Newspaper Page Text
V/.D/Mahon
Everatt @ol\y
EalpHM&slay.
Samuel Gomper" Phelps Stoke?.
Tlptonoindaip
^ James sTShettnatu
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN
LABOR IN POLITICS [a symposium
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS
VIEWS ON UNION LABOR
By JAMES J. MURPHY,
President of Typographical Union
No. e.
I strongly believe In trade union*, wlaely and Justly handled. In
which the rightful purpose to benefit those connected with them is not
> accompanied by a desire to do Injustice or wrong to others. I believe
In the duty of capitalists and wage workers to try to seek one another
out, to understand each other's point of view, and to endeavor to show
broad and kindly human sympathy one with the other.
r WHAT should labor do In politics?'' This question la brought home
the American people thla Labor day with especial relevancy
because thla year for the first time In the history of the modern
trade union movement In this country organised labor has gone Into politics
.,n a comprehensive national scale.
Heretofore the leaders of union labor have sedulously avoided even
the semblance of Identifying themselves or their organisations with political
parties. Suddenly has come a complete about-face attitude. Trade union
ism Is making the revolutionary experiment of seeking to have none except
labor's friends placed on guard In the halls of congress and In the legisla
tures of the various states
What the outcome will be no one knows. Even the tabor union leaders
themselves do not appear to be entirely clear as to Just how far organised
labor ought to go In politics. Their Ideas appear to be centered on retiring
from the law-making bodies those whom they regard as labor's enemies
and of electing In their stead unionism's avowed friends. The future, they
declare, will take care of Itself.
Practical politicians of both the old parties are watching labor’s new-
more with anxious eyes and are fearful for the outcome. Invariably they
run like deer at the mere. Invitation to discuss the unions' Invasion of the
Held of politics—and this applies also to some In the public eye who have
not been classed with the “practical” politicians.
A few Republicans and Democrats, however, among whom are Repre<
tentative James S. Sherman, of New York, chairman of the Republican con'
gretslonal campaign committee, and verett Colby, state senator In New Jer
sey and Republican reformer, declare the workingman's vote should be cast
with the Republican party. Mayor Adam, Buffalo's rugged Democratic mayor,
asserts that labor Is hot to be blamed If It protects Itself In politics; but
condemns any one In public life who Is a better friend , to a class than to
the mass.
The Socialists, Including the two recent wealthy converts, J. Q. Phelps
Stokes, of New York, and Joseph Medlll Patterson, of Chicago, and Upton
Sinclair, author of ’.’The Jungle,” see labor's only political salvation In the
Socialist party. Economists, the clergy, publicists and others view the new
question In varying Rshts. .
The Ideas of all on'”What should labor do In politics?” aria herewith
presented. They make highly Interesting reading for Labor day.
BV SAMUEL GOMPER8, /
President of the American Fsdsra
•ion of Labor and Loader of La
bor’s Movement in Polities.
I’nder our modern Industrial system
and through the numbers,' power, ag-
tretslveness and manhood of our
trades union movement, much of the
burdens of ages which were borne by
•the type of "the man with the hoe” has
been lifted. The bent form and the
receding forehead have been changed
to the upright attitude, and there has
been developed a higher manhood
with u better life today • and
s better prospect for the days to come,
in strong contrast to the absolute mas
tery of employers and the servility of
the workman of the past Is the dlgnl-
tied ami respectful position now at-
•*l”d and maintained by labor.
Public opinion In this country has
been compelled by the trade union
movement to take a better and more
comprehensive view of the rights of
labor and to consider and even com
mend the rational, natural movement
of the workers df America for self-
protection hy associated effort.
-Many of our schools, colleges and
universities now have classes In which
■he mem tabor problem In nil Its
phases is Investigated and discussed,
newspapers and magaalnes devote
columns to the presentation of labor
“*• ," n<1 »l'"*ertatlon on the rights
and claims of organised labor. Very
many of these, It Is true, arc not al-
*“>? favorable to the position or con
tentions of labor, but It Is a hopeful
"fa. brimful of opportunity* and poa-
■Ibjllties, when thla moet potent sub-
J|ct. In all Its ramifications, Is being
discussed. The greatest danger to the
■oilers of the country would be ahould
I!** 1 * or no thought be given to the
great problem* and principles In which
•he> are so much Interested. Investi
gation and dlscusalon can only aid In
[he triumph of the great cauae of !*■
i.~, ,hp * au,a of humanity.
■t Is because so little thought and
■onslderatlon have been given by con
gress to the desires of labor as regards
matters „f legislation that labor had
J War entered upon a determined
hoi “kurcsslve campaign to secure a
I •'■"•’■’"HC IHIlIJNIIKn IU MAUIC «
["g-r "nd a distinctive share In the
* 'yrtmicntal affairs of the republic.
*»a* M ,h ® working people organise
*"d exercise „u those functions which,
a » «nrkmen and cttlsena, It la their
iwl'.. and their duty to exercise,
JJ2 cannot hope to maintain their
rights or a progressive position In the
ar; Ing phases of modern society. La-
no demand upon government
"•‘Icty which Is not equally accord.
