have
organs which are doing noble service in
the cause, but as an order we cannot
claim to be properly equipped, nor need
we hope for that zeal, fraternity and
unity so essential to success until each
state iu our jurisdiction shall have at
least one paper to represent us, whose
dignity and character and power shall
command the support of our members
and the respect of our enemies. Let us
place our aims, purposes and principles
at the hearth-stones of our laboring mil
lioss and thus arouse to activity the dor
mant brain power of the masses, that
they may grasp the grand possibilities
and duties of their existence.
Educate the people in the science of
true economical government and in the
great principles of civil and religious
freedom and keep them informed as to
the dangers which threaten these inesti
mable blessings and we establish a safe
guard for the liberties of the people. I
respectfully suggest for your considera
tion the advisability and expediency of
placing the ownership of the national
organ with the national order and the
ownership of state organs with their
state organizatio is respectively. This
plan would secure harmonious co-opera
tion ana a uniform policy through all
the leading organs of the order and
would avoid any possible conflict arising
from personal i terest. Tnen the wifi
of the order would be the la wof the
order and its rule of action.
If the Supreme Council shall inaugu
rate plans or measures for the dissemi
nation and inculcation of true Alliance
principies among the people, its exist
ence and power will be firmly establish
ed. Let the people read and hear the
truth, as we understand it.
BUSINESS DKPABTMENT.
Many of the state organizations have
adopted business systems which are
being operated with varying success.
Some of them are eminently satisfactory
and have made large savings to the mem
bership.
Existing conditions in the different
states vary so widely as to preclude the
adoption of any uniform system for the
transaction of business, but I would res
pectfully suggest that this departmentof
Al iance work could be materially aided,
through the investigation of a commit
tee, appointed for the purpose, who
shall examine the most successful meth
ods now in operation and present their
conclusions in'printed form, outlining
their state organizations and as sugges
tive of improvements on the systems
which have been found less successful.
A matter of such importance to our
financial well-being rhould receive your
careful and generous attention.
LEGISLATIVE BEFOBM.
It is the fixed purpose of this organi
zation to secure, if possible, certain
needed legislative reforms. However
urgent and emphatic may be our de
mands, experience teaches us that they
are of no avail unless supported and en
forced by practical methods as will con-
vince the law making power of our de
termination and ability to prosecute
them to a successful issue.
Let this supreme council, representing
all parts of the country, aod that great
interest that pays over 80 per cent, of all
taxes of the country, assert aud main
tain its dignity and its solemn purpose
to protect and advance the interests
of its constituency, by declaring their
legislative needs and by showing to the
American congress that when its de
mands on paper are ignored, it can and
will vindicate and maintain its claims at
the ballot box. Our recent experience
with that body, as well as with the lead
ers of the two great political parties of the
country, should admonish us that the
time had arrived when this great organi
zation should take bold and determined
action.
To this end I respectfully recommend
that this council authorize the organiza
tion of a body to be known as the
NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL,
of the National Farmers Alliance and
Industrial Union, to whom shall be com,-
mitted the charge of such legislative re
forms as may be indicated by your body.
1 would respec: fully suggest that the
legislative c unc.il b' composed of your
■ national president, who shall bo ex-o'fficio
; chairman, and the presidents of all the
i states i epre.sented iu the Supreme Couu
-1 oil, and that this b >dy shall hold its an
nual meeting witbin sixty days after the
adjournment of the supreme council, at
such time and place as may bo indicated
by the national president, and tb.it it be
empowered and authorized to appoint
juch legislative committees as in i’s
judgment may be wise, and that it be
required to transmit to eaeh of the states
-t Minted form through the national
itary f: r distribution to r.‘ie,reform
!iti'cefttW® BCd-tfi.-A.-Ih-ri-JritT ■ itl '
1 orfler, all measures or bills ( ogethor
the arguments in their lavoi), as
they may decide should be enaoUd into
laws. Let it be required furth-r, that
Ihe legislative council shall keep a cor
rect record of all i ts proceedings, which
shall be submitted through its chairman
to the next annual meeting of the su
preme council.
This body, composed as it would be,
presumably of the best and wisest men
of our order, and coming fresh from the
people of tach state and being thor
oughly conversant with the measures of
legislation proposed, and acting in har
monious concert on all questions for the
common good, without regard to sec
tional or geographical divisions', would
wield a moral power which would en
force the respect of any legislative body
to whom it would appeal, and enlist the
earnest sympathy aud co operation of
the great mass of the people whom it
would represent. Not only would its
service in this direction be potential for
good in securing harmony aud unity of
action among the people, and by crystal
izing and concentrating that action upon
any desired measure of reform, out the
natural and harmonious blending of the
moral force of such a body, with the in
fluence of tho reform press throughout
the states, would establish and solidify
a power which could not fail to exsreise
a most benefi sent effect on public affairs.
We have reached that point in the de
velopment of our organization when we
must address ourselves to the important
and indispensable work of organizing
and systematising these various depart
ments of our effort to which I have
briefly adverted.
