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EDITORIAL PAGE THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN Published Every Afternoon Except Sunday By THE GEORGIAN COM PANT At 20 East Alabama St., Atlanta, Ga. Entered as second-class matter at postoffice at Atlanta, under act of March 3,187 S Subscription Price—Delivered by carrier, 10 cents a week. By mall, $5 00 a year. Payable in advance. How to Go To Sleep RUM Here Is a Suggestion Offered Most Humbly. Fortunately for the world, many millions of men never worry about going to sleep. All they need is to find time and a bed for sleeping, and the sleep comes to them. But to many the sleep problem is as important and as terrifying as that other problem, “how to digest.” It is worth while to help solve these problems. For the. most useful work that is done in the world is the work that uses up the. nerves and fatigues the brain, causing sleeplessness and the suffer- ! ing that accompanies it. Much advice has been given to the man who can not sleep. One man will tell you to lie with your eyes shut, imagine sheep jumping over a hedge, and couni them. Another will tell you to count from one up to a. million—until you go to sleep. Many men become more wide awake than ever when they try to invent imaginary sheep or to keep track of their counting. At various times in this column we have given advice on this subject, some of it. perhaps, not utterly worthless. For instance, if you wake up ami can not go to sleep again, you may. by drinking a little milk or eating a cracker, overcome your wakefulness Sleeplessness is caused usually by pressure of blood on the brain. By putting the stomach to work you draw the blood from the brain to the stomach, and sleep follows. This idea you will see illustrated in the cases of babies and of puppies, which go to sleep as soon as their small stomachs are filled. Another important thing is to study the art of lying in bed com fortably. Many sleep in strained positions, with knees drawn up to their chins, or with legs crossed, so that one set of muscles is neces sarily fatigued, or with fingers clasped, and so on. Try to find a position absolutely restful, in which the mattress supports every ounce of your weight, and your muscles support none of it. % The advice which we want to give yon today, and which we should like to have you try, is theoretical, but in one or two eases it has worked very well. You know that the blood in the brain causes sleeplessness. You , know it is the heart that sends the blood there. Sleeping on the left side all night is harmful, and for this rea son: In lying on the loft side the weight of your body presses on your heart and interferes with its action. The heart is subjected throughout, the night to s unusual pressure, which is harmful. But if you can adopt the following plan, we believe it may do good. Try it and watch the results anyhow: When yon first go to bed, lie on your left side. The unusual weight on the heart will quiet its action and tend to decrease its activity and that of the brain. Retain this position until you find that the world is getting hazy, and strange, foolish, incoherent ideas creep into you mind—in oilier words, until you begin to go to sleep. If you can catch yourself just as a sleepy moment comes on, and then turn on your right side, we think you will have no difficulty in sleeping through the night. This way of inducing sleep will soon become a habit. In some cases it has been known to dispose of sleeplessness altogether. Try this suggestion, in addition to the others offered. Reproach of Our Diplomatic Service Interesting figures are those in the report of Representative Flood, for the committee of foreign affairs, on the Sulzer bill, show ing how inadequately our diplomats are paid and housed as com pared with those of other countries. For instance, we pay our ambassador in Paris $17,500 a year, while Great Britain pays hers $45,000. In Vienna, St. Petersburg. Rome and Berlin the British ambassadors receive from $35,000 to $45,000, the French from $24,000 to $40,000. Austria-Hungary pays her ambassadors from $31,000 to $40,000, Russia from $22,000 to $40,000, and Italy from $22,000 to $23,(100. Thus our representatives to the great capitals, where much is expected in the way of entertainment, are forced to scrape along on salaries insufficient to maintain the dignity of their country. It follows that only men of means can be appointed to these posts, and the list of our ambassadors to the powers is therefore a list of millionaires. In his report. Mr. Flood says that one of our most distinguished ambassadors confessed that he was obliged to spend more than his first year's salary in refitting and furnishing a house which was in ferior in every respect to that of his colleagues. After two