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i j EDITORIAL RAGE The Atlanta Georgian THE HOME RARER THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN Published Everv Afternoon Hxc«pt Sunday By THK GEORGIAN COMPANY At 20 Kant Alabama St.. Atlanta, Ga. Entered as second-class matter at postofflre at Atlanta, under act of March 8.1173 Subscription Price Delivered by carrier, 10 cent* a week By mail, 15.00 a year Payable in Advance! The People Must Now Depend Upon the Senate for Genuine Reci= procity Provisions in Tariff Bill. T | s ///'/S//MV.: W/J. I £ Some More Law on Canal Tolls PERTINENT PARAGRAPHS It la a good thing for them that some of the fellows who clamor for justice do not get It. • * • In giving the devil hi?* due. do not insist on paying the old man compound interest. • * • Will Carlton died in debt, dem onstrating that he whs a true poet. A small incident will sometimes give n surprising view of a man's man to me a hough he di We can generally discover the cause of th** other fellow’s hard luck, hut van never understand our ov\ n. • * * When a man is down he can generally find out what the world really thinks of him—if it thinks at all. • * * Almost any style of dress is sure to become popular these davs if it only looks foolish enough. ■ Mice in a while we hear of a city old-fashioned that it has no vice investigation It is upon the Senate that the people must depend for gen uine reciprocity provisions in the tariff bill. The Senate will not be driven into line by a caucus whip. It will have a chance to treat a serious matter with the deliber ation it deserves. There are good reasons for believing that the Senate has ceased to be what it once was—the stronghold of party reg ularity and of those special interests that have for so long prac ticed the arts of party regimentation and applied the str&ngula tion of the party gag. There are good reasons for believing that the Senate will respond to the well-nigh unanimous pop ular demand for real and efficient reciprocity. The tariff bill was sent to the Senate tagged with the empty NAME of reciprocity, but with no SUBSTANCE of reoiprooity in it. It would give away—ABSOLUTELY AND WITHOUT CONDITION—to Canada and other nations trade privileges and Immunities that ought to be reserved and kept for the pres ent in our own hands AS A BASIS FOR TARIFF BARGAIN ING It would fling a long “free list’’ at the feet of our trade rivals—WITHOUT ASKING ANY FREEDOM FOR OUR OWN COMMERCE IN RETURN. Thus the tariff as it stands is not merely wrong in a hun dred details. It is wrong in principle. It flouts the very prin ciple that it so loudly proclaims' It makes a mockery of reci prooity. The fact that the tariff bill in its present shape is not only unreasonable, but in many namable respects CONSCIOUSLY and RECKLESSLY unreasonable, may be illustrated by the particular status of the schedule that has to do with the various grain staples—wheat, oats, rye, buckwheat—and their manu factured products. When the bill first went to caucus a tax of 10 per cent or so was placed on all these staples, while in every case the food stuffs made from them by various manufacturing processes WERE ALL PUT UPON THE FREE LIST. The obvious effect of such an arrangement would be TO DRIVE MOST OF OUR FOOD MANUFACTURING BUSINESS INTO CANADA—with very damaging consequences not only to our manufacturers, but also to our farmers. Now note the reckless and irresponsible character of the House's tariff tinkering, as shown in this grain schedule. It turns out that the House has been driven by pressure from cer tain quarters to put natural rye and buckwheat, as well as their manufactured products, on the free list. BUT IT HAS AL LOWED THE 10 PER CENT TAX TO STAND AGAINST NATURAL UNMANUFACTURED WHEAT AND OATS. There is no earthly reason why this discrimination should have been made—at least no reason fit to print. The whole grain schedule in its original form was topsy turvy and preposterous damaging to every legitimate Ameri can interest. As it now stands it outrages every prinoiple of reciprocity and has, besides, lost the consistency and logicality of its original foolishness. IS THERE ANY MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRE SENTATIVES WHO WILL DARE STAND UP AND JUS TIFY THE GRAIN SCHEDULE ON GROUNDS OF RF.CI PROCITY—OR OF RATIONALITY? « t t OUR ANTEDILUVIAN ANCESTORS! C« Pi right, 1DJ 3. International Nwi Barnoa. Ci-iFf VILLE VAN CO. FuRNmiRC. Movep WitH Cf\RE - You'll, have, to /cut out That (NOt^E.*. T'*, AO'iN Sthe rule^ of the ■ BOARD OF HEALTH 1 f STop That’*' n (WO^E' I CANT [GET MY -,To SLEEP 1 . /■IT You Dont \ j 9u\t That RACKiY ( ' Ll oo out There, (ANP PUhtCH You’. N c-proppji “Cliffville is no place for a literary man!” ‘‘Why, what’s the matter?” “Aw, loci' >t the trouble Professor Skinclothes is having! He’s writing a novel, and he’s only got to chapter eight and the people are kicking already about the noise he’s making!" Sending Messages and Carrying Them In a leading editorial expres sion in the current Bench and Bar the editors declare, as le gal experts, that the provision of the Panama Canal bill to ex empt from tolls American coastwise shipping does not seem to contravene any article of the Hay Pauncefote treaty. They say: We coni ess to having been much impressed by Senator 0’Gorman's address before the Senate, in which the position was taken that the provision of the canal bill