Newspaper Page Text
TRUTH--JUSTICE
ATLANTARHGECRGIAN
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Text for the Dav
Where a man’s ways please the Lord he maketh even
his enemice to be at peace with him.—Prover be XVI:T
—TPext today by the Rev. James E. Dickey, Pastor
First Methodist Church,
—— v
THE EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT
1S UNDER BOMBARDMENT
OME twelve years have passed gince Georgla
S became a prohibition State by statutory enact
ment. Since that time the original prohibition
law has been variously amended—always in the direc
tion of greater stringency—until today it may be fairly
econcluded that Georgia 1s a rock-ribbed prohibition
State.
’ It is true, nevertheless, that when Georgla adopted
sgtatutory prohibition the State wus proceeding upon
something of a local option—with the State as the
unit—idea. It was not the original design or pur
poese of the State to proceed to prohibition by way of
federal, or even State, consiitutional amendment
However, the federal amendment has since been ratl
fied by the Georgia Legislature, thus completing the
pecord.
Just what the real, down-in-the-heart opinion of
Georgians in respect of federal constitutional prohi
bition under the Volstead act, so called, is, The Geor
glan is not quite sure. Undoubtedly there are some
very decided differences of opinion. ‘ln the final sum
ming up of things, The Georgian suspects the State
would stand pretty steadfastly by its prohibition rec
ord, as established by its legislatureg of late years;
but, even with that true, there still is a large section
of Georgia’s pepulation looking toward present-day
agitation of the guestion in other States with inter
ested eyes.
| The permission granted New Jersey to institute
original proceedings to test the validity of the prohibi
tlon amendment is not evidence of the propriety or
impropriety of the amendment itself. It is merely
further illustration of the right of the minority to
make certain that so sweeping a change in the liber
ties of the nation has been legally arrived at. The
| question of the right and wrong of the change does
not come into consideration. The question whether a
majority of the peopie favor probibitlon is not en
tered into.
The three points presented by the attorney general
| of New Jersey are, first, that the amendment was im
~ properly drawn; second, that no authority exlsts for
presenting an amendment regulating principally the
habits and customs of the people.
’ The first point is purely technical, the second
almost purely so. But the third any layman can un
derstand. The amendment ls, in effect, the estabiish
ment of a police power regulation. It deals with a
sort of thing which hitherto has been regarded as
| purely a community or State matter. It gives to the
federal government authority in a matter which is
_mot so much & national as an individual concern.
‘ As if, for instance, an amendment should be passed
fixing the height of buildings everywhere, or the pen
- alty for burglary.
, What the law is, we shall know hereafter; at least,
~ we shall have the judgment of the Supreme Court,
~ which will have to content us. But the point of order
- to which New Jersey rises is interesting.
| The centralized power of the federal government
has come on a long way since 1787. Not a jurist in
g that day would have dreamed of ascribing to the gov
| ernment at Washington the right to interfere with
~ State government to the extent that is granted in the
eighteenth amendment.
° Nevertheless, that right may be inherent in the
Qonstitution. The determination of Rhode Island and
New Jersey to discover is altogether reasonable and
fair ; and anybody who ralses the cry that attacking an
amendment is revolutionary belongs te the group who
define law as their own desires in uniform.
"REPEAL THE ESPIONAGE LAW;
RETURN TO REAL AMERICANISM
i HE joint resolution of Senator France, now be
j T fore the Judiciary Committee, expressing as
y the opinion of Congress that prosecutions un
~ der the espionage act should cease and recommending
. a gemeral amnesty to persons convicted under it, The
. Georgian thinks it most timely:
¥ Freedom of opinion is the cornerstone of American
1 democracy. It is guaranteed under our bill of rights
' and bas been disturbed only during a very few periods
. of great public excitement.
3 It is guaranteed under our bill of rights and has
~ been disturbed only during a very few periods of great
. public excitement.
3 It does not mean merely freedom of sennd epinion,
. freedom to say what the majority approves. It means
! freedom to err, to differ from the majority and even
' to believe what is not true.
i George Washington sald:
Government through force and fear is like fire, a
dangerous servant and a fearful master, Never for a
moment should it be left in irresponsible hands.
In many cases the enforcement of the esplonage act
has been arbitrary and irresponsible. ['rosecutions
have been brought under it, during hysteria, which in
calmer moments would be laughed to scorn,
Thomas Jefferson sald :
The spirit of resistance to government is so valua
ble on certain occasions that | want it always to be
kept alive. It will often be exercised when wrong, but
better so than not exercised at all.
