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EDITORIAL RAGE The Atlanta Georgian THE HOME RARI
The Americanism of Thomas Jefferson Is the Best
Let the Democratic Party Follow It For Its Own
and For the Benefit of the Nation
Democracy.
Benefit
Washington, D. C.; April 16.—The Post publishes the fol
lowing:
To the Editor of the Washington Post—Sir:
Mr. Wilson lately revived the ancient Federalist custom
of a speech to the assembled Representatives in Congress per
sonally instructing them upon their duties and obligations to
the Administration.
It seems to me that the significance of this Presidential
performance has been largely overlooked.
Is it not worthy of note that the last President to indulge
in this formal procedure was John Adams, the last Federalist
President, and that the first President to dispense with this
ceremonious custom was Thomas Jefferson, the first Demo
cratic President?
In the early days of this Republic there were two distinct
lines of thought in the politics of the country, and two distinct
bodies of citizens supporting these lines of thought.
On the one hand were the Democratic Republicans, who
believed both in the letter and in the spirit of the Declaration
of Independence, who were convinced that a new order of
things was both advisable and advantageous, that the old
established systems of government by a superior class were
failures, and that government by all the people was not only
the most just and righteous, but the most practical and suc
cessful form of government that could be devised.
On the other hand were the Federalists, who regarded
radical innovations in government as more or less dangerous
and believed that for the American Government to be entirely
safe and sound it must be modelled largely upon the estab
lished forms of government in the older European countries.
This division of opinion and policy, even among patriots
at that early date, was entirely natural and temperamental.
Men of conservative thought, like Hamilton, were Federalists,
and believed in the established order of things. Men of orig
inal and adventurous thought, like Jefferson, believed in a new
and better order of things and dreamed of a greater and nobler
nation than had ever been known, built on the firm foundations
of justice and equality, of liberty and opportunity.
These dreams have come true, but in those early days there
was not sufficient experience in popular government to guide
all men to a confidence in the new order of things, and so the
Federalists, with their belief in the established order of things,
continued for a while to form a formidable party.
At this day Federalists still exist, but not in sufficient
numbers to form a separate party, and so they are found
scattered through the other parties and sometimes in command
ing positions in one of the other parties.
The distinguishing mark of the Federalists from the
beginning has been their special admiration for, and confidence
in, the English system of government. Hamilton, the real
creator of the Federalist party, carried an inclination to
incorporate the English procedure into our American form of
government so far that he was accused by Jefferson of a secret
desire to make the United States a monarchy.
We can hardly believe that even the most extreme Feder
alist would have been willing to go to that length, but most
certainly the Federalists as a whole were apparently unable
to understand and appreciate the beauty, the simplicity, the
humanity and the practicability of Jefferson's distinctively
American ideas, and turned invariably to the more autocratic
and aristocratic methods of the mother country.
The Federalist method of a speech by the President to
^Congress was a mere adaptation of the British usage of a
speech to Parliament from the Throne.
The aristocratic Adams approved it and practiced it.
But Thomas Jefferson, who founded the Democratic party
and introduced into American political life the simplicity which
has since characterized it, adopted the modest democratic
method of writing a message to Congress, expressing his views
and offering suggestions for legislation.
It is a singular thing that for one hundred and thirteen
years great Democrats, from Andrew Jackson to Grover Cleve
land, and great Republicans, from Abraham Lincoln to Theo
dore Roosevelt, should have followed the simple, modest and
democratic method of Thomas Jefferson, and that only in the
Democratic administration of our day is return made in this
Presidential speech to the ceremonious and somewhat spec
tacular procedure of the close of the 18th century.
President Wilson in the introduction of his speech to
Congress explained his somewhat sensational performance by
stating that he wished to show that ‘' a President was a human
being.' ’
Since the time of John Adams there has been no one in
public life, except Mr. Wilson, who believed that a President
could possibly be considered anything else than a human being.
