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jpv ' 1 ' lrn,rT 'W^-i t ;--«S-,«:^ ' ^-~-ypj AL RAGE The Atlanta Georgian 16 Georgia Atlanta Georgian Entered second- Subscription Price Published Every Afternoon Except Huntley By THE GEORGIAN COMPANY At 20 V«n11 Alabama Ht . Atlanta, Ga. ■class matter at postnffloe at Atlanta, under act of March 3.18,: Delivered bv carrtei, 10 cents a week. By mail, $5.00 a yeai Payable In Advance. The People Must Now Depend Upon the Senate for Genuine Reci procity Provisions in Tariff Bill. Some More Law on Canal Tolls In a leading editorial expres sion in the current Bench and Bar the editors declare, as le gal experts, that the provision of the Panama Canal bill to ex empt from tolls American coastwise shipping does not seem to contravene any article of the Hay Pauncefote treaty. They say: We confess to having been much impressed by Senator 0 Gorman s address before the Senate, in which the position was taken that the provision of the canal bill to exempt from tolls American coastwise shipping is not in contravention of Ar tide III of the Hay Pauncefote treaty. “That is to say, as there is nothing to prevent the other nations, including Great Britain, from remitting or reimbursing by subsidy or otherwise all tolls paid by their citizens or sub jects for vessels making use of the canal, it is unreasonable to suppose that the United States, by whose money and genius the canal was made possible, may not do likewise with reference to Its own citizens. “In other words, we can see no great difference, in prin ciple, between the right of the United States to reimburse and its right to remit or exempt, and to hold that this country might not exempt its own shipping from tolls would, it seems to us, be to deprive it of a power which clearly resides in every other nation which may make use of the canal. ’ r PERTINENT PARAGRAPHS jt a good thing for them that of the fellows who clamor . ■ justice do not get it. • • • X M giving the devil his* due. do not Insist on paying the old man < ompound interest. • • * Will <‘arlton died in debt, dem onstrating that he v.as a true pod. A small incident will sometimes give a surprising view of a man’s character. * * * It is possible for a man to mean we’i! and still act as though he did We can generally discover the eauae of the other fellow’s hard ’nek. but can never understand our ow n. • • • When a man is down he mil generally find out what the world really thinks of him if it thinks at all. A most any style of dress is sure to he< ome popular these days if it on'y looks fooiish plough • • Once in h while h-ar of a The bus time twi u y/. '///////s//j7/T7T?mnv/siw//ss/x/nrssy*msi/nrj'ss77zrs^7srs77S/s/s/r///s/7S///s/yWA OUR ANTEDILUVIAN ANCESTORS! It is upon the Senate that the people must depend for gen nine reciprocity provisions in the tariff bill. The Senate will not be driven into line by a caucus whip It will have a chance to treat a serious matter with the deliber ation it deserves. There are good reasons for believing that the Senate has ceased to be what it once was—the stronghold of party reg ulanty and of those special interests that have for so long prac ticed the arts of party regimentation and applied the strangnla tion of the party gag. There are good reasons for believing that the Senate will respond to the well-nigh unanimous pop ular demand for real and efficient reciprocity. The tariff bill was sent to the Senate tagged with the empty NAME of reciprocity, but with no SUBSTANCE of reciprocity in it. It would give away—ABSOLUTELY AND WITHOUT CONDITION—to Canada and other nations trade privileges and immunities that ought to be reserved and kept for the pres ent in our own hands AS A BASIS FOR TARIFF BAROAIN INO. It would fling a long “free list” at the feet of our trade nvala—WITHOUT ASKING ANY FREEDOM FOR OUR OWN COMMERCE IN RETURN. Thus the tariff as it stands is not merely wrong in a hun dred details. It is wrong in pnnciple. It flouts the very prin ciple that it so loudly proclaims' It makes a mockery of red procity. The fact that the tariff bill in its present shape is not only unreasonable, but in many namable respects OONSOIOUSLY and RECKLESSLY unreasonable, may be illustrated by the particular status of the schedule that has to do with the various grain staples—wheat, oats, rye, buckwheat—and their manu factured products. When the bill first went to caucus a tax of 10 per cent or so was placed on all these staples, while in every case the food stuffs made from them by various manufacturing processes WERE ALL PUT UPON THE FREE LIST. The obvious effect of such an arrangement would be TO DRIVE MOST OF OUR FOOD MANUFACTURING BUSINESS INTO CANADA—with very damaging consequences not only to our manufacturers, but also to our farmers. Now note the reckless and irresponsible character of the House’s tariff tinkering, as shown in this grain schedule. It turns out that the House has been driven by pressure from cer tain quarters to put natural rye and buckwheat, as well as their manufactured products, on the free list. BUT IT HAS AL LOWED THE 10 PER CENT TAX TO STAND AGAINST NATURAL UNMANUFACTURED WHEAT AND OATS. There is no earthly reason why this discrimination should have been made—at least no reason fit to print. The whole gram schedule in its original form was topsy turvy and preposterous—damaging to every legitimate Ameri can interest. As it now stands it outrages every principle of reciprocity and has, besides, lost the consistency and logicality of its original foolishness. IS THERE ANY MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRE SENT ATI VES WHO WILL DARE STAND UP AND JUS TIFY THE GRAIN SCHEDULE ON GROUNDS OF RECI PROCITY -OR OF RATIONALITY? ^ Tt Oopr-ifV, !