Thomas Jefferson was not seized and imprisoned
for this bold utterance. He was twice exalted to our
highest office. Jefferson also said :
Our first object should be to leave open to the
people all avenues of truth. The most effectual hith
erto found is the freedom of the press.
Daniel Webster said:
Given a free press, we may defy open or insidious
enemies of liberty. It instructs the public mind and
animates the spirit of patriotism. Its loud voice sup
presses sverything which would raise itself against
the public liberty, and its blasting rebuke causes
inciplent despotism to perish in the bud.
But the press is not free while goveruments terror
ize free speech, censor sources of nformation or con
duect specious propaganda, to question which is by im
plication disloyal.
John Quincy Adams sald:
Freedom of speech is the only safety valve which,
‘ high pressure, can preserve your political boiler
a fearful and fatal explosion.
KPhe esplonage act clamps that safety valve down
‘wfl E. Channing said: :
s the people but what will lend
FRDAY—Editorial Page of The Atlanta Georgian—MAßCHl 1920
TEACH YOUR BOY OUTDOOR SPORTS. ;
¥ather, encdourage your Woys to engage in ath
letic sports. Teach your solis a 8 soon as they can
wddle about how to throw and catch a ball. Romp
and run with them. Buy them marbles and tops
and kites and fnstruet thennin the use of them. Be
a playfellow with your boys«is they grow up.
Later, when, they are in #chool, manifest ac in
terest in their games and comtests. KEspecially ald
and abet their participation.in outdoor exerclses—
field sports, baseball, hiking o the mountains and
camping out. Have them taught to swim if you
can not teach them yourself. Let them iecarn to
row and sail a boat, to ride.a bicycle and run a
motor car.
¥rom babyhood te manbwod, let them grow up
as much out of doors as is compatible with your
circumstances and their education. They will de
velop sturdy physiques, capable off strength and
endurance during their after life. They will be
healthy instead of sickly and vigorous instead of
frail.
Teach them to be “good ysportd”—fair players,
modest winners and good losers. Doon’t be afraid of
their learning to box. They will bes the more manly
by mastering the art of gelftdeferrse. Warn them
against recklessness of their/own safety and insist
upon their showing consideration to the rights of
others and courtesy to the weaker ones.
Above all, instill into theliir minds the decency
of playing fair. "That will give us in the next gen
eration a race of young Americans with sane minds
in sound bodies, fit for any work or walk in life.
support to men in power, farewell to liberty.
Fearless Wendell Phillips said:
If there iss anything in the universe that can not
stand discussion, let it crack.
That used to be universal Americanism. Is it not
equally souud‘ now?
In his great essay oniMilton, in which he dealt
with one of ithe transformnation periods of English
history, Macawlay said :
We deploredthe outrages:which accompany revolu
tions. But theymore violentrthe outrage, the more as
sured we feeltthat a revolution was necessary. The
violence of those cutrages will always be proportioned
to the ferocity!and ignorance of the people; and the
ferocity and ignorance of the people will be propor
tioned to the oppression and Wegradation under which
they have been accustomed totlive. * * * The final
and parmanent fruits of liborfiy are wisdom, modera
tion and mercy. * * * Thare is only one cure for
the evils which newly acquired¥freedom produces; and
that cure is freedom.
The spirit which sought in these recent times to im
prison American citizens for. speaking honest opinions,
even wrong opinlons, is not the spirit in which our
nation was built. Temporary officeholders are only
public servants. If they want so control public opin
ion by force, they are unfit for authority.
Whatever the excuse during the intense emotion
alism of war, the time \has now come for “the final
and permanent fruits of)liberty—wisdom, moderation
und mercy.”
Qur war hazard, our !war rage have both passed.
We should look forward, not backward.
In our prisous are many men—some of good char
acter, but foolish minds—-who wmre suffering not the
penalty of overt acts, but of mistaken, though hon
estly held, opinions. No good;purpose is served by
coutinuing their punishment.
At Appomattox General Grant spoke his noblest
words and expressed the true wish of wholesome
America when he said: “Let us have peace.”
Our own Kobert K. Lee taught peace not, hatred,
after the war.
Peace not technically, but:/ the healing spirit of.
peace and restored good will;fthe peace not of force
but of mercy,
Senator France is right in assuming that his res
olution voices the returning will of the best elements
of the American people in this.day and time.
Not only should the vicious espionage act, fruit of
u perverted sense of duty, be repealed and an amnesty
proclaimed, bat all the hectoring by-products of this
misadventure into autocracy should be wiped out of
our public life as speedily as possible.