to exempt from tolls American coastwise shipping is not in contravention of Ar tide III of the Hay Pauncefote treaty. That is to say, as there is nothing to prevent the other nations, including Great Britain, from remitting or reimbursing by subsidy or otherwise all tolls paid by their citizens or sub jeds for vessels making use of the canal, it is unreasonable to suppose that the United States, by whose money and genius the canal was made possible, may not do likewise with reference to its own citizens. In other words, we can see no great difference, in prin ciple. between the right of the United States to reimburse and its right to remit or exempt, and to hold that this country might not exempt its own shipping from tolls would, it seems to us, be to deprive it of a power which clearly resides in every other nation which may make use of the canal.” By ELBERT HUBBARD. Coyyright, 1913, International News Service. I T 1m, of course, very necessary that when you are intrusted with a message you shall de liver il to the right party in the least possible space of time. The man. however, who in trusts another with a message has a duty to perform quite as much as the man who is given one. There are men who can newt get messages carried, and other men there he who inspire mes sengers with loyalty, fidelity and courage. It is a somewhat curious thing that fhe most able men are never good teachers. “The great teach er.” says Emerson. “Is not the man Who supplies the most facts, but the one in whose presence wo become different people." Too much individuality repels, overawes, subdues. An overpow ering personality is a willopus- wallopus in other words, a steam-roller that flattens any thing and everybody in the vi - dnit.v. Making Merchants. In the United States there are a few merchants who are discov erers of genius, but most are served by the mediocre, not to mention the time-server, the flunkey, the hypocrite and the lickspittle. One great merchant in the United States lives in history-, not only because he was a great mer chant hut because he discovered to the world fully a half-dozen other great merchants. That is. he took young men. gave them an opportunity, and under his benef icent guiding influence these country hoys bloomed and blos somed. When > ou expect a messenger to deliver a message it is well not to hamper him w ith too many instructions, nor scare him into innocuous desuetude by retailing the dangers that he will encoun ter. describing for him the pun ishment he will receive if he fails to deliver the message. It is a great man who knows when to place reliance in an other. to relegate and delegate and keep discipline out of sight. To let one line of figures at the bottom of the balance sheet teil the tale This is genius. Genius in Selection. of course, if you repose confi dence in the wrong man you will rue it. but genius turns on selec tion Big men. nowadays, are big because they get others to do their work. Nap deon aid “1 win my bat tles with my marshals!" And then 'a lien he whs asked where Wl throwing responsibility on them. Note the loyalty and love of Bertrand, who followed his mas ter to St. Helena, giving up home, religion, family and all of his own private interests that he might sefvi his master even re fusing to leave his ill as tv r when deliver it to the proper person, and this expeditiously, is a fine art that employers would do well to acq uire. A trusted messenger is fine, but a trusting employer is finer still, A breath of suspicion will taint the whole fabric of trust if Ben Lindsey doubted that his boys would go where they were sent, very few of them would ever reach the iron gales and hear their clanging welcome. A Fine Idea. The secret of Ben Lindsey's suc cess is simple: he believes in his boys. And that is why the boys believe in him. Ben Lindsey kissing the cheek of a bad boy and sending the lad away to prison alone, unattended, uncoerced, is a finer- thing to me than Napoleon's habit of pulling dow n the head of one of his mar shals and kissing the bearded cheek. "Know thyself!" said Socrates. "Trust thyself!” said Emerson. "Trust others!" says Ben Lind sey. When President ^cKinlej^gave that message to Rowan he trusted Rowan to carry it. There were no instructions, no threats, no implied doubts, n<) injunctions, Rowan asked no questions; neither did McKinley. The big man is not the man who wants to live not only his own life but the life of others, but he is great who} reposes faith in others, and thus brings out the best that is in them, that which was often before ubguessed. The Country as Seen by a City Man ELBERT HUBBARD. he was’ dead, hut remaining at St. Helena in order that his own dust might mingle in the grave with this man he loved. Any om \\Tv> can inspire an other with such love cannot be obliterated by the scratch of the pen or the shrug of a shoulder. Napoleon certainly had personal- it> . at the same time he did not use it to destroy the personality of others. Ben Lindsey 's Boys. (ireat is the man supremely great who does not bestride the narrow world like a colossus and cause other men to run and peep about under his huge legs to find themselves dishonorable graves. The world is big enough for all of us. and a very good slogan is: “Make room! Make room!" And if you are bound to give an or der, let it be this: "Open up that gangway' ’’ Ben Lindsey has entrusted a thousand boys, each with a mes