Newspaper Page Text
Mrs. Samuel Inman, Head of the
State Division, to Appoint Tem
porary Chairman in Georgia
Towns to Aid National Council,
Mrs. Samuel M. Inman, chairman
of the Georgia division of the Wom
an's Committee, Council of National
Defense, received vesterday instruc
tions from Washington to appoint
temporary chairmen in the cities and
towns of Goorgia who will call to
gether the heads of all local women's
organizations and for munits of the
national defense work,
Chairman appointed up to this time
are Mrs. Willilam Wilson, Savannah,
and Mrs. L. A. Arrington, Augusta.
Mrs. Inman said others would be
named in a few dayvs.
Mrs. Inman announced that the of
ficial board of the Georgia division
had been appointed, as follows:
Honorary chairman, Mrs. Nellie
Peters Black, Atlanta, Ga.
First vice chairman, Mrs, Z. 1. Fitz
patrick, Thomasville, Ga
Second vice chairman, Mrs. Isaac
Minis, Savannah, Ga.
Third vice chairman, Mrs. A, E. Van
Hoose, Rome, Ga.
Recording secretary, Miss Lucy
Lester, Thomasville, Ga.
Correspond'ng sgecretary, Mrs. Dan
iel Harrig, Atlanta, Ga.
Treasurer, Mrs. Hugh Willet, At
lanta, Ga. |
The Georgia division central (‘mn-‘
mittee includes the presidents of the
State organizations of women whn‘
are doing any form of defense work.
The woman's committee of th(‘l
Cbuncil of National Defense with
headquarters in Washigton, includes
Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, chairman;
Mrs. Philip N. Moore, Mrs. Josiah
Cowles, of California; Miss Maude
Wetmore, lLong Island, Mrs, Carrie
Chapman Catt, New York; Mrs. An
toinette Funk, Illinois;: Mrs. Stanley
MeCorinick, Boston; Mrs. Joseph La
mar, Atlanta; Miss Ida Tarbell, New
oo i $e
To Aid State Council.
The object of the local units in
the various towns is to co-operate
with the State committee and the
State Council of National Defense,
of which Governor Dorsey is chair
man. Their activities will be:
1. To secure accurate, written re
rorts of all defense work being done
by the women's organizations of their
localities.
2. To transmit to all the women of
these localities instructions from
Council of National Defense in Wash
ington.
The business now at hand would be
a registration not only for food con
servation, but for possible service
from women under.census bureau in
structions, the plan for this delayed
pending legislation now before the
General Assembly.
The members of the central or State
committee of the Georgia division,
composed of the heads of State or
ganizations, are urged to consider that
their first duty is to secure as soon
as possible reports of the defense
work of their organization within
Georgia, this report to be made to
the State chairman of the Georgia
division, No. 552 Peacntree street, At
lanta, Ga.
From Washington headquarters re
cent information has been sent to
State chairmen as follows:
“We learn that garden products are
heing wasted because of the absence
from home of the owners of the gar
dens. the over-supply for the individ
nal family, the lack of transportation
facilities to ship where the goods
could be used, and various similar
reasons.
“To meet this condition and save
this waste we suggest that a com
munity center be established in every |
community for the purpose of drying,
canning or preserving such surplus.
Where school kitchens are already
established they would be the natural
center. Where no school kitchens ex
ist a church kitchen or private kitch
en can surely be secured.
To Seek Surplus Food.
“The committee in charge of such
a center should thoroughly canvass
its community or the district assigned
to it, asking for contributions of all
surplus food stuffs from housewives,
gardeners and markets.
“The new process of drying and
dehvdrating food eliminate in large
measure the problem of containers in
which to can and preserve, but when
containers are necessary your com
mittee must b able to meet that prob
lem by securing contributions of jars,
or meney to buy containers. From
the State and National Department
of Agriculture full information can
be secured regarding the process
ahove mentioned, or we will gladly se
cure it for you.
“Phe question of the use to which
euch preserved food stuffs shall be
put neturally arises and is one which
must be decided by each community.
1t may be sokl at a minimum price
to the poor in the district, it may be
turned over to a social service agen
cy to distribute during the hard win
ter onths, or it may be held for some
months as the property of your local
committe when later developments
will determine the wisest use to make
of it.
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), A
AN INTERVIEW WITH KERENSK Y---Savior of Russia
“America and Russia Should Dominate the
Peace Conference,” Declares War Minister.
Neither Has Any Desire for Conquest—We
Are Not in the Great War for Annexation.