If, however, Mr. Wilson's suspicion is correct, and there
has lately arisen among independent and intelligent American
citizens a belief that there is something superhuman and super
natural about a President. Mr. Wilson has effectively dispelled
that superstition by proving that a President can possess all
the purely human weaknesses, including vanity and a craving
for newspaper notoriety.
_ The significance and importance, however, of President
t 4
Wilson s performance lie mainly in the Federalistic flavor of
it and in the possible consequences to the American nation of
a chief executive with a Federalistic viewpoint.
The idea that a ruler must occasionally reveal himself to
the people or to their representatives in order to prove that
he is merely human is a charmingly Federalistic conception.
The disposition to revert tc the formality and ceremony
of the old established English system is another characteristic
indication of a Federalistic frame of mind.
This mental disposition is not so vital unless it is indica
tive of the peculiar inability of the old-time Federalist to
understand and appreciate the immense superiority of our
own American ideas and institutions—unless it expresses an
unfortunate and unwarrantable tendency to overestimate the
notably inferior institutions of foreign nations, particularly
of England.
The fear that Mr. Wilson's Federalistic frame of mind
may threaten exactly this danger is strengthened by other of
Mr. Wilson’s actions and utterances.
Mr. Wilson gained his degree of Doctor of Philosophy by
an essay which contended flagrantly in the face of fact that
the English Parliamentary form of government was superior
to the American Congressional system.
The very obvious and almost universally admitted truth
is that there is no such practical and efficient system in the
world as our American Congressional system, with its com
mittee organization.
As a matter of fact, England at this day, in order to per
form her pressing governmental business, is compelled to mod
ify her Parliamentary system which Mr. Wilson so admired,
and to consider the adaptation and adoption of the American
system which Mr. Wilson so disparaged and despised.
To be sure, this essay of Mr. Wilson's was written some
time ago, and might be considered an early and outgrown
expression of a Federalistic affection for England were it not
that Mr. Wilson has only comparatively recently delivered an
address in which he declares that he gets his information on
world events from the columns of the London Weekly Times.
The London Times proudly advertises this utterance in a
circular which reads as follows: “Some short time ago Presi
dent Woodrow Wilson, when speaking at the annual dinner
of Bankers of New York, said:
“ ‘To get the news of the world I subscribe
for the weekly edition of the London Times.’ ”
The manager of the London Times then proceeds to dilate
upon his departments of “world news and world BUSINESS,’’
and closes with the polite suggestion that the “inclosed form
should be used by intending subscribers.’’
Certainly the London Times is, or at least once was, an
excellent paper, but there is no publication on the face of the
earth so completely and absolutely saturated with the English
prejudices toward all other countries, and toward America in
particular, as the London Times.
In view of which it is astonishing, if not alarming, to
American citizens to think that their Chief Executive gets his
“news of the world," and to a certain extent his views of the
world and his views of business, from the columns of this
biased English journal.
Some American citizens are followers of Jefferson and
have studied the attitude of England in Jefferson’s time during
the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812. Other American
citizens are disciples of Abraham Lincoln and have read of the
acts and animus of England during the War of the Rebellion.
All of these citizens will wonder what effect this
prejudiced English information on “politics" and “business"
from a colored English source will have upon the mind of an
American President. Many American citizens will seriously
consider whether this insidious English influence will tend to
prejudice the Presidential mind against the methods and sys
terns and institutions of his own country, no matter how prov-
enly successful those institutions may be.
Many thoughtful citizens will be led to ponder on how far
Mr. Wilson’s attitude toward the American protective tariff is
influenced by his Federalistic frame of mind and his English
sources of information.
Mr. Wilson's opposition to the protective principle is not
inherently or essentially Democratic.
Jefferson, the founder of the Democratic party, recognized
the principle of protection and advocated discriminating
duties in favor of American shipping and reciprocity treaties
in favor of American trade.