sage. and the message he gave them was their commitment pa pers. * These boys carried the message; and out of the thousand a scant half dozen proved derelict. And just remember that all of these boys belonged to the “criminal class!" Let us here quote Napoleon again, who said: “The criminal classV Ah. yes. I light my bat tles with the crtniii'< lass!" T<« entrust a tm.'x ,v,e b* i mes senger with th” full .'oitfidcnce that he will do uaurriU else but By JAMES J. AR from the glad cries of the traffic policeman to the patient truck driver the pleasant perfume of the gas mains, and the joyous tumult of the shoppers’ crush is a strange, weird region called The Country. Keep away from it! For miles and miles you may wander its monotonous* green wastes and. never hear the reverberating mu sic of a trolley car rounding a curve. You will miss the kindly 'warning of the chauffeur as you crawl from beneath the wheels of his car; your heart will be heavy with homesickness for the freshly turned earth on the torn up streets, and the dainty plank walks around cxecavfltiona for new buildings. No Safes Going Up. There are no fiats in the coun try. There are nq. gala block- long displays of family washing swung between brick dwellings. !ik« the fluttering pennants on a holiday-dressed man-of-war. No safes destined for the thirty-sec ond story of a highly thatched sky scraper part their hawsers and come hurtling down to the pave ment, to provide edification to all nearby populace save that portion that happens to be directly under neath. Never does a fire chief drive unconventionally down the sidewalk execrating the fleeing public as he sweeps by. Never does an ambulance on its splen did errand of mercy ( rash madly through a crowd, and make busi ness for the other ambulances that follow in its wake. Evil no! .->vage be'igts confront you at ever; urn. Horned > . n MONTAGUE. fearsome brown eyes; reptiles that sit on logs chorusing “cheep,, che&p." until you approach, and’ plunge suspiciously intoj pools as if distrustful of your presence; long-eared, white-tailed creatures that flicker across your path like flashes of light or peer at you silent and sinister from behind stone walls; winged crea tures with plumage copied from women’s hats, that chatter in the boughs of trees at sunset, and are up at the first blush of dawn to break vour rest with their shrill piping. All Poets Are Mart! From the earth and from the dark green woods dome scents that startle and disquiet you— not the familiar smells of banana peels, and coal smoke and cower manholes, but disturbing unrec ognized odors that proc<y?d from tawdry, flimsy' creations called flowers, that have' their rqots in the common dingy ground. A mad poet—all poets are mad, but this one was madder than most of his fellows—once Wrote: “They come, the merry summer months, with beauty, sopgand flowers. They come, the gladsome npfonth* that bring thick leafiness to bowers. Up! Up! M \ soul, and w alk abroad, fling calk and care aside: 1 Seek -diem woods, or res; thyself where peaceful waters glide: Or underneath tn^ •shadtAv vast of patriarchal tree » S' in through its lea\*-s h* i boundbss cky, in rap? tran quillity.” T 1 1 John 1 emple Lj raves Writes on j England’s Insurance Mm %■ II Against Attack A V. ft No Nation Would Ever Attack This mbs .ijgfl Country, He Says, if Our Navy Hl\ j h Were Amjile Lor Self-Defense— If It were Large Enough to Pro- ted Both Our Atlantic and Pacific (’oasts. By JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES D R. LYMAN ABBOTT is re ceiving the merited con gratulations' of hia coun trymen for the level-headed com mon sense of his position as an advocate of universal peace. Dr. Abbott is constitutionally an advocate of peace. He is tem peramentally a man of common sense And the peace societies which have sought, to discipline him by dismissing him from their mem bership have emphasized in a very great degree the eminenj. soundness of Dr. Abbott's method of promoting universal peace. The best way to promote peace is to be prepared for war. There was never a sounder maxim in history or experience. England has l**en for four hun dred years the prophet and ex ponent of that doctrine among nations. And England's evangel has gone far as the curse of war is found and has presented a groat example as the vindication of a wise and far-seeing policy. Immune From Attacks. There can be no answer by the “peaee-at-any-priee” men to the fact that with the greatest navy in the world England has been absolutely immune from attacks by any foreign nation and abso lutely exempt from any war w hich she did not choose to make. No nation has attacked Eng land within these four centuries. No nation would attack any other country that had as great a navy as England. No nation would ever attack this country if our navy were ample for self-defense f— if it were large enough to pro tect both -pur Atlantic and Pa cific coasts. This fact is so true and so self- evident that it is worthy to be an axiom. It is so true and has been so conspicuously vindicated as true that it is simply wonderful that other nations, and particu larly our own nation, has not had the common sense to follow it. Our Own Navy. The present size of our navy, inadequate as it is. will explain the fact that we have enjoyed a comparative exemption so long as we had no navy, and England one hundred years ago took advan tage of our poverty in