Democraey is the resultant of many influences. It
needs every man's opinion to supply the safety in ay
erages.
let us have faith in our ultimate ability to winnow
re true from the false. y
Those who like brevity in the news perhaps will be
able to grasp the Georgia primary muddle with respect
to Mr. Hoover when we sum it up thus: He ought to
go on, but won't.
Perhaps Chancellor Kapp is the gentleman they use
in Germany nowadays to sit astride the well known
climax. He should have been on the job several years
earlier,
Those super-efficient Germans we used to read so
much about do not seem to be the variety running the
so-called revolution just now,
I Letters From the People |
e —————————————
AMERICAN WOMEN,
Editor The Georgian:
Senor Ibanez Bpanish novelist, misjudges New
World social conditions when he advocates, even in
jest, less adulation and more “cave man stuff” for
American women. He has the foreign, not the Ameri
can, idea.
Women are either the dependents or the equals of
men. If they are the dependents, they certainly should
be treated with kindness and consideration; for no
stronger person would treat a weaker person in any
other way unless the stronger person were a cur and
a coward.
If women are equals, then they should not only be
treated with the respect due to equals but they can
not be treated in any other way, for they would not
submit to it. »
We Americans know how to treat our American
women, and we treat them as well as we know how,
and then feel that we do not treat them well enough.
Buropean women may like the “rough stuff,” but
we doubt it. ‘They may have to submit to that kind
of treatment because they have not any choice. But
the opinion of Americans is that rough treatment of
women i& degrading, not only to the women but also
to the men.
In a society of equals it is an unfair rule which
does not work both ways.
Suppose that women should try the “rough stufr.”
They are capable of it when goaded. Would Senor
Ibanez wish to have his prescription reversed?
Atlanta, A MERE MAN.
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Comment ©
REMOVING A DISCRIMINATION
(Augusta Chronicle.)
The Florida Metropolis is con
gratulating the Southeastern ports
or a victory they have just won.
As the Metropolis explains it,
under a ruling of the federal rail
way administration issued on Feb
ruary 28, just before the retur of
the vallroads to their private own
ers, demurrage rules and rates
which virtually put the South At
lantic ports on a parity with the
North Atlantic ports are now in
effect and with this concession to
the Southeast it is expected in
shipping and other circles that
there will be a rapid increase in
export and import business
through these ports,
The placing of the South Atlan
tic ports on the same footing with
the ports of the North Atlantic in
the matter of through rates and
demurrage rules comes after a
hard and long fight.
The movement was bitterly op
posed by the larger parts to the
north, but in spite of this oppo
gition, the railway administration
saw the fairness of the petition
and its having been granted in
sures a more rapid and steady de
velopment of the shipping busi
ness of this section. The favorit
ism shown to the New England
and other North Atlantic ports in
years gone by has resulted in the
development of these port rates at
the expense of the Southyistern
harbors. The net result has been
that often the whele country has
been made to suffer through can
gestion,
The Southeast will have to fight
hard to keep whatever she has
won. [t will require constant vig
ilance and uncompromising effort
to prevent the silpping back into
the old order. The war gave the
chance to secure fair adjustments
which wiped out discriminations
againsgt this section. But the East
wi!l restore these diseriminations
unless she is prevented from so
doing.
CAN NOT BE STANDARDIZED,
(Americug Times-Recorder,)
Husbands are not like pork ribs,
lard, bales of cotton or hushels of
wheat. Husbands vary in values.
Some are worth more and others
gre held less highly. There are no
cxact market quotations on hus
bands, such as one finds in the pro
duce market, the stoeck exchange or
the board of trade.
WORST YET TO COME.
(Dublin Courier-Herald)
1f you haven't figured out your
income tax as yet—don't worry,
Uncle Sam will do it for you. All
you have to do is divide the
amount he will tax you with later
on by two and you have it. That
is, Uncle Sam pas it.
ONE ARGUMENT ANYWAY,
(Macon Telegraph.)
One thing, if a Republican sen
ator should be elected President,
that would at least get him out of
the Senate.
The Thinker!
More Truth Than Poetry
By JAMES J. MONTAGUE.
- e - >
_\ R G S S
5755 B 5 WANTED F
2554 2 A MAN TO B
: H SACRIFICE [s¢
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b YSO
WAV S
g Y ,
A NATION OF PATRIOTS.
There appears to be no lack of presidential candidates.—News Item.