•)*. inurnatt***! New* Sw fGm aiffvn-vi VAN co - FuRnrro«t wovip WiW C A«t . 6>T©P > / N0\<,V t CAMT GIT MY PAAY' Vc > v /You l*- HAvS. To /cirr oirr That T*t RULE* OF Tt» of HEALTH! , IF You Don - f QUIT TtWT F^ACKeTl I LU 60 OUT TrftRE ANP PUNCH YouVjT' [It X “Cliffville is no place fo r a literary man!” “Why, what’s the matter?" "Aw, look at the trouble Professor Skinclothes is having! He’s writing a novel, and he’s only got to chapter eight and the people are kicking already about the noise he’s making!” Sending Messages and Carrying Them By ELBERT HUBBARD. Copyright, MM8, International Newa Bervire I T la, of course, very necessary that when you are intrusted with a message you shall d« liver It to the right party In the leaat possible space of time. The man, however, who in trusts another with a message has a duty to perform quite as much as the man who is given one. There are men who tan never get message** carried, and other men there be who inspire mes sengers with loyalty, fidelity and courage. it is a somewhat curious thing ihat the most able men are never good teachers. “The great teach er.” says Emerson, “is not the man who supplies the most facta, but tin one in whoae presence we become different people.” Too much individuality repels, overawes, subdues. An overpow ering personality is a willopus- wallopus in other words. a steam-roller that flattens any th Inn and everybody in the vi cinity. • Making Merchants. In the United States there are a few merchants who are discov erers of genius, but most are served by the mediocre, not to mention the time-server. the flunkey, the hypocrite and the lickspittle. One great merchant in the United States lives in history, not only because he was a great mer chant. but because he discovered to the world fully a half-dosen other great merchants. That is, he took young men, gave them an opportunity, and under his benef icent guiding influence these countr> boys bloomed and blos somed. W hen you expect a messenger to deliver a message it is well not to hamper him with too many instructions, nor scare him into innocuous desuetude by retailing the dangers that he will encoun ter. describing for him the pun ishment he will receive if he fails to deliver the message It is a great man who knows when to place reliance in an other. to relegate and delegate and keep discipline out of sight. To let one line of figures at the bottom of the balance sheet tell the tale. This is genius. Genius in Selection. Of course, if you repose confl uence in the wrong man you will rue it. but genius turns on selec tion Big men. nowadays, are big because they gw others to do their work. Nap.deon said: ’’l win my bat- tl*‘> \\iih my marshals!” And then \ hen he was asked where he go: his marshals, he said: ”1 make them out of mud!” What he meant was that he *n*k obscure men and lifted them into positions of prominence by throwing responsibility on them. Note the loyalty and love of Bertrand, who followed his mas ter to 8t. Helena, giving up home, religion, family and all of his own private Interests that he might serve his master—-even re fusing to leave his master when VC deliver it to the proper person, and this expeditiously, is a fine art that employers would do well to acquire. A trusted messenger is fine, but a trusting employer is finer still. A breath of suspicion will taint the whole fabric of trust. If Ben Lindsey doubted that his boys would go where they were sent, very few of them would ever reach the iron gates and hear their clanging welcome. A Fine Idea. The secret of Ben Lindsey’s suc cess is simple: he believes in his boys. And that is why the boys believe in him. Ben Lindsey kissing the cheek of a bad boy and sending the lad away to prison alone, unattended, uncoerced, is a finer thing to me than Napoleon’s habit of pulling down the head of one uf his mar shals and kissing the bearded cheek. “Know thyself!” said Socrates. "Trust thyself!” said Emerson. ‘‘Trust othejrs!” says Ben Lind sey. When President McKinley gave that message to Rowan he trusted Rowan to carry it. There were no instructions, no threats, no implied doubts, no injunctions, Rowan asked no questions; neither did McKinley. The big man is not the man who wants to live not only his own life but the life of others, but he is great who reposes faith in others, and thus brings out the best that is in them, that which was often before unguessed. The Country as Seen by a City Man S3C7-XT ELBERT HUBBARD. he was dead, but remaining at St. Helena in order that his own dust might mingle in the grave with this man he loved. Any one who can inspire an other with such love cannot be obliterated by the scratch of the pen or the shrug of a shoulder. Napoleon certainly had personal ity; at the same time he did not use it to destroy the personality of others. Ben Lindsey’s Boys. r Great is the man supremely great who does not bestride the narrow world like a colossus and cause other men to run and peep about under his huge legs to find themselves dishonorable graves. The world is big enough for all of us. and a very good slogan is: Make room Make room”’ And if you are bound to give an or der. let it be this: “Open up that gangway! ” Ben Lindsey