years the house was sold and he was obliged to repeat the same expe rience. In the plea for fit quarters for our ambassadors the report de clares that the usefulness of an ambassador or a consul depends upon the respect in which he is held in the country where he re sides. In the great capitals of Europe the public knows the British. French. German, Austrian. Russian and Italian legations, but those of the United States tire unknown. Mr. Sulzer hopes his bill appropriating half ti million for suit able residences in the City of Mexico. Tokio. Berne and Hankow will Certainly it is time that the United States placed its diplo service on a par with other countries. The Atlanta Georgian TUESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1912, IF UNCLE TRUSTY! l) ' Copyright, 1912, by International News Service > | huiigw , . < IW I 'll'' I MR TAFT'S MANAGE INi< ARE- TRYiho-to USEA S Wff/ 1 » ! THE SUPREME. 1 T COURT IN ORPKRTO DENY TO \ THE PEOPLE OF KANSA6 THE RIGHT) ’ I ‘ 1" if ; TO REFERENDUM UHpER THE / / //?'# iS ?o'-« ; K’AMSA6LAIftj&A67b\A/MATv7'< \// f/Juf V' PONE IN THE CHICAGO /JjVTt < ' KANSAS \lf !I fjl/i I : THE UNION WHERE A [ lr// * STS I*l' J/'/ . ' ERENPUM MAYBE A /7 / ■■ ''W U / Wv ; v legally conducted r , 7//ykr' l -—/ ; > ——\Haßy 7-44 4 J ib I “William, I read that you have been presented with a lot of swell neckties by a political admirer. You’d better stop taking it easy and get busy; you can’t get elected by the necktie vote! Theodore, that appears to be a fine speech you’re making, but I wish you would say it over, and say it slow. Your words are having too many rear-end collisions with each other. I’ve just been calling on a friend of mine who has had a terrible accident. Poor fellow, he’s very weak this morning. I’m afraid he won’t be able to make his regular busi ness collections for some time.” ! The Old Problem of Man and Woman What May Be Learned From Pro f. Ferrero’s Contrast of the Roman Matron With the New Woman. By GARRETT P. SERVISS. E. VERY thoughtful reader must be greatly interested by the discussion in Hearst’s Mag azine for July of “The New Woman and the Old." It is a subject which touches the most intimate relations of the two sexes of mankind, and is concerned with the basis of their happiness on earth. Ferrero takes as typical of the woman of old Roman matrons, and his exhaustive historical knowledge enables him to make some state ments which will, undoubtedly, sur prise many readers who have not given much attention to such studies. He brings out in startling contrast the difference between the conditions of married couples In an cient Rome and in modern civilized nations. In Rome it was her father-in-law that the bride had to please rather than her husband. The father of the bridegroom had the power, at any time after the marriage, to dis solve its bonds in case, for any rea- I son, social or political, he were dis satisfied with the bride. Then he could compel his son to take an other wife more to his (the fa thet's) liking. Often it was no personal objec tion that the father-in-law had to his son’s wife, but merely some reason of policy,.which led him to exercise this tyrannical right. He would do it for what he thought was the advantage of the family as a whole, or for his own sole advan tage and safety. j Ancient Family Was Sort Os Political Society. It is very difficult for us, with our present ideas, to conceive the state of marriage in the mightiest empire that had ever been known 2,000 years ago—an empire which has affected the course of the world’s history more than any other that has existed. "The ancient family was a sort of political society.” In political struggles families stood to gether as solid units. “If not im possible. it was a thing certainly most improbable and unusual for a son. or a son-in-law, to join a party other than his father’s or his fa ther-in-law’s!" Imagine such a state of things existing today! Imagine one of our political bosses compelling his son to turn away his wife, and the mother of his children, and to take another wife from among the daughters of his father's henchmen! The American political steam roller may operate as effectually and as brutally, but it is much less simple in its machinery. It needs but a glance at Professor Ferrero's tacts to see the tremen dous political significance of the ancient Roman family, and to un- derstand that woman played as im portant a part in public affairs then as now, although mainly with out volition on her part. All that was demanded of her was to take exceeding pains not to throw any shadow on the pathway of her fa ther-in-law’s ambition. But woe to her if he happened to cast his eyes upon some other woman who, in the character of his son’s wife, would forward his purposes better than she could! But there is