Organize your lecture systsm so that
we may have able and competent men
constantly employed in advocating our
principles and purposes throughout all
the states within your jurisdiction—or
ganize and establish a system through
which we may reach the people through
the columns of an able representative le
form press —aid the membership as far
as we may be able, in devising and estab
lising the best possible system for con
ducting their business through county
and state agencies and place our de
mands for legislation, as an organization,
in the hands of an able body of men rep
resenting each of the states,and no power
nor combination of powers, can prevent
or thwart our ultimate and triumphant
success. I '
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.
1. I respectfully call your attention to
the necessity of a change in Section 2,
Art. 5, of our constitution, defining the
relative powers and duties of the judi
ciary and executive departments, in the
matter of official rulings by the presi
dent.
The requirement that the president
shall submit promptly all official rulings
to the judiciary department, for consid
eration and action, is unnecessary a*d
often impracticable. In caso of import
ance the delay thus enforced, especially
should the judicialy fail to concur in
the ruling of the president, might work,
great injustice ana incalculable damage.
I suggest, respectfully, the expediency
of so amending the section referred to
so as to authorize appeals to the judicia
ry from the rulings of the president—
the decisions of the judiciary on such
appeals to be the final construction of
the law until the next meeting of the
supreme council.
2 Sec. 2. Art. 8, of the constitution
makes it the duty of the supreme coun
cil to enact a uniform eligibility clause
for the various state constitutions, also
to enact laws defining the eligibility of
persons of mixed or unusual occupation
or residence, subject to all the limita
tions of this article. In pursuance of
this requirement, section 20, of tho stat
utory laws enacted at the last session of
the supreme council, says, “That tho
question of the eligibility be left to each
state, subject to the limitations of the
constitution.” This conflict between
the organic and statutory law has caused
confusion aud embarrassment through
out the states. I recommend that sec. 20,
of the statutory laws be repealed and that
the supreme council enact a law in con
, formity to Section 2, Article 8, of the
constitution.
I further recommend that the supreme
, council determine and fix definitely the
, question of the eligibility of mechanics
. living in cities and incorporated towns.
1 Much confusion and irregularity has
grown out of the ambiguity cf the law
on the eligibility of this pai ticular class
_ of our citizens, and it is important to the
good of the ordar that the master be
definitely settled.
3. Under Sections 17 and 18 of the
I statutory >aws, tbe office of crop statis
' tiiian is created and his duties defined.
Tbe functions and powers of this officer
and his subordinates are so indefinite and
the machinery through which this service
i i to be performed is so imperfect that I
beg to direct your attention to it. The
' importance and magnitude of this work,
if undertaken at al), requires an expend
iture of money and labor much beyond
’ the scope contemplated by tbe law as it
’ now stands. The value of the informa
; tii n sought depends upon its accuracy
and the promptness, often, with which
’ it is disseminated to the membership.
To secure this would require the con
-1 slant service and entire time of the head
’ ot the department ana much of the time
’ and service of his subordinates through
‘ cut tlfe states. It.will be observed that
I’i; r. i•, rry of bis
' -jnjidinates iilre VAqai red to give any'
specified time to the work, nor are they
’ allowed any compensation for their ser
’ vices nor any appropriation to defray
expenses of printing, etc. Under exist
ing laws this service must necessarily bo
1 voluntary and imperfect, and hence, of
1 little value, and I would therefore rec
ommend that means aud measures be
adopted to render it effective and of
practical value to the order, or that it be
abolished.
4 I recommend, if it be practicable
and expedient, that the office and duties
of treasurer be transferred and merged
into that of the seci etary.
5. I respectfully suggest to your body
the expediency and advisability of re
quiring »ny officer of your body who may
oe nominated or appointed to any civil
office, to tender the resignation of his
office promptly upon his acceptance of
such nomination or appointment.
DIFFEBENT DEPABTMENTS.
For a statement of the work and duties
performed in tbe various departments,
you are respectfully referred to the re
ports, respectively, of the officers in
charge. And in this connection I recom
mend, with the concurrence of all the
officers concerned, the appointment of a
competent committee, early in your ses
sion, who shall with your national sec
retary examine carefully and thoroughly
the records of all receipts and disburse
ments and report thereon before your
adjournment
It affords me pleasure to testify to the
fidelity and efficient labor of all the
officers connected with your national
office.
POLITICAL ACTION.
An intelligent conception and coin pre
hension of the relations and recipiocal
obligations between the citizen and the
government is one of the highest attrib
utes of American citizenship. Aud un
der our form of govt rament, one of the
most important and responsible duties
devolving upon the citizen, is the attain
ment of this knowledge. Hence, first
and foremost in our “declaration of
principles,” we annoume that we are:
“To labor for the education of the agri
cultural classes in the science of eco
nomical government, in a strictly non
paitisan spirit and to bring about a
more perfect union of said classes.”
Were it the design of the framers of
our organic law to impress our member
ship with the respousibile and patriotic
duty of reaching that exalted standard
in citizenship, to which all American
freedmen should aspire, and to assert
that our organization was political in
the highest sense of that term, they were
unfortunate in adopting the language
used in this declaration. But while our
organization is political, It cannot be
partisan or sectional in its action. In
support of this declaration we proudly
point to our whole past record and to
the recent popular election, and partic
ularly to the noble and patriotic bear
ing of the brotherhood in the states of
Kansas and South Carolina.