has entrusted a thousand boys, each with a mes sage. and the message he gave them was their commitment pa pers. These boys carried the message; and out of the thousand a scant half dozen proved derelict. And just remember that all of these boys belonged to the “criminal class ’ Let us here quote Napoleon again, who said: "The criminal (lass? Ah, yes, 1 fight my bat tles with the criminal class!” To entrust a message to a mes senger with the full confidence that he will do naught else but By JAMES J. F a AR from the glad cries of the traffic policeman to the patient truck driver the pleasant perfume of the gas mains, and the joyous tumult of the shoppers’ crush is a strange, weird region called The Country. Keep away from it! For miles and miles you may wander its monotonous green wastes and never hear the reverberating mu sic of a trolley car rounding a curve. You will miss the kindly warning of the chauffeur as you crawl from beneath the wheels of his car: your heart will be heavy with homesickness for the freshly turned earth on the torn up atreets, and the dainty plank walks around execavations for new buildings. No Safes Going- Up There are no flats in the coun try. There are no ftala block- long displays of family washing swung between brick dwellings, like the fluttering pennants on a holiday-dressed man-of-war. No safes destined for the thirty-sec ond story of a highly thatched skyscraper part their hawsers and come hurtling down to the pave ment, to provide edification to all nearby populace save that portion that happens to be directly under neath. Never does a fire chief drive unconventionally down the sidewalk execrating the fleeing public as he sweeps by. Never does an ambulance on its splen did errand of mercy crash madly through a crowd, and make busi ness for the other ambulances that follow in its wake. Evil and savage beasts confront you at every turn Horned mon sters that cry "Moo” ami leer at you with lambent Are in their MONTAGUE. fearsome brown eyes; reptiles that sit on logs chorusing “cheep, cheep." until you approach, and then plunge suspiciously into pools as if distrustful of your presence; long-eared, white-tailed creatures that flicker across your path like flashes of light or peer at you silent and sinister from behind stone walls; winged crea tures with plumage copied from w-omen's hats, that chatter in the boughs of trees at sunset, and are up at the first blush of dawn to break your rest with their shrill piping. All Poets Are Mad! From the earth and from the dark green woods come scents, that startle and disquiet you— not the familiar smells of banana peels, and coal smoke and sewer manholes, but disturbing, unrec ognized odors that proceed from tawdry, flimsy creations called flowers, that have their roots in tlie common dingy ground. A mad poet—all poets are mad, but this one was madder than most of his fellows—once wrote: • They come, the merry summer months, w ith beauty, song and flowers. They come, the gladsome months that bring thick leafiness to bowers. My soul, and walk abroad; fling cark and care aside; Seek silent woods, or rest thyself where peaceful waters glide: Or underneath the shadow vast of patriarchal tree Scan through its leaves the boundless *ky, in rapt tran quillity.” Pay nu attention to this lunatic rhapsody. Keep away from The Country—especially in spring. Up! Up! the: home rarer ".V.'/.'.'V/tfff/P, t i nr' 1 John 1 emple C_j raves Writes on , England’s Insurance Against Attack %Jb A ^ T. Nu Nation Would Kver Attack This ('ountrv, lie Snvs. if Our Navy Were Ample For Self-Defense mg m If It were Large Knough to Pro- llii m teet Both Our Atlantic and Pacific Pr&iHi H < 'oasts. By JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES D R. LYMAN ABBOTT is re ceiving the merited con gratulations of his coun trymen for the level-headed com mon sense of his position as an advocate of universal peace. Dr. Abbott is constitutionally an advocate of peace. He is tem peramentally a man of common sense. And the peace societies which have sought to discipline him by dismissing him from their mem bership have emphasized in a very gre*at degree the eminent soundness of Dr. Abbott’s method of promoting universal peace. The best way to promote peace is to be prepared for war. There was never a sounder maxim in history or experience England has been for four hun dred years the prophet and ex ponent of that doctrine among nations. And England’s evangel has gene far As the curse of war is found and has presented a great example as the vindication of a wise and far-seeing policy. Immune From Attacks. There can be no answer by the “peace-at-any-price" men to the fact that with the greatest navy in the world England has been absolutely immune from attacks by any foreign nation and abso lutely exempt from any war which she did not choose to make. No nation has attacked Eng land within these four centuries. No nation wouid attack any other country that had as great a navy as England. No nation would ever attack this country if our navy were ample for self-defense —If it were large enough to pro tect both our Atlantic and Pa cific coasts. This fact is so true and so self- evident that it is worthy to he an axiom. It is so true and has been so conspicuously vindicated as true that it is simply wonderful that other nations, and particu larly our own nation, has not had the common sense to follow it. Our Own Navy. The present size of our navy, inadequate as it is, will