Newspaper Page Text
EDITORIAL PAGE
PN e P ——— iemabtaitabailiin i X 2 S SRR
Making Mississippi River Safe Is Nol
To the Editor of The Georgian :
AM sending you an editorial which appeared in The New Orleans Item. 1 would like you to reproduce the editorial.
I To my mind, making the Mississippi River safe, and making it navigable, is no way a ‘““pork barrel”’ scheme, is in no way a
local proposition and has no sectionalism about it. It is a national scheme of as much importance to the nation as a whole as
the improvement and fortification of our ocean coast and harbors.
As a matter of fact, the Mississippi should be made a part of the coast line of the United States. It should be possible for vessels
of large tonnage to navigate from New Orleans up the Mississippi through the Chicago Canal to the Great Lakes and through the |
Erie Canal to New York harbor. |
This internal coast line is as important as our external coast line. [ts construction and maintenance in safety and.security
are a vital part of the preparedness program and a vital part of the commercial program of the United States—of the whole United
States, not merely of a part of the United States.
Only narrow sectional prejudice on the part of certain small - Americans living in the interior States in the way of a great and
proper preparedness program, which would fortify and develo our seacoasts and harbors.
Only an equally small sectional prejudice on the part of certain inhabitants of our seacoast States stands in the way of a great
and proper development of the mighty interior waterway of this nation, the Mississippi River.
There is no place for such narrow sectionalism in any broad plan for the development and unification of this great nation.
The more intelligent minds in the country realize that the development of any part of the country means an advantage for the
whole country, and that the whole country can only advance through the development of every section.
The development of the great central waterway .of the country, the Mississippi River, is an act of duty, an act of patriotism
and an act of justice,
The transformation of the States which border on this water way into commercial coasts is as important as the development of
those coasts which front upon the ocean, and will do more than an ything else to unite this country in its commercial aims and efforts,
which are so important at this time, and in the realization of the necessity of protecting those commereial activities, a matter which
is equally important.
‘. If the people of the coast States desire the pecple of the interior States to appreciate fully the unity of this country and the
eommon requirements of every section of it, the people of the coast States should l»eg‘in by showing their appreciation of these
vital facts and by supporting plans for the development of the Mississippi River as enthusiastically as they support the plans for the
development of their own coasts and harbors. 7 ~WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST. l
= i |
THE “CASE” AGAINST FLOOD CONTROL l
NUMBER of powerfully influential newspapers print at-
A tacks on the flood-control measure which has just passed
the House, crippled by the Lenroot amendment. We
print elsewhere an expression from the Chicago Tribune, as more
or less typical.
- The line of argument they adopt seems to us conspicuously
unfair. Nor does it seem to us that such unfairness in the case of
& newspaper like the Tribune can be explained on any ground
but that of injustice; for the Tribune's sources of information
and its editorial talent are about as adequate as money can
procure.
All these comments describe this measure as purely a pork
barrel measure. .Yet this is precisely what the Mississippi River
legislation has ceased to be. -
The Mississippi's just claims upon the nation, as a highway
of commerce, and the just claims of the suffering people of the
lower river to a fair share of protection from the nation which
pours its waters down upon them—this subject matter stands
upon ITS OWN BOTTOM before Congress and the country,
And the country, represented by the three great contending po
litical parties, has recognized this people's claim.
There is no reaching, no grabbing, no trading. The proposal
stands upon its own merits, and demands support on them, for
its value to the nation’s commerce as a whole, and for its conser.
vation of the enormous taxable national values that the increas
ing floods have desperately jeopardized. \
The work it proposes to do, these merits once conceded, is
not to be done on any ANNUAL plan of pork-barrel accident or
caprice, but on a fixed, systematic and sustaining basis.
We think this disposes entirely, in any just mind, of the
indictment—and nobody has raised that indictment more in
sistently against other proposals than ourselves.
It may fairly be said that several men who have been prom
inent in the old rivers-and-harbors councils are also conspicuous
in their advocacy of this pending bill. But it may be said with
equal truth that others who have fought those councils are sup
porting it. Does the conversion of a man from a bad method o a
good one damn the good method in discriminating eyes? Isn't
this carrying intolerance to the stupid extreme of straining
reason to excommunicate repentance?
It is a curious circumstance that the main ground urged by
the supporters of this measure against the ideas underlying the
Newlands bill is precisely the main ground alleged against this
measure itself.
‘lt is nothing but a reclamation scheme,'' Mr. Humphreys
and his followers said. \
‘lt is nothing but a reclamation scheme,"’ say the opponents
of the Humphreys committee bill.
