Newspaper Page Text
FRIDAY, MAY 5, 1916
GERMANY PUTS BLAME ON U. S.
Continued From Page 1. 3
more particularly as the Government of the United States
omitted to substantiate by reference to concrete faeta..
The German Government will only state that it has im
posed far-reaching restraints upon the use of the submarine
weapon solely in consideration of the interests of neutrals, in
spite of the fact that these restrictions were necessarily of ad
vantage to Germany’s enemies. ’
No such consideration has ever been shown to neutrals
by Great Britain or her allies.
German submarine forces have, in fact, had orders to con
duct submarine warfare in accordance with the general prin
éipies of visit and search. The destruction of merchant ships
has been recognized by international law, the sole exception
being the conduct of warfare against enemy trade carried on
against enemy freight ships encountered in the war zone wa
ters around Great Britain (British Isles). With regard to
thes; no assurances were ever gi.ven to the United States Gov
ernment.
No such assurances were contained in the declaration of
February 8, 1916.
The German G;vernment can not admit that it has any
doubt about these orders being carried out in good faith (by
the submarine commanders). ,
Errors actually (may have) occurred. In no kind of war
fare can they be avoided altogether, and allowance must be
made in the conduet of naval warfare against an enemy that is
resorting to all kinds of ruses, be they permissible or illegal.
But apart from the possibility of errors, naval warfare,
like warfare on land, implies unavoidable dangers for neu
tral persons and goods entering a fighting zone.
Even in casés where naval actions were confined to the
ordinary form of cruiser (man-of-war) fighting, neutral per
sons and goods have repeatedly come to grief.
The German Government has repeatedly and explicitly
pointed out dangers of mines that have led to the loss of numer
ous ships.
The German Government has made several proposals to
the Government of the United States in order to reduce to a
minimum for American travelers and goods the (inherent) nat
ural dangers of naval warfare.
Unfortunately the Government of the United States de
cided not to accept the proposals. Had it accepted them the
Government of the’ United States would have been instru
mental in preventing a greater part of the aceidents that Amer
ican citizens have met with. In the meantime the German
Government still stands by its offer to come to an agreement
along these lines.
The German Government has repeatedly declared it can
not dispense with the use of the submarine weapon in the
conduet of warfare against enemy trade.
The German Government, however, has now dendtg to
make further concessions, adapting the methods of submarine
warfare to the interests of neutrals. In reaching this deci
sion the German Government was actuated by considera
tions which are above the level of the questions in dispute.
The German Government attaches no less importance to
the sacred principles of humanity than the Government of the
United States. Again, it fully uke- into account the fact that
both governments (German and American) have for years eco
operated in developing international law in conformity with
these principles (of humanity). The object has been always
to confine warfare on both sea and land to armed forees of
belligerents and safeguard as far as possible noncombatants
against the horrors of war.
But, while these considerations are of great weight, they
alove, under the present circumstances, would not by them
selves have determined the attitude of the German Govern
yent
In answer to the appeal by the Government of the United
States on behalf of the sacred principles of humanity and in
ternational law, the German Government must repest once
more with all the emphasis at its command tF 3t it was not the
German but the British Government which, ignoring all the
accepted rules of international law, extended this terrible war
to the lives and property of noncombatants, having no regard
whatever for the interests and rights of neutrals and non
combatants that, through this method of warfare, have been
w\rrr;)" injured
ln sell defense against the illegal conduct of warfare by
the British, and while fighting » bitter struggle for her very
national existence, Germany has had 1o resort 1o the hard but
effective weapon of submarine warfare
Ar matters stand. the German Goternment can so! byt re
iterate that the sentiments of humanity, which the Government
of the United States extends with such fervor to unhappy
victims of submarine warfare, are not extended with the same
warmth of feeling to many millions of women and children
who, according to the avowed intentions of the British Gov
ernment shall be starved and who, by suffering, shall force the
victorious armies of the Central Powers into ignominious
capitulation.
The German Government, in agreement with (as well as)
the German people, fails to understand this discrimination, all
the more as this Government has explicitly declared itself
ready to use the submarine in strict conformity with the rules
of international law as recognized before the outbread of the
war, if Great Britain will likegise adapt her conduct of the
war to these rules.
Several attempts made by the Government of the United
States to prevail upon the British Government to act accord
ingly (in accordance with the principles of international law)
failed, because of the flat refuu‘ll on the part of England.
Moreover, Great Britain, ever since the beginning of the
war, again and again violated international law, surpassing all
bounds in outraging neutral rights. The latest measure adopt
ed by Great Britain in declaring German bunker coal contra
band and establishing conditions under which only English
bunker coal ean be supplied to neutrals is nothing but an un
heard of attempt, by way of the exaction of foree, to com
pel tonnage to enter the service of the British.
U. 8. HAS POWER TO
CONFINE WAR.
The German people know that
the Government of the United
~ States has power to confine the
war to armed forces and to bel
ligerent countries in the interests
of humanity and to maintain (the
* integrity) of international law.