another side to the picture. With all her submission to the irresponsible will of the fa ther-in-law the Roman matron was. In many ways, a model of marital virtues. At the mention of her we think instinctively of Cornelia, the mother of the Grac chi, vaunting her sons above all the jewels of her worldly minded ac quaintances. The Roman matron On a Diet ::: By PERCY SHAW. wonder.” said the doctor, I V As lie looked the fat man o'er, “That you feel a trifle heavy And without esprit de corps. You must quickly take to fasting, For by starving you I can In a month or so transform you To a nearly perfect man. “Scorn potatoes, frown on coffee, Spurn red meats and tidbits fried, fast away cigars and liquors With a high and mighty pride. Turn your face from pies and candy, Put your ban on all things sweet, And whatever’s left, with caution. You may taste, but do not eat. "In the morning just at daybreak Run ten miles with gentle sweep, Mow the lawn before the noon hour, Drink a glass of milk and sleep; Cut a cord of wood by sunset, Go to bed by eight or so. So you won’t be waked or bothered By the merriment below.” Thirty days the patient suffered. Then his temper rose within— “lf I've got to die. I’d rather Make the journey fat than thin." “Please excuse me." said the doctor, As the victim voiced his rage In expressive words not suited To tile modest printed page. ■ i was very much mistaken." Said the doctor with a smile. "What you need is food a-plenty, And you need it all the while. Take a cocktail before dinner. Munch on candy all you can. And in thirty days you'll find that You've become a perfect man.” took almost as much interest in the commonwealth as if she had been a free agent in managing it. But she was not personally much occupied with affairs outside her family circle. Spinning, weaving, the supervision of the children and the household —these were the things that occupied her time, if she were not frivolous in mind, and her habitually faithful per formance of such duties has given her Imperishable renown and made her a model in history. The “modern woman” has a dif ferent ambition. She wants to com pete with her brothers, and even with her husband, in things which in ancient Rome were regarded as peculiarly the business of men—as they have continued to be gener ally regarded in all civilized lands since Rom? became only a grand memory. Literary activity is not included in these, nor works of charity and morality. She is a dashing rider, a bicyclist, an auto driver, an aeroplanlst, a public speaker, a laborer in a thousand occupations, and every day she does many things which would have caused a great scandal in Rome. Modern Woman Has j Made Herself Interesting. Thus the modern woman has made herself interesting from a great number of new viewpoints, but there are those who question whether she will appear as admir able on the pages of history as docs the single-minded Roman ma tron. The modern woman has di vided the interest of the opposite sex. whereas the Roman woman kept it concentrated. But the sum total of the interest she excites can not be increased through such di vision. That total was fixed at a maximum by nature when it de creed the existence of the two sexes. And so again there will be doubt ers who will question whether in the subdivision of interest, as af fecting herself, the modern woman gains anything in the end. Some will even go so far as to suggest that the final effect of the division . will be a loss —just as the tnany- I faceted eye of the fly is a less effec tive organ of vision than the sin gle set of lenses that fill- the hu man orbit. In other words, the question is whether the attraction and the power of woman are not stronger when exercised as a unit, that unit being simple womanliness, than when they are spread over a broader field and penetrate what many regard as alien regions. These, at any rate, are questions of the highest importance, with which we are imperatively called upon to deal, and everybody ought to give to them his utmost powers of observation and reason. ,f | THE HOME PAPER I ncjnutj /. " This identity in principles be- «> tween state and national government makes it necessary to define what a state may not do, or what acts the national government may perform ex clusively. A state may not enter in alliance. It may not coin money or issue pa per money. It may pass no law destroying th© obligations included in con tracts, and it may grant no titles of nobility. A state may not engage in war. It may not enter into any agreement with a foreign power. These are some of the powers denied to a state, it being recognized that they are held by the Federal government for impartial execution in behalf of all the states. The state, then, is obligated to conform in its acts and in its 6wn consti tution to