By ISAAC F. MARCOSSON.
WEEK before the Russian Revolution, Alexander Kerensky was
A scarcely known outside of the immediate circles of the Labor
Party in Petrograd. When | arrived in Petrograd, hot on the
heels of the historic happenings that overthrew the Czar, his name
was on every tongue and, before a month had passed, he was part of
' Russia’s prayers. Here was a poor and practically obscure young man
~he was barely 356 when he came into his great prominence—who In
a single week assumed the role of Nation Savior and made himself
the Lloyd George of his country.
History records no rise so swift or so sensational. The man's
achlevement makes him the one distinct and outstanding personality
of that whole crcwded epoch that changed the face of Russia.
I met Kerensky under circumstances that, had they been staged
for the occasion, could not more fittingly Interpret the character of
the man and the immense part he was playing in the drama of Russian
liberation. He had hardly acclimated himself to the ministerial atmos
phere when I call upon him at his office in the Ministry of Justice.
The appointment was for 10 o'clock in the morning, and | arrived there
a few minutes before that time.
TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE,
The crowd in the anteroom indicated that I was at a tribune of
the people, because the throng that filled nearly all the available space
represented the democracy of the hour. Generals emblazoned with or
ders rubbed shoulders with unwashed privates. You say merchant and
washerwoman, priest and athiest, uplifter and radical—all part of the
procession that had come to the cabinet of a Father Confessor. °
Sharply at 10 o'clock the door opened; a pale face peered out,
bowed, smiled, and then withdrew. Kerensky was sizing up his audi
ence. An attendant then appeared and escorted ten private soldiers
into the inner chamber. After an interval of ten minutes they emerged
and went their way. My time had arrived, because an officer—one or
two were in constant attendance upon the Minlste'r. for he is the only
member of the Government who had an armed guard—appeared and
asked me to step inside.
I followed him and found myself in a small bare room. There was
not a picture on the walls. But the moment I entered I felt that the
place was vibrant with a definite presence. That presence was incar
nated in the spare, almost ascetic figure of a man who sat at a plain,
flat-topped desk, fingering some papers. It was Kerensky.
PERSONALITY OF THE MAN.
As I appeared he rose, came forward with his hand outstretched,
saying:
“I am very sorry to have kept you waiting, but I had to see a dele
’ gation of soldiers from the front. They came to me straight from the
~ trenches, and they wanted to tell me their troubles immediately. 1
‘ hope you didn’t mind.”
‘ It was done with genuine charm and with a wistfulness that was
~ very captivating. I saw at once how and why Kerensky had succeeded
’ with his fellowmen. He was very human.
He sat down and talked in a steady stream for an hour. Only
Roosevelt surpasses him in ceaseless flow of speech. He talks as he
has lived—earnestly, passionately, completely. Russian is the only
language he knows. He plays on it as upon an instrument and it is
tremulous with emotion. Every effort he makes is a sap at his vitality.
He fairly drains the well-springs of his life.
But more impressive than his speech is the appearance of the man.
His face is white almost to ghastliness; his cheeks are gaunt; his
eyes are deep, black, lustrous; he looks like one who has suffered and
struggled and borne the great burdens. He incarnates the stuff of
which martyrs are made.
We talked of many things—of war, peace, democracy, the whole
chaos into which the world seemed plunged. He displayed an amaz
ing knowledge of affairs, and I was not surprised to find that his two
admirations were Lincoln and Lloyd George. Consciously he has made
the lives of these two great leaders the models for his own. Un
consciously he has become, so far as his public career is concerned,
the prototype of the British Prime Minister. Who knows but what he
i may not share with the great American Emancipator the glory of a
~ kindred martydom!
AMERICA MUST LEAD.
At the very moment that I talked with Kerensky, the world—or
rather that part of it which was lined up with the allied cause—was
trembling with anxiety as to whether Russia would make a separate
peace. [ put the question squarely up to the then Minister of Justice,
Quick as a flash he replied:
“So long as I have any influence over my people, Russia will make
no separate peace. The whole cause of world freedom hangs upon the
successful outcome of the war against Prussian militarism. A separate
peace would defeat every purpose of world liberalism.”
The talk then turned to the part that America would play in the
war. Kerensky’s eye kindled and even his pale face took on for the
first time the faintest semblance to a flush.
“Ah!” he replied, “America’s coming into the war at the same hour
Russia found her freedom is more than a coincidence. It is almost
providential. So far as the war is concerned, America's entry means
fresh hope, larger impetus, and a completer guarantee of ultimate
victory.”