Although the ship of state is rocked upon an angry sea,
Although the surf beats loud upon the rocks that rear alee,
Although the man who takes the helm must be as staunch as steel
And quite despite his hero’s heart, may perish at the wheel,
When fair Columbia sends abroad her call for volunteers
Upon the winds are wafted back full fifteen million **Here’s!”’
Unrest has reared its unshorn head. Men clamor to be free
And emphasize their clamoring with cans of T. N. T.
The rieh refuse to lose their grip upon their hoarded gold,
And, what is worse, they’ve got on ours a brass-bound strange hold.
But when we search a leader out, the leaders baet us to it
And fifteen million men reply in one stern voice, ‘“‘I'll doit!’’
The price of food goes up and up; the wise man with a frown
Admits that he can see no way that we can get it down.
The bandit hand of Mexico is on the Nation’s throat;
The still more bandit profiteer has rocked the nation’s boat.
But when we seek a good, great man the troubled waves to calm,
Some fifteen million noble souls ery firmly, ‘‘Here I am!’’
Well know they all the sacrifice that such a job entails,
Well know they all the surging waves, the bitter, raging gales,
In faet, they each and every one will tell you in one breath
That undertaking such a task is far, far worse than death,
Yet perilous ag it will be to seek to save the unation,
The volunteers are equal to the voting population.
| : | ONLY
i 2 REGRET THAT
| N/ | HAVE BUT ONE
\ £ VOTE TO GIVE
L 3 | FOR MYSELF
3
o
e e ;—.-.--::—,:‘:&!-:_:_—""—:;—&-—-—-———-. IR RT AT
They'll Need an Extra Hall.
If all the candidaes for the G. O. P. nomination go to the con
vention there won’'t be any room in the hall for the delegates.
’ Contagious.
| Now Afghanistan demands her freedom, and will soon be
sending a president over herg to sell her bonds.
Not on the Brightest Day.
Mr. Bryan may come out of his hole, but he won't see even
the shadow of a chance.
The Exception.
Wood aleohol is one commodity which gains nothing from
free advertising.
H Sid
The Human Side
Of Stevenson
. SIR SIDNEY COLVIN,
In Scribner’s.
O wipe away some false im-
I pressions which seem to be
current:—l lately found one
writer, because Robert Louis Ste
venson was thin, speaking of him
as having been a ‘“shadowy” fig
ure; another, because he was an
invalid, describing him as ‘“ane
mic,” and a third as “thin-blooded.”
. Shadowy!
He was indeed all his life a bag
of bones, a verfi' lath for leanness;
as lean ‘as Shakespeare's Master
Slender, or let us say as Don
Quixote.
Nevertheless when he was in the
room you were hardly aware of
anybody else. :
The most robust of ordinary men
seemed to turn dim and null in
presence of the vitality that glowed
in the steadfast, penetrating fire
of the:lean man's eyes, the rich,
compelling charm of his smile, the
lissom swiftness of his movements
and Jively expressiveness of his
gestures, above all in the irresisti
ble sympathetic play and abun
dance of his talk. Anemic! Thin
blooded! The main physical fact
about him, according to the doctors,
was that his heart was too big and
its blood supply too full for his
body. There was failure of nutri
tion, in the sense that he could
never make flesh; there was weak
ness in the throat ana lungs, weak
ness above all in the arteries, never
in the heart itself; nor did his
looks even in mortal illness” and
exhaustion, ever give the impres
sion of bloodlesness, scarcely -even
of momentary pallor.
If you want to rea.ize the kind of
effect he made, at least in the early
vears when I knew him best, im
agine this attentuated but extra
ordinarily vivid and vital presence,
with something about it that at
first struck you as freakish, rare,
fantastic, a touch ¢f the elfin and
unearthly, a spirit, an Ariel,
And imagine that, as you got to
know him, this spirit, this visitant
from another sphere, turned out to
differ from mankind in general
not by being less human, but by
being a great deal more human
than they; richer blooded, greater
hearted; more human in all senses
of the word,
’
I Stars and Stripes l
Nobody cares to squeeze a lemon
of a girl.
. . .
It never takes other people long
to find out when a man is fooling
himself.
. * -
If the young man who is at a loss
for words when he attempts to
honey the adored one will tell her
ithat she is as precious as a pound
of sugar and worth her weight in
hard eoal, nothing more should bhe
necessary, except to hand a smok
able cigar to her father.
. - .
A classified ad explained, the
other day, that a furnished apart
ment was “wantad by a young mar
ried couple who have no children
now.” Few of the landlords are
likely to be tempted by such a
promise as that.
pUBLIC SERVICE
Georgia |
Politics
‘——By James B, Nevin
HE subcommittee of the Sta
T Democratic Committee i
passed the buck back % S Mr.