The Government of the United
States would have been certain in
attaining its end, had it been de
termined to insist (protest)
against Great Britain on its in
controvertible rights to freedom
~ of the high seas.
But, as matters stand, the Ger
~ man people are under the Impres
sion that the Government of the
United States, while demanding
that Germany, struggling for ex
istence, shall restrain the use of
its effective weapon, while mak
ing compliance with these de
~ mands (of the United States)
necessary for the maintenance of
(amicable) relations with Ger
many, confined itself to protests
againat illegal methods adopted
by Germany's enemies.
Moreover, the German people
know to what considerable extent
the enemies (of Germany) are
supplied with all kinds of war
materials from the United States.
It will, therefore, be understood
that the appeal made by the Gov.
ernment of the United States to
the sentiments of humanity and
the principles of nternational law
can "ot meet with the same
hearty response from the German
people which such an appeal
would otherwise always certainly
find here.
If the German Government,
nevertheloss, resolved to go to the
utmost limit of concessions, It has
not alone bean guided Ly the
friendship connecting the two
Sloat nations for more than 108
years. but aleo By the thought of
the great doom which threatens
the entire civilised world shou'd
19 crusl and sanguinary war be
extended and prolonged
GERAMANY TWICE OFFERED
AEADINESS TO MAKE PEACE.
The German Government s
consdous of Germany & strengih
Toioa mithin the last fTow monihe
(mey snneunced before the werldg
our readiness 18 Make paaee an &
besis mafeguarding CGermany's
vilal interests. thus indieating
that it is net Germany's fault o
poace is withheld from the na
tions of Eurtape
The German Government fools
A 5 the more justified 1o desiare
1t responsihility could not he
Barse (8 Germany) befere the
Foram of Masking if after N
monthe of ®erfare Lo submarine
Gesten wnier dlscussion e
fween (g Germes snd Usiied
Rigies Governmen s were (hady
Takan & Yure ‘o T Rrcuion oßt inaely
The meintenar i o peace Between
e 190 naliehe
A far ae Lies wun he Germas
Gorerament i Wishet (6 prevent
Ihange Traem tauing sorh 8 Sutee
T e iainmam G wrßrasiest Mo s
BT PIEPRTeE m Ba e Wi et
e smmßee e -Tm.a o ihe
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN
war during the balance of its
duration to fighting forces of bel
ligerents, thereby insuring the
freedom of the seas, a principle
upon which the German Govern
ment believes now, as it did be
fore, to be in agreement with the
Government of the United States.
The German Government, guld
ed by this ides, hereby notifies
the Government of the United
States that German naval forces
have received the following or
ders:
“In accordance with the general
principles of search and destruc
tion of merchant vessels, as rec
ognized by international law,
such vessels, both within and
without the area declared a war
zone (the waters around the
British lsles) shall not be sunk
without warning and witheut
saving human lives unless ships
attempt to escape or offer resist.
ance”
EXPECTS ENGLAND BE
FORCED TO CHANGE, TOO.
But neutrals can not expect
Germany, forced to fight for her
very existence, shall, for the sake
of neutral interests, restrict the
use of her effective weapon (the
.Submarine) If the enemy is per
mitted to apply at will methods
of warfare violating the rules of
internationa! law.
Such a demand would be In
compatible with character (hon
or) and neutrslity and the Ger.
man Government is convinced
that the Government of the
United Siates does not think of
making such demand. knowing
Uhal the Government of the
United States has repeatedly de.
clared that it ls determined to re.
store the principle of the freedom
of the seas, no matter from what
quarter they (the freedom of the
Seas) are vislates
Accordingly, the German Gev.
srament is confident that the con
sequences of the mew orders ‘s
sued 1o the n;n: forces will be
that the United Biates now con
der all impedimenis removed
which have been In ihe way of
mulual co-operat on teward ves
toration of ‘he fresdom of the
seas during the remainder of the
WL, A 8 sumateind In Ihe nele of
July 25 1915, and i (the German
Governmeni: does BBt doub! Ihat
the Goverament of the United
States wll now demand and in
sigt Ihat the Britieh Government
shall forthwith abeorve Ihe Inter.
natisnal awe universally recng
sised before Ihe war and whih
were Inid down in notes preseat -
of by the United Siates 10 Eng
and on Decomber %5 1914 and
November £ 1914
Bhauld the sleps taken by Ihe
United Sates Gorernmen: fgi
8 attain Ihe aljert |+ dewiren | @
o have Ihe ‘awe of humaniny fal.
lowed by 27 beiligeven' natione
Ihe Germen Uavernmen! wauld
ihon e focing & new efuation in
Rl 1 et reseree Pe jige f
cwmmpeie Lißerty of Besen
Tae vedereigned g:-aiie b meei?