AMERICA AND PEACE.
“How about America’s share in the peace making?’ I continued.
“If President Wilson in making his so-called ‘peace without victory’
speech spoke for the whole American people and not as a diplomat,”
he answered, “then America and Russia should dominate the peace
conference. Neither Russia nor America has any desire for conquest.
We are not in this war for annexation, but to safeguard democracy.
Peace must mean equality, and, with it, the larger freedom.”
Kerensky toia me that up to January 1 there had been more than a
million intermittent desertions from the Russian army; that the shell
output had been reduced 756 per cent through fallure to operate the
iron mines and furnaces; that railway transportation had almost
reached the point of demoralization when the revolution broke.
“If this state of affairs had kept up,” he said, “there would not have
been any talk of separate peace. Russia would have been overwhelmed
by her enemies without, alded by her enemies within. Now you see why
the revolution succeeded, why it was unanimous.”
Equally unanimous is the conviction in Russia that the great up
heaval found its inspired sponsor and steward in this spare, lean
limbed, hectic man who is today the idol of his people.
A SPECTACULAR RISE.
What sort of individual is this who has made himself benevolent
dictator of Russia? Probe into his brief but busy life and you find the
ideal formula of democratic leadership. Kerensky incarnates every
principle of democracy. He IS democracy.
So rapid was his rise to fame that the human interest historians
had great difficulty in placing him. He was born at Simbirsk, where
his father was principal of the local high school. He received his
first instruction at Tashkent, where he completed the high school
course, after which he was graduated in law at the University of Petro
grad. He could not afford to embark at once upon the uncertain sea
of a new legal practice, so he became one of these officials himself,
While at school Kerensky was known for his ready speech and
fervid oratory, which let loose at the slightest provocation. When he
finally took up his law practice in Petrogradshe immediately allied him
self with the.Labor party and at once made his presence felt.
A PEOPLE'S LAWYER.
In his practice he specialized in political prosecutions which were
80 common in the old corrupt Rusgia. On more than one occasion he
defended his clients with such impassioned force and with such unre-
TIEARST'S SUNDAY AMERICAN __ A Newspaper for People Who Think — SUNDAY, JULY 22 1017
NEW REPUBLIC’S HEROIC LEADER—Alexander Keren.
sky, Russia's Minister of War, who personally led the re
cent offensive in Galicia. Although physically frail, he is con.
sidered the ‘‘strong man’’ of Russia and one of the foremost
figures produced by the war.
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strained condemnation of reactionary methods that he narrowly es
caped prosecution himself. Despite his reputation for more or less
irresponsible declamation, he showed real strength of character, and
when this quality was put to the test at the nupf'eme crisis it stood
revealed like pure gold. His attitude in the Fourth Duma, to which
he was elected from the government of Saratoff, heightened the im
pression that perhaps this young spread eagle orator, who had a speech
for every occasion, was something of a man after all.
Such was his brief and stormy training for that great hour when
Kerensky was to stand disclosed as the real Republic Maker. His
contact and association with the revolutionary workmen groups en
abled him to keep in close touch with everything that was transpiring
during these momentous weeks in March, when hunger, irritation and
the long smoldering protest against iron despotism were slowly but
surely bringing revolt to a head. Although he was a member of the
Duma, his real interest and assoclation—born of every bond of birth
and conviction—was with the Extremists.
When the revolution broke, he found himself in a curiously anomal
ous situation. The conservatism of the Duma claimed his loyalty. On
the other hand, the fierce and unrestrained radicalism of the Socialists
and their allies in the Council of Workmen’'s and Soldiers’ Delegates
appealed to his fervor and his imagination. Never was a man so beset.
He might have allied himself with the Reds, become their flaming
leader and gone straight to the Presidency of the rampant republic they
were proclaiming.
But Kerensky cast his lot with Reason, and with the great deci
sion—it was merely part of his destiny—he became Russia’s handy
man. With his colleague, Cheidze, he formed the link between the Radi
cals and the Duma during the days when dissension and discord threat
ened the very life of the new freedom. He dominated every situation;
faced all the crises that crowded so thick and fast.
HOW HE SAVED SUKHOLMINOFF.
It was Kerensky almost more than any other man who put the
respect of justice into the heart of the Revolution, and made the re
straint, which was one of the miracles of that miraculous hour, possi
ble. He dictated the policy that abolished capital punishment. He
made himself responsible for the safety of the royal family and urged
clemency for the reactionaries. Thus it followed that the arrests of
men like Sturmer and Protopopoff and others, who had debauched the
nation and made the reign of reaction one long agony for the Russian
people, were bloodless.