Hoover. F
He may have his name #ntered
as a candidate in the Georgia pref.
erential primary, provided he will
emulate the justly celebrated ut.
serance of David B. Hill, and say,
“l am a Democrat.” Four little
words, count 'em!
Otherwise, thanking him kindly
and so forth, the subcommtte%
stands pat and can really see no
reason whatsoever for writing his
name there now, as a possible
prerequisite to writing it in the
stars later on,
But that may or may not end
the argument.
Arbitrary decisions, while fre
quently effecting a mighty pur«
pose, do not always win the plaud«
its of the long suffering multi=
tudes or carry unalterable conview
tion to their souls.
For instance, the following let«
ter is rather typical of quite "h
number I have received of late:
“Dear Mr, Nevin:
“I have been enjoying very
much reading your column in The
Georgian, and am impressed with
your fairness on the question of
State politics. A
“I am writing to ask that you'
give the readers of this column
information as to how the State
Democratic Executive Committee
can deprive the Demeocratic voters
of this State of the authority that
can be exercised by delegates
elected by the voters. :
“My idea is this. ™Delegates to
the National Democratic Conven
tion would have the right to veote
for Mr. Hoover whenever they ?-
came convinced there was o
chance for the Demoecratic eandi
date who might carry the State
of Georgia in the coming primary,
and, if these delegates have the
right to vote for Mr. Hoover, how
is it possible for the State Dem
ocratic Executive Committee to
take that right away from th
voters ?
“Feeling thus, I, for one, propose
to vote for Mr. Hoover, even
though the committee does not al
low his name to go on the regular
ticket, although I realize in doing
so 1 will lese my wvete, but- I feel
that the Democratie voters should
protest against this action of the
committee, by voting in that
manner.
“l 1 had not made up my mind
for whom I would vote for Presi
dent, and may not vote for Mr.
Hoover, if his name is allowed to
go on the ticket.
“If you should see fit to com
ment on this letter, I would appre
ciate your not mentioning my
name in any manner, as I don’t
like notoriety, and am only writing
you in order to secure the infor
mation asked for, and for the pur
pose of having the same informa
tion given to the voters of this
State.”
HEN the gentleman asks me
W to explain how the crea
ture can function beyend
the reserved powers of the ere
ator, I am at a loss to answer him.
How it can exercise powers
yreater than the fundamental
powers of the authority that sets
it up, is a question that will not
soon be answered logically.
My reply to his question would
be: The subcommittee can take
from the ranks and file of the
Democratic party in Georgia the
fundamental authority of that
rank and file only by main
strength and temporary power. :
It can not consistently defend
itself, categorically and with ex
quisite legal nicety, but it can fall
pack upon partisan expediency as
its excuse, and go the limit, if it
so elects—but it must do even that,
plainily conscious of the fact that
its action may be suject to even
tual review. And that is what it
has done,
Personally—as the question is
submitted to me for opinion—l
do not think the subcommittee is
within its authority, even under
its own rules, when it declines to
place Mr. Hoover's name on the
ticket, when a petition signed
as required, by 100 or more Georgia
Democrats, demands it. 2
The committee can not assume
legally to reject such a petition,
summarily; it might look into the
status of the signers of the peti
tion, if it liked, and if they were
notoriously not Democrats, it might
reject it; it would be the duty of
the subcommittee not to let the
party organization be imposed
upon. But a petition duly. signed
by 100 or more undoubted Demo
crats, asking for Hoover's name,
can not be get aside justly and
and fairly under anv reasonable
construction of the rules, as I see
it. :
As to what the gentleman will
do “in the event Hoover’s name
does not go on the ticket,” that's
for him to determine.
Undoubtedly, there are very
many who feel just as he does—-
possibly many who will do just as
he says he will do.
That is something else again.
A Democratic voter, as any other
sort of voter, may do as his con
science directs; he may vote for
ever according to party label, or
against party label, or first one
way and then another. He likely will
keep in mind, however, that our
system of government is largely
and essentially based upon party
control and exploitation, But to
just what degree that should effect
his final conclusions and acts is
distinctly and wholly his own bus
iness,
Finally, T think it quite true that
there are more voters in Georgia
just now who propose doing—to
express it inelegantly, but force
fully—"as they damned please” at
the ballot boxes than there ever
were before,
Party fetishes and party whips
are not nearly so akin to scare
crows, as they once were; and T
very heartily doubt that they ever
will be again in Georgia.