the constitution of the United States. But it has its own form of government. It has the power to amend its constitution. Like the Federal government, it has its own departments of government: (1) legislative, (2) judicial, (3) executive. A state has a governor and two legislative houses elected by the people. It may remove officers by impeachment. All states, except Louisiana, recog nize the common law of England, and all support a system of public schools. Criminal acts that are committed against the authority of the Federal government result in the perpetrator being taken to a Federal prison, while state prisons serve the same purpose when the law of the state itself has been violated. As the thirteen original colonies were subject to England, and yet pos sessed some degree of indejiendence, so the present states united in the Union are subject to the Federal constitution, and yet are left otherwise free to act under their own constitutions. By the constitution, the Federal government regulates commerce between the United States and foreign nations. It also requires that no state shall refuse to admit the products of another state. The question of traffic and business between the states has made it necessary to establish the interstate commerce commission. This commission is a body of seven members. The term of office is seven years, and the annual salary of each member is SIO,OOO. This commission undertakes to regulate commerce of all kinds between the states. It investigates freight and passenger rates, the equipment of cars and locomotives. It may fix rates for common carriers. It regulates the matter of free transportation. In brief, it brings all matters arising out of the extensive transportation system of the.country under central control. Bit by bit. the amazing complexity of our country’s activity is being reg. ulated and brought under control. All recent investigation of trusts will in timately result in direct control of certain orders of business, but it will probably be some time before a practical basis of procedure and direction is secured. Like a Department Store. The government, like a great department store, has its many branches and its division of business. Each of these branches, like a stream that flows into a river, must ultimately reach the central point. The frequent condemnation of the government for failing to exercise proper direction over large enterprises is unfair. That is what it is trying to do. and gradually it is accomplishing something toward it. With affairs of government, as with affairs of your own life, there is al ways something yet to be done, and when it is done new conditions will hav» brought up something else. A Little Song By Ella Wheeler Wilcox. Copyright 1912, by American-Journal-Examiner. OH, a great world, a fair world, a true world I find it; A sun that never forgets to rise, On the darkest night a star in the skies. Andti God of love behind it. Oh, a good life, a sweet life, a large life I take it Is what He offers to you and me; A eha nee to do, and a chance to l ie, Whatever we choose to make it. Oh. a far way, a high way. a sure way He leads us- And if the journey at times seems long. We must trudge ahead, with a trustful song, And know at the end He needs us. The Education of the Voter The State and the Nation By THOMAS TAPPER. WHEN the Revolutionary war broke out the colonies were thirteen in number. They were dependents of the Eng lish government, and subject to the English king. Each of the thirteen colonies, however, enjoyed a certain amount of independence of self-govern ment—just enough, in fact, to make it clear that they could very easily manage all their own affairs. By the Declaration of Independence and the struggle that secured it each one of the colonies became virtually a separate nation. Then the colonies, with freedom won, adopted each for itself a con stitution based more or less direct ly upon the original charter which had been granted to it by the crown. In fact, Connecticut and Rhode Island adopted their Eng lish charter VERBATIM as their new constitution. From 1788 to 1790 the thirteen independent states became a Union, and this Union had, in turn, to be provided with a constitution. There were then fourteen constitutions in active operation. From that time to this, new 7 com munities have grown up and have petitioned to be admitted to the Union. This is allowed when a sufficient population is attained and a constitution submitted that is satisfactory to the congress of the United States. Officers of the Nation. The nation as a whole provides itself with a president, vice presi dent, a senate, a house of represen tatives and such other officers as are needed. Likewise, each state has its governor, its lieutenant gov ernor, its senate and house (or as sembly).