It is needless, as it would be criminal,
' to attempt te aisguise the fact that as an
organization we have reached a critical
period in our experience.
Insidious and powerful influences are
seeking to divert us from the high pur
poses and grand objects for which we
were organized. Flushed and elated
with success—marvelous In many of its
aspects and the most remarkable in the
politic.il history of this countiy, let us
not impair its prestige and power by in
difference and inactivity,on the one hand,
or by grasping for the impracticable or
unattainable, on the other.
Strong as we are and strong as we
SINGLE COPY 5
must become —strong enough, if united,
to render our lines impiegnable to any
open or opposing force —yet wo are not
strong enough, nor can we be, to with
stand the intrigue and treachery of foes
within. Our principles must find their
“city of refuge” and our cause its citadel
of safety in tbe loyal hearts of a devoted
membership.
Let our primary bodies barricade their
doors against the unworthy and designing
'. men, and, if such be found already with
in the gates, let them at once be fur
nished a safe and speedy exit to the
camp of the enemy. Let these primary
' bodies—standing as a sentinel at the
outer gates—be constantly on the alert
and watch with ceaseless vigilance, lest
they admit dangerous emmissaries from
corporations or political or monopolistic
combinations. Let us, as an order,
adopt, as our rule of action, the inffexi
' bls test of loyalty to Alliance principles
as the first and mo«t essential prerequis
ite to membership and to our confidence.
Apply this test in tho selection of
efficers, from the steward of a primary
, body to the president of your national
body. Apply this test rigidly to all men
who aspire to represent us in any capa
city, and especially to those, whether of
high or low degree, who are to be in
trusted with ihe duties and powers of
legislation. And, if iu the faithful and
impartial application of this test, any
reasonable doubt should arise, do not
hesitate to give our cause the lull bene
fit of such ooubt. Place no man on
guard who is not a loyal and faithful
friend to our cause. Herein lies our
strength aild our safety.
Let us stand unitedly and unflinching
( ly by the' g-eat principles enunciated at
our St. Louis meeting. Iu the Itebt of
. our recent experience the import ant
j work of discussing a®td elucidating tfidso
.■fpiiuripliiS iirnst devoir /
' In congress, on the Hn.si.u s, iu con
veutious and in the partisan press of tue
. country, there was a significant silence
on these principles, except and only in
, erses where we forced their discussion.
All propositions presented by us looking
to financial reform, and notably the
, measure known as the sub-troasurv plan,
were ignored by loagress, and even the
discussion of this plan was suppressed,
notwithstanding the petitions of hun
dreds of thousands of our memoers for
financial relief in this direction.
Neither of the great political parties
of tho country, nor indeed did the lead
ers of these parties, indicate a favorable
inclination to heed the demands of these
millions of oppressed and long suffering
farmers.
A care ful review of fin anci al legislation
by congress for the past quarter of a
century, together with tho disregard
manifested by that body to the just and
urgent demands of tho people tor finan
cial relief has fixed upon the public
mind the alarming apprehension that
the seductive hand of monopolistic and
corporate power has lifted the American
congress to that dangerous eminence
from which they can no longer heir the
cry of the people. But the decree has
gone forth that this dangerous aud
threatening state of things cannot much
longer exist. Congress must come
nearer to the people or the people will
get nearer to congress.
Let us not be diverted through the
machinations of political intrigue, from
the great and paramount issue now be
fore the American people—financial
reform.
Let this be the slogan and the rallying
cry of the people until relief shall come.
We cannot hope for relief if we accept
the financial policy adopted aud prac
ticed for a quarter of a century by the
two great political parties of the coun
try.
Never in the political history of the
country was there such universal inter
est among the people and such urgent
demand on the political parties for finan
cial reform as characterized the recant
campaign, aud yet tho great effort of
the leaders of each of these parties
and of the partisan press was to sive
overshadowing prominence to questions
and is-mes, partaking largely of a parti
san character, to the exclusion of the one
great vital, living issue—financial re
form.
Indeed, the evasion of this great issue
has been prominently characteristic of
the two great parties for the last twenty
five years.
The great absorbing question, let me
repeat before the American people,is not
whether the democratic or the republi
can party, with their evident subservi
ency to the will of corporate and money
power, sh all be in the ascendency,but the
question is, whether under our republi
can form of government, the citizen or
the dollar shall be the soverign.
Thoroughly imbued with the magni
tude and importance of this issue, the
people who constitute the parties revolt
ed against the designs and dictation of
suborned leadership.
A system of finance which recognizes
and secures to every citizen of this
1 country an equitable, fair and just right
to share its benefits and which will fur-
I nish a volume of circulating medium
, adequate to legitimate demands of the
1 country, at a low rate of interest, is the
’ greatest and most urgent need of the
s times. Let the people here represented.
* continue to reiterate and with increased
> emphasis demand:
r First: That silver shall be restored to
its dignity and place as a money metal,
2 Continued on page 5.