The arrest of the arch traitor Sukhomlinoff, who, as Minister of
War, sold the war secrets to the Germans that brought on the Galician
reverses, came near to being an exception. It provided a sensational
episode, and likewise gave Kerensky one of his spectacular oppor
tunities.
Sukhomlinoff was found in the apartment of a friend and dragged
in full uniform to the Duma. The restraint which had marked the
taking of most of the oppressors vanished at the sight of the betrayer
of his country. There was a rush to rend him. Kerensky heard the
uproar and, placing himself before the shuddering and cowering figure,
said dramatically: Z
“Every man in Russia is now to have a fair trial. [ shall be re
sponsible for Sukhomlinoff. If you kill him, you must kill me first.”
It was the first enunciation of the new rule of justice and it pre
vailed. Sukhomlinoff was stripped of his epauletes and led off to join
his colleagues of autocracy in the dungeon of the old fortress of SS.
Peter and Paul, whose guns even then were sounding the requiem of
the monarchical power.
How Kerensky survived those grilling weeks was a miracle. His
none-too-robust constitution was subjected to a well-nigh incredible
strain. Day and night, he was in almost continuous conference—plead
ing, debating, arguing. His old radical co-workers charged him with
moderation. When he rose to speak in the public assemblies he was
frequently the target of bitter verbal attack. When he went forth in
the streets his life was in constant danger. He lived on his nerves.
Only his indomitable will kept him going.
How did he achieve his ultimate and compelling triumph over all
obstacles? In the answer is his first kinship with Lloyd George. It
lies in an oratory that is perhaps his greatest gift. Like the wizard
Welshman who has stood so often in Britain's breach, he speaks with
an emotion that becomes a sweeping flood of passion. He lacks the
Lloyd George brilliancy of imagery, and he has none of the poetry and
vision which are the birthright of “England's Darling.” But he has
a personal appeal that is well-nigh irresistible. It is convincing be
cause it 18 sincere,
DEFYING HIS DEFIERS.
Linked with this sincerity is an iron courage. During the whole
period of riotous upheaval, when the new Government was shaping
and when Petrograd, intoxicated with its new liberty, had swung from "
one extreme to another, he risked everything for his convictions. He
bearded his defiers whatever the cost. When his one-time associates,
.now nthroned in the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers’ Delegates,
accused him of disloyalty, he went straight to their midst and de
fended himself.
With that fine sense of the dramatic which he shares with Lloyd
George, he suddenly appeared in the Assembly Chamber. His coming
had been unheralded. As he enterd th room, his name had just
been uttered with derision and almost contempt by one of his Socialistic
critics. He strode swiftly down the aisle to the rostrum and faced the
crowd. Instantly. there was silence. His pallid face was whiter than
usual, but his eyes flashed with fire. He looked about him for a
moment and th2n began what was in many respects one of his greatest
speeches. Certainly it was one of his most characteristic. He went
straight to the point. In ringing tones, he said:
“l have heard that rumors have been active among you that
How Poor, But Brilliant Lawyer Arose From
Struggling Socialistic Champion to Dominant
Position in the Newest Republic—Rules Rad
icals With Iron Hand of Justice.
| am beginning to weaken In my attitude toward the old Govern
ment and to the Czar's family. | have heard that there are some
among you who dare to mistrust me. | warn all that | will not
permit any one to show distrust of me, and in my person to insult
the Russian democracy.
“I ask you elther to exclude me from your midst or to place
your implicit trust in me. | shall work for your welfare so long as
| retain your trust and so long as all are frank with me.
“But people have appeared who desire to sow the seeds of dis
union among us. Remember that, in the name of national duty, we
must all work together, and if you wish, | will work with you. If you
wish otherwise—l| will go away. | want to know, do you believe in
me or do you not?”
There could only be one response to such an appeal—a superb
ovation that literally swept the speaker off his feet. He was carried
around the room on the shoulders of a half dozen brawny delegates.
After that speech all criticism of Kerensky ceased. Henceforth,
his leadership was implicitly, almost blindly, followed.
THE KERENSKY METHOD.
Kerensky has all of Lloyd George's geniug of being able to sound
out the populace and finding out what it wants. Like his Welsh col
league, he makes every speech seem to be a direct and personal appeal
to every Individual in his audience. It is one of the master elements in
the formula of successful popular oratory.