This allegation is just as silly from the one source as from
‘the other. If it had not been initiated on one side, possibly it
‘would not now be echoed in opposition by the other.
"RECLAMATION"' is the CONVERSION of WASTE lands
~—deserts, swamps or cut-overs—by human labor and artificial
works into productive areas.
The main Rurpou of efforts to control the Mississippi is
the PRESERVATION of vast productive areas, t cities and
farms. ALREADY :xums against the :fi'inwnm
ING floods poured down nron them in EVER-SWELLING vol.
-.'!‘b{hm hnsronmcnt of the still vaster areas to the north.
is NOT “‘reclamation’'—it is national CONSERVA.
TION of immense established values.
It is true that large tracts of lands now wasted would prob.
ably come under settlement and cultivation when the river is
controlled. River control would, therefore, increase the value of
these lands. But this in no sense obscures the simple fact that
this bill's primary purpose is to PRESERVE EXISTING VAL.
UES in the flood ngon against ever-enlarging agencies of DE.
STRUCTION from the rest of the nation, whiof: the region itself
has become well-nigh POWERLESS to combat alone.
"~ Are these vast values, fruitfu) acres and teeming cities to
be given over to DESTRUCTION because THEIR just protec
tion increases the value of OTHER lands now unfruitful? Is not
et of sow vaine coe of Bt R S aiag ey
ues, one o
tions of GOVERNMENT, or oxvmmm‘:dmz? -
And shall the struggling heirs to these great EXISTING
values, in city and country, accumulated by the LABOR and de.
votion of two CENTURIES, be consigned to decay because
THEIR Afio‘?er salvation and expansion may happen, INCL
DENT »10 benefit the owners of some wastes?
Bhall lom‘ghh. Vicksburg, New Orleans, the countrysides
ween, be held with their faces to a dstone turned by their
Fof' citizens above them because thz‘:ohn from han?uu to
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN
the floods would benefit the owners of waste places, who have not
the money to make their possessions -anything except wastes BE
CAUSE these possessions ARE wastes?
Is this not STUPIDITY masquerading as STATESMAN.
SHIP?
The opponents of all flood-control measures loudly scorn
the theory that the States which SEND down their water upon
us are RESPONSIBLE in fair part for our PROTECTION
against it. This theory, however, from its obvious justice, evi
dently worries them more than anything else, for many of them
devote a large part of their time to weak efforts to prove it at
fault.
As a matter of fact, however, this claim to national consid
eration for the flood valley is but the simple expression of a prin
cipfie 8o clearly derived from the needs and rights of human so
ciety as to have been embedded among the fundamentals of the
two great legal systems by which the whole Caucasian race is
ruled.
The Civil Code, for instance, drawn from the Roman law,
says this:
‘lt is a servitude due by the estate situated below to re
ceive the waters which run naturally from the estate sit
uated ABOVE, provided THE INDUSTRY OF MAN HAS
NOT BEEN USED TO CREATE THAT SERVITUDE. . . . .
““The proprietor ABOVE can do nothing whereby the
natural servitude due by the estate below may be REN
DERED MORE BURDENSOME."
We had no desperate and critical flood problem a generation
ago. Such floods a¢ came spread out or were controlled in levees
that this valley could afford to maintain today at a fraction of
the expense to which the vaster floods have put us. These floods
are vaster because ‘‘the proprietors above'’ have shorn the trees
from their mountains, straightened their streams, drained their
lakes, tilled their farms, and, year by year, ‘‘rendered MORE
BURDENSOME"’ our ‘‘NATURAL servitude.’’
The same principle is clearly stated by the commentators
on the ancient Common Law.
Blackstone, among his ‘‘common nuisances,’’ lists ‘‘public
rivers,” either positively by actual obstruction or negatively,
BY WANT OF REPARATIONS.
"“The parish at large,”’ he says, ‘“may be indicted, con
strained to repair and amend them.”” The nation is but a
greater parish,
““If a water course is stopped,’’ says CHITTY, ‘‘to the
nuisance of the country, and none appear bound by preserip
tion to clear it, those towns which have the immediate use
may be compelled to remove the obstruction.’’
If we hold that the water may not be STOPPED to the
nuisance of the country, may we not require protection when it
is STARTED, or ACCELERATED, to the nuisance of the coun.-
try? Does anybody deny that the terrible catastrophes now re
curring every few years in the flood valley ARE ‘‘a nuisance to
the country?’’ Why should those who START or ACCELER.-
ATE these waters not be compelled to ABATE their destructive
RESULTS? :
Kent summarizes and applies for America the principles of
the laws of England.