Mr. Wilson is FUNDAMENTALLY opposed to the prin
ciple of protection, and his idea of radical, ruthless tariff
reduction is but an expression of the English free trade theories
of Cobden and Mill.
Mr. Wilson is an English free trader.
He may obscure his utterances, but he cannot conceal his
acts.
Mr. Wilson's political economy is the political economy
of another nation and of another age.
It is the political economy of a nation that is passing and
of an age that is past.
Mr. Wilson’s theories are the theories of books, and of
British books, but of British books that are no longer believed
by the patriotic and practical and progressive Englishmen of
to-day.
The United States of America have given an example to
the world in progress and prosperity, in advancement and
enlightenment, in happiness and contentment.
The nations of the world have turned toward this country
in admiration and amazement.
The methods and systems and institutions of our country
have been studied and imitated in every foreign nation, except,
perhaps, in England.
England is slow to learn and reluctant to learn, but never
theless she is beginning to learn, and the most advanced and
intelligent thought in England to-day is in favor of an imperial
federation, with free trade among its component States and
colonies, but with a policy of protection toward the rest of
the world.
Germany and France have long prospered under protec
tion, and through intelligent appreciation and imitation of
other American ideas and institutions.
The realization that this country is the greatest country
in the world and the appreciation of the causes which have
made it the greatest country in the world are almost universal
throughout the world, except among the few remaining
Federalists of the United States of America.
If there is to be tariff modification, the modern American
policy should be the original Democratic policy of reciprocity
and discriminating dutes in favor of American products, Amer
ican manufactures, American commerce and American trade.
In our tariff we have a weapon with which we can with
stand the tariff weapons of other nations, but we must not
abandon our weapon until other nations are ready to abandon
theirs.
In the reduction of our tariff, through reciprocity, we have
a method by which we can compel the reduction of the tariff
of other nations, but of what value will be a policy of reci
procity which does not go into effect until after our tariff re
ductions have been made?
If we are to make tariff concessions which will be encour
aging to the products and valuable to the producers in other
nations, we should compel reciprocal concessions which will be
equally stimulating to the products, equally beneficial to the
producers, to the farmers, the manufacturers and the laborers
in our own country.
Through reciprocity tariff reduction can be made coinci
dent and coextensive with trade expansion.
Through reciprocity the injury to our manufacturers, to
our farmers, to our laborers, due to the invasion of our mar
kets by foreign products, would be compensated for by the ad
vantages obtained by bur manufacturers, our farmers and our
laborers in the opening of foreign markets to our trade and
our produce.
In the advocacy of intelligent reciprocity, rather than
reckless and ruthless tariff reduction and commercial destruc
tion, I have no selfish motive.
I have cattle ranches in Mexico, and it is proposed under
Mr. Wilson’s policy to bring beef free into the United States.
It would advantage me considerably from a merely sordid
point of view to have Mexican beef allowed free into the
United States market.
But, as a patriotic American citizen and a Jeffersonian
Democrat, I do not believe that Mexican beef or any other
Mexican product should be allowed free into the markets of
the United States until American goods are allowed free into
the markets of Mexico.
Under Mr. Wilson’s programme it is proposed to allow
white paper free into the markets of the United States from
Canada.
I use over six million dollars' worth of white paper every
year, and, from a merely selfish financial point of view, it
would benefit me enormously to have white paper admitted
free into the markets of the United States.
But, again, as a patriotic American citizen and a Jeffer
sonian Democrat, I do not believe that white paper or any oth
er Canadian product should be admitted free into the United
States until the products of the United States, or, at least,
corresponding products of the United States, are admitted
free into the markets of Canada.
The Canadians scornfully rejected our proposals of reci
procity.
Are we in return to give them the full advantage of reci
procity without secumg any reciprocal advantages^ for our
selves?
I am loath to criticise the policy of the Democratic party
or of any man whom I labored to elect, but I am an American
first, and a Democrat afterward, and I cannot consider the
interests of my party above the interests of my country.