explain the fact that we have enjoyed a comparative exemption so long as we had no navy, and England one hundred years ago took advan tage of our poverty in warships, sailed up our majestic Potomac and laid the capital of this Re public in ashes. Germany, the most martial of European nations, realizes the common seqse which Dr. Abbott has so placidly expressed, and is constantly building its navy to the standard of preserving peace. .Japan has expressed every progressive step in its modern development by the yearly rein forcement of its navy. The teach able genius of Japan is vigorously illustrated in the fact that its an swer to the suggestions of the present controversy with the United States is to give an order for three great battleships at once. For Universal Peace. There are no since rer advo cates of universal peace than the Hesrst newspapers. The editorial page of The New York American contained the article written three years ago on Christmas Day wnich revived the sentiment for universal peace throughout the. world. Copies of that editorial were sent by distinguished hands to the rulers and chief authorities of every great kingdom in the world. It represented, I think, tiie spirit of the Hearst newspa pers. And it was regarded and reproduced as one of the sound est and most effective argument* ever written for universal peace. But the spirit of that utter ance. like the spirit of Lyman Ab bott, was the spirit of prudence and of common sense. It realized the fact that no nation can fold Us hands and throw away lt» fighting power while other na tions increase their fighting pow er. Dr. Abbott expressed it in an effective epigram: An Alternative. “There are two ways In which a nation can maintain peace. Either by being so weak that it can not fight, or by being so strong that nobody w r ants to fight it. Our nation should be so strong it will never have to fight.” By and by, when the great na tions fully realize that each one is in the race of great navies to stay as long as the others stay, the universal common sense will bring about the universal agree ment of nations to cease the building of navies and to submit all quarrels to just tribunals for decision. But until that day there is no wise or patriotic thing to do but to keep the pace and keep up with the procession, and. as far as national resources will allow, to lead the procession as the United States can do. The L T nited States Congress will demonstrate the narrowness of its judgment, the weakness of its comprehension and the lack of patriotism in its ranks, if it fails to keep this country side by side with every other great country so long as great navies are the only peace-makers and the only insur ance policies against the destruc tion of war. We are able to pay $20,000,000 a year as an insurance against war. Let this Congress take out the policy. The Story of the Loyalists By REV. THOMAS B. GREGORY. O NTO hundred and thirty-five years ago a little company of men. women and chil dren. numbering altogether some hundred and ninety-six souls, turned and struck out for the wilds of Canada. It was the beginning of the exodus of the "Tories.” or. as they called themselves, the “Loyalists.” Starting soon after the American Declaration of Independence, the movement broadened and deep ened until it took in tens of thou sands. It has been estimated that more than one hundred thousand American colonists took refuge in Canada between 1778 and 1781. These Tories, or Loyalists, were to be found in all the colonies, and in large numbers. Some au thorities of acknowledged respec tability declare that they were as numerous as the Patriots and in many localities outnumbered them. They were strong in New York State, in North Carolina. Pennsylvania and Virginia. In wealth, education and social standing they were far superior to the Whigs, or Patriots. To them belonged nearly all of the “leading families” and “distin guished individuals” of the time. The ancestors of many of the prominent New Yorker* and oth er influential Americans of to-day were among those who emigrated to Canada rather than live under the banner of the rebeldom. One of the good things about Time is that it heals wounds, cools passion and opens the eyes of the understanding, so that we can see with unclouded vision the things to which we were once blinded. The Tories believed that it was their duty to be loyal to the Brit ish King and nation, and in obedience to that conviction they stood ready to sacrifice the most precious things that ‘‘mortal time affords”—home, wealth, comfort, the good will of their neighbors— yes, and life itself. From a sense of duty the Loy alists forsook all these things and cast themselves Into the bleak, wild, inhospitable wilderness of the North, to suffer unspeakable privations and perils; and small is the mind that is not able to see in all this the highest and grand est of manhood—the Manhood of Principle, the manhood which cheerfully accepts the work in order that it may be faithful to that which it believes to be right. Absolute truth and right is a mere chimera. The only truth and right that mortals can know anything about, or should he at all concerned about, is that which really and truly commends itself to them as such. The Eternal alone knows what is actually right, and the only thing for us to do is to stand true to that which we honestly feel to be right. That's what the Tories did. That’s what the Patriots did. And they were both right.