““Every proprietor on the banks of a river,”” he says,
‘"has naturally an equal right to the use of the water which
flows in the stream. . . ASIT WAS WONT TO FLOW,
WITHOUT DIMINUTION OR ALTERATION. No proprie
tor has the right to use the water to the prejudice of the
other proprietors above OR BELOW him.
"The owner must so use and apply the water as to work
no material INJURY or ANNOYANCE to his neighbor BE.
LOW him,
He must not . . detain the water unreasonably,
or LET IT OFF IN UNUSUAL QUANTITIES."
We could continue these quotations at far greater lengths.
Thopflnciplothoytllhydmilthomwnoflmmn
experience. These authorities have NO INTEREST in the pend.
ing legislation. All of them are DEAD generations ago, and they
iy ot T e i e it
com X
Ouru:r’mmdngum':n"hnwmtlnodmydzon
and Congressmen are ignorant of them.
Congressman Mann .pw recognizes the principle, but
seems to think we are not en to its protections.
mmm and settlers found floods on the Mississippt
WHEN Y CAME HERE, he contends. We, their descend.
ants, were on notice when we built upon what had laid
down. Wowokonrchnouudmumtoumr:{ww
floods from other regions at this stage of our "
His conclusions would be true if his le were not
NOT PORK, BUT PREPAREDNESS
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UNTRUE. The floods along the early Mississippi were NOT the
floods of today. Farms and cities were laid out and grew up be.
yond the reach of floods, or in sites where they could be PRO.
TECTED from the NATURAL flow of the river, at REASONA.
BLE cost.
While these great national values we are now struggling to
protect were founding and developing, the country FROM
WHICH the waters come was 4 WILDERNESS. Those regions,
too, are now settled. The settlers and their children, by the UN.
RESTRAINED processes of their industry and artifice, have so
tremendously ALTERED the face of their lands as to reduce
our own people to the verge of desperation in our efforts to pro
tect ourselves #flmt the UNNATURAL floods thus launched
upon us in ALWAYS-GROWING volume.
We have quoted you the experience of the human race on
the me" wrongs and entitlements of the case. We think we
have disposed of the only respectable pretense at proof that the
poo&l: of the M‘g{ Valley, in particular, are not entitled
to simple justice t human experience proclaims for such
situations as theirs. 3
’
Atlanta’s Own
\
Atlanta is justly proud of the many distinctive things within
her walls.
Whatever is good in worth-while cities has its duplicate
stamped Atlanta. Her postoffice receipts, her bank clearings,
greal manufacturing plants, and central agencies, the enormous
volume of wholesale merchandise going outward through her
nm.mmfithhtrnflmdn.lumph«uofflunntcluo.
Our great and impartial government inscribed her name on
the tablet of twelve cities having natural financial primacy.
But is Atlanta to be great and potent in dollars only?
n«mmummm«u and that feeds and
thrives on patriotism—not dollars.
Mmmmmhhm. muuulq.
THE HOME PAPER
War Department says it is actually emaciated; in fact, nine of its
twelve companies are too weak for Uncle Bam to rest his weary
elbows upon—says the Department. Only Companies C, F and L
have man-strength enough to be any support in times of stress.
In the other nine companies the thin, brown line of khaki is in
visible to Uncle Sam—only in numbers, mind you, are they weak."
In all else they take high stand, as shown by the Government
report.
Is it possible that Atlanta will let her own peculiar regiment
die of starvation? The Georgian thinks not.
Last summer when there was a disturbance the city police
lost control, so did the county constabulary, and the Sheriff's
posse.
And then—came the thin, brown line down the hot and dusty
road, through the hostile masses of humanity—and there was
then order where chaos had reigned.
And so it was in 1906
And thus it will be again.
Our regiment costs us less than the salary of one policeman,
yet in it we have 600 rifles and 600 bayonets, in 1,200 hands
trained to obedience, guided and led by 50 officers picked for
their ability to command and control.
And the only price is patriotism.
Atlanta will not let her own regiment die, but how soon will
she feed it to fullness? She must not fail, but rouse herself to
action now and fill her regiment with the pick of her young man.
hood ere failure, for the first time, climbs over her broken walls.
Under the new army bill the presence of each company here
will bring approximately $7,600 into the city. Do we care for the
loss of nine times that sum?
The owners of property and the employers of men in Atlanta
feel too keenly the need of protection to allow the Fifth to fall
Young men, enlist now that you may be better citizens. ]
Fathers, have your sons enlist that they may be better sfti.
m'l.;dloycnhmr have list that they may be |
, have your men en a |
vorbn’ud better cttmn. — 'm