I shall hope to see the Democratic party fulfill its duty
and rise to its. opportunity.
I shall support it gratefully when it is right, but criticise
it regretfully when it is wrong, and I shall continue to implore
it not to be led by a Federalist fetich away from the funda
mental Democratic principles of Thomas Jefferson, who was
always not only a great Democrat, but a great American.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST.
Elbert Hubb
Writes on
Just Sponges
Those Which Are Used
in America Come Large
ly From Cuba and the
Coast of Florida
By ELBERT HUBBARD
Copyright, 1913. International News Service.
S PONGES have been used
since Marc Antony, the sil
ver-tongued. lived in Alexan
dria and Juliun Caesar threw up
the sponge when beset by his en
emies in the Roman Forum.
For two thousand years sponges
have been hOoKed from the bot
tom of the sea. But now, in
Florida, the business has been
standardized and tliver? do the
work. One diver will collect as
many sponges as twenty-five
workmen with hooks from a boat.
After the sponge is taken from
the water it is exposed to the sun
for a time. This kills the ani
mal. The outside skih Is then
scraped off and the sponges are
thoroughly rinsed in water so all
the fleshy substance is washed
out. They are then put on strings
about a yard long, all sizes mixed,
and offered for sale at the va
rious sponge markets.
Sponge Market in Florida.
Sponges are sold by the pound,
but there are ways of increasing
the weight of sponges by load
ing them. Sometimes thtey are
colored or discolored in order to
make you think that you are buy
ing a Turkish sponge or a eheep-
vvool spongg, when what you are
getting is something very dif
ferent.
The m&st important sponge
market in America is Tarpon
Springs. TTR7
Sponges are now complimented
by special legislation that pro
tects them. Lobsters the same
i venture that the average cit
izen of America knows lees about
sponges than he does about lob
sters. (
Florida followed the lead of
Maine and protected her infant
industries. There kre Federal
statutes also on the subject of
sponge fishing.
There are one hundred and
thirty-seven different grades of
commercial sponges. These range
in price from a few cents a pound
up to forty or fifty dollars a
pound.
The various grades are sorted
into firsts, seconds and thirds,
and these again subdivided into
various sizes.
1 saw a black sponge thrown
into a tank. In a little while it
came out of another tank a beau
tiful golden color, one of those
soft, fluffy, blond peroxide things
that you '!j£e in the druggist's
window-.
There a book on sponges
written by the world’s greatest
living thinker.
Life Begins in a Sack.
In order that no Smart Alec-
thander will- think that 1 am
talking about myself. I will ex
plain at once that the world’s
greatest living thinker is Ernest
Haeckel, of the little town of Jena,
in Germany.
Darwin alsip had a good deal to
say on the subject of sponges in
his book, “The Origin of Spe
cies.”
All animal life seems to start
from about the same basts.
Things then move off in varik
directions.
Nature has tried about all I
processes that can be imagil
and a good many that can'f
her endeavors to make a ms
The sponge seems to bel
universal embryo. Everythin]
animal life begins in a sack
with a jellylike substance.
In order to produce a man./
ture draws strings across/
sack, closes It here, lets
there, then ties it up, and
this sack protrude, in ths/
of time, arms, head, limb
organs, dimension?, pass'd
litical ambitions, ttf
schemes, plans, that evolj
an executive.
The sea is the great ui!
mother of us all. Everyl
stance found in nature isT
in the sea. And the spongj
to represent a very early
life that fell a victim to
development. •
The sponge of commere|
skeleton of the animal,
ter and the ciam and the
all have hard shells.
The turtle and Hie lob!
evolved types of jellyfisf
out with armor. Instead
man has a brain, and he ’
himself wtth ideas.