Scarcely had the revolution subsided before Kerensky visited the
front and asked the soldiers in the trenches to stand by the new order.
He also made a flying trip to Helsingfors, the capital of Finland, and
made an eloquent address to the Finnish Parliament. He made this
trip with characteristic swiftness, so swift, in fact, that he did not
even have a passport and was arrested on the Russian frontier. He got
through, however. Unannounced, he rose in the Chamber and claimed
the privileges of the floor, saying:
“1 am Kerensky, the new Minister of Justice, and I want to talk
~ to you about the new Government.”
In similar abrupt fashion he descended one day upon a sewing
circle composed of fashionable women doing Red Cross work. Almost
before they had time to wonder who or what he was, he said:
“l 1 am Kerensky the Red. Don't be alarmed. I won't bite you. 1
merely came here to tell you that we Radicals are not as bad as we
are painted. When you go home you can tell your family and friends
that the new Governmene seeks no man's life. All it wants is Intelli
gent co-operation from everybody.”
Thus KeKrensky went his way. placating the unruly, harmonizing
the discordant—a tower of strength to the new order. Life for him
became one long and impassioned public service. It was his over
whelming appeal that swung the Socialists into line with the Pro
visional Government and made the Coalition Cabinet possible at a time
when a counter revolution seemed inevitable and the fate of the infant
liberty trembled in the balance.
MINISTER OF WAR.
In this pregnant moment of accora which really saved the Russian
democracy, he stepped from the Ministry of Justice into the portfolio
of war and began which will probably become a progressive journey
towards the Premiership.
If up to this any man had questionad the bigness of Kerensky,
his attitude now removed all doubt. Kerensky was a Socialist and,
therefore, an anti-imperialist. Yet in the moment when he felt that
his country needed a great sacrifice he met the emergency. No con
trast in his life of contrasts was sharper. It was even more pro
nounced than the spectacle of Lloyd George, the one-time pro-Boer
and Pacifist, sitting in the seat of Kitchener.
Shortly after he became Minister of War, Kerensky made one of
the many dramatic and intimate illuminations of his character. The
whole country was a-quiver with curiosity as the policy of the
Socialist Warrior. He lost no time in making his creed known. A
Congress of Peasants had just convened in Petrograd. These were his
own people, and to them he made his first declaration of the new
principles, and with all the fire and passion at his command.
“Soldiers, sailors and officers,” he said, “I call upon you to make
a last heroic effort. I am your servant. Help me to show the world
that the Russian army {8 not a demolished temple, but that it is strong
and formidable, capable of making itself respected and of defending
the free republic of democratic Russia. It may appear strange that a
civilian, who was never a soldier, has undertaken the heavy task of
restoring disecipline in the army, but I have accepted it because I under
stand that this disciple is based on Nonor, duty and reciprocal respect.
‘“SELF-SACRIFICE, DUTY, DISCIPLINE."’
“l have never known what this discipline is, but nevertheless 1
purpose to introduce an iron discipline into the army, and I am sure 1
shall succeed. This discipline is necessary not only at the front, but
also in the interior of the country in order to bring the liberty which
has been conquered into the Constituent Assembly.
“l am shortly going to the front. Allow me, therefore, to say in
the trenches that the Russian peasants are to have the land which
belongs to them, and that no force shall take it from them; but also
allow me to say that, in order to achieve this object, everyone shall do
his duty toward the war in a spirit of self-sacrifice.”
Petrograd was still ringing with the cheers that followed this ouot
burst when Kerensky issued his famous first Order of the Day to the
Russian army. It rang with the clarion call to duty and action. The
order was as follows:
“The country is in danger and each one must do what he can to
avert it. No request to be allowed to resign made in the desire to
escape responsibility at a time so grave as the present will be accepted
by me. Deserters are enjoined to return to the army and fleet at once.
All infractions of these instructions will be severely punished.”
IN THE TRENCHES.
But Kerensky did more than issue stirring orders to his troops.
He dramatized them into an action that not only thrilled all Russia
to the core, but made the rest of the world literally sit up. He led
Russia’'s troops agalnst the Germans and turned a wavering attitude
toward the whole Russian army into an alert confidence in the might
of the Slav right arm.
All through Jjune the Russian armies seemed to be inert. G B
“Will Russia ever strike?”’ was the universal question.