of 8o opPltanity 1o renew 1o ihe
Ameyicar AMmßasesder aeeersscee
as Ihe bgt cameideration
‘ The same o Iw son Jogen 1
Poreiary of Baie e Puseign »
er OARe sraman Gsverames
Bae geed Lo (e PPEERd Foas
\
Cabinet Considers Reply More
Than Two Hours, and Are
Warned Not to Talk,
Continued From Page 1,
matic relations. In fact, it was cer
tain today that no matter which way
the President interpreted the note he
would be upheld by a big majority of
both houses of. Congress. Even the
men who have advocated peace at any
price admitted today that the Presi
dent will have almost unanimous sup
port in any action that he now shall
take,
The most hopeful feature of the en
tire question was the very frank ad
mission by Germany that she wants
to confine the fighting to belligerent
nations and does not desire that the
bloodshed shall extend to any coun
tries now at peace. This very admis.
sion, many officials hoped. would be
considered so significant by the Presi
dent that he would be willing to wait
before ordering a break on this point,
However, both the White House and
the State Department were mum,
Strong for Roosevelt
CAMBRIDGE, MASS., May 5.—
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt led a field
of seventeen presidential possibilities
In the straw ballot conducted by the
Harvard Cirmson among the stu
dents. He got 660 votes. Wilson was
second, with §9l, and Hughes third,
with 348. Ellhu Root received 68.
The Harvard Republican Club in a
canvass urged {ts members to combine
on Roosevelt to defeat Wilson, and,
accordingly, Hughes and other Repub
licans were slighted, the Democrats
assert. Governor McCall and Senator
Weekes, of Massachusetts, received
only 24 votes between them William
J. Bryan received 3 and Henry Ford 8,
Two voters in the total of 1,788 stu
dents were Quentin and “Archie”
'Roosevelt, who voted for thelr father
—
i
Saloonist Charges
.
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COLUMBUS, May s.—Charges of
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| Jack Thomaso: a former saloon
keeper of this eit Thomason claims
[that on a certain occasion Palmer
wantel to borrow S2O from him for
Clements, but after he refused to
make the loan these two men raided
his place for alleged violation of the
prohibition law
The County Commissioners witl
Mma%e an Investization of the charges
28-30
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Count Reventlaw Declares Presi
.~
dent’s Utterance Was Il Timed
According to Courtesy.
By AUGUSTA F. BEACH,
Staff Correspondent of International
| News Service.
| BERLIN, May 3 (via Copenhagen,
May bs).—~Under the caption, “Diplo
matic Usages and Humanity,” Count
Reventlow in The Deutsche Tages
Zeitung severely arraigns President
Wilson for the sentiment expressed
in the speech he delivered at the
lop(-nlng of the Chevy Chase training
!vnmp for women, especially in view
| of the fact that it was delivered at
a 4 time when Ambassador Gerard was
[brenklng bread with the Emperor at
Iganeral headquarters. Count Revent
low says:
l, In times of political and diplo
| matic tension in periods like these
| now obtaining in the relations be
. tween Germany and the United
States Government and their re
sponsible heads, according to ex
perience and all traditions, they
invariably endeavor to observe
the strength and the dictates of
t good diplomatic usages.
[ The United States is assuming
the rule of a spontaneous, untu
tored, coquettish youth; has de
cided to play the role apart. To
| recall an instance of this sort we
' remind our readers of the role
| played by American Minister
| Bowen in the Venezuelan affair
| of 1903.
| This procedure was labeled
{ “shirt-sleeve diplomacy,” and that
| expression appears to me to have
the approval of his country. This
| I 8 not the time to discuss the mo
tives which tolerate such pro
| cedure of the ultimate effect such
diplomatic conduct might have
produced in the last decade, in so
far as it influenced the diplomatic
intercourse between the United
States and Germany
' Our reference to the incident
| merely aims to emphasize that
. we have become accustomed to
much along this line, but beg
. leave to state that an address like
that delivered by President Wil
| son at a time when the American
Ambassador was visiting general
headquarters and breaking bread
with the Emperor is wholly with
. out parallel
According to a Washington
, dispatch of May 1, President Wil
son on the oceasion of opening a
training camp for army nurses
stated: “May God forbid that the
United Staes shall ever be drawn
| Into war. Should that, however
| become unaveoidable. then we
shall rouse ourselves from lethar
| E¥ and demonstrate to every man
| Who doubts the spirit of the New
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World that we continue to be
the championg of humanity.” :
It is plainly obvious that this
war fanfare uttered at this time
is a most unusual piece of con
duct on his part at present, espe
cially in view of the fact that
there is no real or even external
occasion for ‘such an utterance,
the only sentiment expressed be
ing aimed wholly at Germany.
Were one to employ harsh
terms, one would be compelled to
say that an insult to Germany is
implied when the President states
that any war in which America
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America’s voice on behalf of hu- 3
manity. <
The only conclusion permll',;g
is that Germany is an enemy i
mankind unlese she’ meets A
United States’ demands. This is
a familiar American phrase, lmq ¢
like all phrases, it leaves us quit
frigid. 4
The significance and Impér
tance of it all is that President
Wilson should have seen fit, or
even possible to express himself
in this manner at this time,
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