warships, sailed up our majestic Potomac and laid the capital of this Re public in ashes. Germany, the most martial of European nations, realizes the common sense which Dr. Abbott has so placidly expressed, and is constantly building its navy to the standard of preserving peace. Japan has expressed every progressive step in its modern development by the yearly rein forcement of its navy. The teach able genius of Ja^tan is vigorously illustrated in 'the fact that its an swer to the suggestions of the present controversy with the United States is to give an order for three great battleships at once. For Universal Peace, There are no sincerer advo cates of universal peace than the Hearst newspapers. The editorial page tf The New,York American contained the article written three years ago on Christmas Day which revived the sentiment for universal peace throughout the world. Copies of that editorial were sent by distinguished hands to the rulers and chief authorities of every great kingdom in the world. It represented, I think, the spirit of the Hearst newspa pers. And it was regarded and reproduced as one of the sound est and most effective arguments ever written for universal peace. . But the spirit of that utter ance, like the spirit of Lyman Ab bott. was the spirit of prudence and of common sense. It realized the fact that no nation can fold its hands end throw away its fighting power while other na tions increase their fighting pow er. Dr. Abbott expressed it in an effective epigram: An Alternative. “There are two ways in which a nation can maintain peace. Either by being so weak that it can not fight, or by being so strong that nobody wants to fight it. Our nation should be so strong it will never have to fight.” By and by. when the great na tions fully realize that each one is in the race of great navies to stay as long as the others stay, the universal' common sense will bring about the universal agree ment of nations to cease the building of navies and to submit all quarrels to just tribunals for decision. But until that day there is no wise or patriotic thing to do but to keep the pace and keep up with the procession, and, as far as national resources will allow, to lead the procession as the United States can do. / The United States Congress will demonstrate the narrowness of its judgment, the weakness of its comprehension and the lack of patriotism in its ranks, if it fails to keep this country side by side with every other, great country so long as groat navies are the only peace-makers and the only insur ance policies against the destruc tion of war. We are able to pay SL’O.'>00.000 a year as an insurance against war. Let this Congress take out the policy. The Story of the Loyalists By REV. THOMAS B. GREGORY. r.a no attention u> tlii r''.*p^nd\-. Keep away o Country—tc. eeic.iL in si O NE hundred and thirty-five years ago a little company of men. women and chil dren. numbering altogether some hundred and ninety-six souls, turned and struck out for the wilds of Canada. It was the beginning 6f the exodus of the * Tories." or. as they called themselves, the “Loyalists.” Starting sooh after the American Declaration of Independence, the movement broadened and deep ened until it took in tens of thou sands. It has been estimated that more than one hundred thousand American colonists took refuge in Canada between 1778 and 1784. These Tories, or Loyalists, were to be found in all the colonies, and in large numbers. Some au thorities of acknowledged respec tability declare that they were as numerous as the Patriots and in many localities outnumbered them. % They were strong in New York State, in North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia. In wealth, education and social * standing they were far superior to the WhigS. or Patriots. To them belonged nearly all of the "leading families" and "distin guished individuals" of the time. The ancestors of many of the prominent New Yorkers and oth- I er influential Americans of to-day were among those who emigrated t«. Canada rather than live under tbo banner of the reboldom. one of the go*wl tilings about Time is that it heals wounds. cools passion and opens the eyes of the understanding, so that we can see with unclouded vision the things to which we were once blinded. Th* Tories believed that it was their duty to be loyal to the Brit ish King and nation, and in obedience to that conviction they stood ready to sacrifice the most precious things that “mortal time affords”—home, wealth, comfort,' the good will of their neighbors— yes, and life itself. From a sense of duty the Loy alists forsook all these things and cast themselves into the bleak, wild, inhospitable wilderness of the North, to suffer unspeakable privations and perils; and small is the mind that is not able to see in all this the highest and grand est of manhood—the Manhood of Principle, the manhood which cheerfully accepts the work in order that it may be faithful to that which it believes to be right. Absolute truth and right is a mere chimera. The only truth and right that mortals can know' anything about, or should be at all concerned about, is that which really and truly commends itself to them as such. The Eternal alone knows what is actually right, and the only thing for us to do is to stand true to that which we honestly feel to be fight. That’s what the Tories did. That’s what the Patriots did. And they were both righL