Kerensky answered it and in a manner eminently his own. He
went to the First Army, madeone of his melodrama speeches urging
them to take the long-deferred offensive, and then, at the head of
a charging column, actually led the van in an assault upon the German
trenches., He galvanized the long unwilling Russian army into a
mighty and victorious force; it netted a bag of more than 166,000
German prisoners. More than this, it put the punch back into the
Russian army and almost overnight reinstated the country into the
respect of its allies, Once more Kerensky had made good. He named
the victorious regiments “July One Regiments,” thus signalizing the
date of the first successtul battles of the new Russian Republican
armies after three months of inaction.
No man who has watched Russla in the verilous days of her transi
tion can question the fact that much of the future of the nation lies
in the hollow of Kerensky's hand. Up to him was placed squarely the
task of instilling into the milions, simple, honest, illiterate and child
like, his people, the message of democracy. No other man in the
country could attempt it with any hope of success. What he can do
remaing to be seen.
But one thing is certain: So long a 8 Kerensky lives, so long will
reason rule. The man who was the Cement of the Reveolution will
remain the Rock of Reconstruction.
President to Settle Goethals-Den
man Clash While Away From
Capital in His Yacht—May Re
tain Both Men,
(By International News Service.)
WASHINGTON, July 21.—~The con
troversy between Major General
George W, Goethals, president of tha
limergency Shipping Corporation
formed to construct an American
shipping fleet, and William Denman,
chairman of the Federal Shipping
Board, will be settled by President
Wilson early next week. This was
made known this afternoon following
a conference between Secretary to
the President Joseph P. Tumuity and
Sceretary of the Navy Josephus Dan
fels,
The President is out of Washington
for the “wee-end,” but has with him
on the Mayflower all of the documents
dealing with the controversy.
“The President recognizes that the
ships promised must be built, and
he will take steps on Monday to have
that done as soon as possible,” a #igh
official explained. *“The ships to re
place those sunk by German subma
rines must be built without further
deley.”
It was sald that the President prob
ably would make an effort to retain
both Geenral Goethals and Mr. Den
man in their respective positions, but
no one!in authority would hazard a
guess as to how he would divide the
responsibility,
Later, it was stated by an official
in close touch with President Wilson
that it was improbable that either
General Goethals or Mr. Denman
would resign, but that the President
would solve the situation through a
“master stroke.” It was intiamted
that their duties would be so divided
that neither would step on the toes
of the other in their discharge.
Houston Sheriff To
Be Tried on Monday
PERRY, July 21.—-G. W. Winn,
Sheriff of Houston County, who was
arrested on the afternoon of July 14
by Coroner A. (. Stallings on a war
rant for assault and battery on Rev.
H. C. Ewing, pastor of the Meth
od'st Church of Perry, and put under
bond for his appearance before the
City Court on Monday, July 16, will
be tried next Monday. When the
case was called last Monday he made
demand for a trial by jury, there be
ing a jury in attendance on the court
for that day. The case was contin
ued for a hearing until next Monday
morning at 9 o'clock.
Robert E. Brown, Solicitor, will be
assisted in the prosecution by W, D.
MeNeil, of Macon, and the defend
ant will be represented by J. W,
Bloodworth, of Perry, and Jim Felton,
‘of Montezuma.
Substitute Age of
Consent Bill Framed
A substitute bill to replace the
original bill of Representative White,
seeking to change the age of consent
from 10 to 15 years, will be drawn
by a subcommittee of the House Ju
diciary Committee No. 2, and pre
sented to the committee for consid
eration. \
The subcommittee was appointed
Friday by Chairman Burwell, and is
composed of Representatives Bower,
Steele and Lawrence. The General
Judiciary Committee could not get
together on the age limit, many of
the mem©sers holding out for 14 years
instead of 15.
Speeches in favor of raising the
age to 15 years or more were made
by Mrs. Mary L. McLendon, of the
Georgia Temperance Union, and
Leonard (Grossman, attorney for the
Georgia Woman's Suffrage Associa-
Lion,
(G
Cones \
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You have found that 3
CONE produces
Beautiful Printsfrom |
your negatives. §
Then mail us your films |
and teet our Mail Order i
Service. Rolls received |
by 9 a. m. mailed at 6 i
p. m. of same day. 3
Roll films and film §
packs developed free. |
Write for price list. §
We operate our own i
plant and invite in- ]
spection. s ‘
“Largest Amateur Photo
graphic Laboratory in ':
the South.” . |
Wi
E. H. CONE, \;
(Inc,) §
8 Cwntral Storea Ir
Atlanta.
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