All those holes and ep?
in the sponge’ are for the purpoW
of sending currents of water
through. They have a distinct
purpose. The holes In the sponge
carry "eats” to the animal that
is inside. The whole body keeps ,
up a peristaltic motion, absorb
ing water and throwing it out.
From the particles that pass
through, the sponge geta a living,
but he has to work for it, just
as we have to work for a living.
The sponge i? first cousin to
the coral insect. The coral insect
deposits a calcareous matter, this
being a sort of waste.
Sponges Lay Eggs.
The sponge puts out calcareous
matter, but it is believed that an
absolutely healthy sponge does
not allow any lime to get into his
bones.
Sponges with calcareous mat
ter will scratch your automobile
body and are. therefore, without
much commercial value.
Sponges lay eggs. We have the
male and the female, living in
happy relationship, without
scandal, near each other, happily
attached to one big rock, living
out a beautiful life of self-sacri
fice. raising a big family that go
off to sea and attach themselves,
in turn, to rocks and earn an hon
est living.
Sponge? usually attain growth
1n about ten years, but in some
centers we are told that they
grow' for fifty or a hundred years.
Sponges that are used In Amer
ica come largely from Cuba and
the coast of Florida.
There are other peculiar and
valuable sponges that are found
only along the Mediterranean
coast and among the Isles of
Greece.
The Philippines
By REV. THOMAS B. GREGORY.
T HE Philippine Islands were
discovered hv the gfeat
Ferdinand Magellan three
hundred and ninety-two years
ago.
Magellan was a subject of the
King of Portugal, and but for the
narrowness and ingratitude of the
Portuguese Government the Gem
of the Southern Seas would have
fallen to that country rather than
to Spain. Ill treated at home,
Magellan turned to the Spanish
court, by which he was sent out
on the expedition which resulted,*
among other things, in the dis
covery of the Philippines.
Magellan started from Spain in
August. 1519, navigated the strait
that has ever since borne his
name in November of following
year (just one hundred years be
fore the Pilgrims landed at Ply
mouth), and. crossing the mighty
Pacific, sighted the Philippines in
March, 1521. Sailing between
Dinagat and Samar, Bohal and
Leyte, the great navigator and
some of his men landed on the
little island of Mactan. off the
coast of Zebu, and. In a hand-to-
hand encounter with the natives,
was killed. April 27.
Magellan was dead, but his
good ship, the Victoria, iu Sep
tember. 1522, three years from the
time Magellan sailed away in her
reached Spain again and passed
into fame as the first vessel to
circumnavigate the globe.
Spain seemed in no hurry about
taking possession of the islands.
Twenty-three years after the
discovery (in 1343) Villalobos
with five ships and two or three
hundred men, sailed from Mex
ico with the intent of settling the
islands, but little came of It.
Twenty-three years later (15651
Legazpe made a settlement at
San Miguel, on the island of Zebu,
and in 1570 Manila was founded
and made the capital.
Spain would have been much
better off if she had never fallen
heir to the Philippines. They
were never a source of much rev
enue to her, and the trouble that
they gave her was immense, to
say nothing of the deep humilia.
tion that they were responsible
for in the instance of the Span-
ish-American War.
There is no haughtier man o^
earth then the Spaniard. Hi<
proud Hidalgo blood boils at the
thought of national reverses, ana
it was chagrin, deep and bitter,
that he felt when, on that April
day of the year 1*99 he read ths
proclamation announcing ths
pausing of the islands from Spain
to the United States.
It is the devout prayer of all
well-regulated Americans thst
the time may never come when
the Dons shall have the laugh ox
us over those same Islands.
The islands, that were prac
tically thrown into Uncle Sam’s
hands with the boom of Dewey’s
guns in Manila Bay, number
some 3,100, In slse all the way
from a very small back yard to
a fairly big State, Luson being
almost as large as New York and
Mindanao as Indiana, the whole
archipelago having an area
some 127.000 square miles fslj
that of New Mexico), with |
illation, such as it is. of
ten and twelve millions.