Jr *" a il the people of our country. It
jjjjj “o' 1 will be satisfied with nothing
• ^"■xressmen and senators In their
weniM rush after the almighty dollar
Jj'Vi been Indifferent or hostile to the
25,'* °f 'nan. They have had no time
."" little Inclination to support the
m r!',"'ahle labor measures, the enact-
" f which we have urged, and
,,, h contained beneficent features for
■ air people without an obnoxious
VC"' s|,, n to nnjr one
wt'antlon Is called not only to con-
ss,t ." n ". nn 'l legislative Indifference
bur t° ••>* Interests of labor,
ms.. V ,b « Interests of the large
sura nt'I “ 1 our two pie. The great In-
ts.r-o P "’ m P«nle*, the trusts, the enr-
duso! ’ n I' ,h * ""-called captain* of In-
srw lr ,' t***" lru lcc<l become the own-
P„ K ,,g ,h " legislators of our country,
■he "facials, many of whom have
tin ,!, ry ..°f "Stop thief!” nearest the
thr„„Li 1 tnttgue. have been elected
contrn 1 J h "*e very agencies and the
I .J'lbutlona from them.
If >nsn inem. coumr
11 “** com* to a.condition In this, luring.
the greatest and wealthiest nation on
earth, that the almighty dollar la to
be worshipped to an extent of forget
ting principle, conscience, uprightness
and Justice, the time has arrived for
labor and Its friend* to raise their
voices In condemnation of such degen
eracy and to Invite all reform forces
to Join with it In relegating Indlffer-
once to the people's Interests, corrup
tion and graft to political oblivion; to
ralso the standard of legislation by the
election of sincere, progressive and
honest men who, while worshipping
money leas, will honor conscience, jus
tlce and humanity more.
Labor's present movement Is a de
termlned effort, free absolutely, from
partisanship of every name and char
acter, to secure the legislation It deems
necessary and essential to the welfare
and happiness of all the people. As
the present objects of the movement
are purely In the line of legislation, all
efforts are being concentrated upon
the election of member* of congress
and the various state legislature*.
Those engaged In the movement are
guided by the fact that principles are
of primary consideration; office, secon
dary.
All observers agree that the cam-
B ilgn of our fellow workmen of Qreat
rltaln- has had a wholesome effect
upon the government, as well as the
Interest* of Its wageearners. and the
people generally of that country. In
the last British elections fifty-four
trade unionists were elected to parlia
ment. If the British workmen, with
their limited franchise, accomplished
so much by their united action, what
may we In the United Slate* not do
with universal suffrage?
The tollers of America, by asserting
their rights and electing honest men
to congress and to other halls of legis
latlon, will more completely and more
fully carry out their obligations as
union men and more than ever merit
the respect of their fellow dtlsena.
BY WILLIAM D. MAHON, *
President Aeiociation of 8tr**t
Railway Employ**!.
"What Should Labor Do In Politic*?
Just thla: Divorce the people from
the old political parties and destroy the
blind following of political machines.
The very keynote of the labor union
Idea has always .been to prevent the
unions from tying up to any party.
As I underetand It. the present move
ment of labor Is not to form a politi
cal party, but rather to ee* to It that
men are elected to congress and the
legislatures who are honest, free and
Independent and willing and determin
ed that Justice shall be done to wage-
earners, as well a* to all other*.
Once you put the political machine
out of business, you will get legisla
tion favorable to all the people. This
sentiment I* gaining ground with great
rapidity everywhere, and Is not con
fined to the tollers. The tide I* rising
so fast against the "bos* and all hi*
works that It would be unnatural If
labor d|d not lend l«» »r*at force and
Influence to the universal movement
for a different order of things.
In II* present campaign I would have
labor get control of the Machinery of
the old parties wherever possible and.
where this can not be don*, nominate
independently. To defeat a man now
In office who has been an enemy of
labor. I would elect “a "lick. If neces-
sary. Such a man should be humili
ated a* much as poaalble.
It la charged that labor la seeking to
build up class legislation. '' ha * **
are really trying to do la to break
down class legislation, from which the
country ha* already too long been suf-
WHAT SOME LEADING TRADES GAINED
* IN NEW YORK DURING TWENTY YEARS
Hal* of Wages Weekly Ilnurs
Per I>*y. of Labor.
, P. C. of P. c. of
TltAllB— Mt MO*. Inc. Its*. MO*. Redn.
Job Printers 33.00 lift) .11* IS «* At*
Uric-Ids yer* 4.00 S.*o ,3»i 63 44 i®i
Urn litre Cutters. 3.60 4.60 ,-a 63 44 le'i
Plasterer* 4.00 6.60 .375 63 II .J69
Plumber* 3.50 4-.T5 .357 63 II .180
.Marble Cutter* 3.01 5.(10 .00* 63 It i«i
gbl|> Carpenter*: 3.S5 4.60 .371 63 14 .mo
Whip Carpenters.... 3.60 3.60 .077 64 43 .111
It'S! Hoisting Kllgliyer* 160 6.00 .4:* 63 44 .109
Tile Layers 3.50 6.00 .43 63 44 754
Thl* table I* compiled from alatlslles furnished by the New York State Bu
reau of I elixir Mtntlatlra.
Speaking merely a* an Individual,
and not In any sense aa representing
my- organisation. It has always been
my belief that every trade unionist
should be affiliated with a political
movement of some character. While
In England and aome other countries,
the unions have gone Into political
movement! as unions, It remains to
be seen whether such a course will be
proved a wise one for the labor organi
sations In this country to follow. Nev
ertheless, the fact that .the present pro
gram of seeking the election to con'
Ri^vtReverand Henry CR/fef
By EVERETT COLBY,
Republican Senator In New Jar*
sey and Reformer.
I don't think It ought to be necessary
for the laboring man to get In polltlca.
lie ahould be In politics now.
In New Jersey we have come to the
conclusion that the beat way to put
Into effect any legislation the people
may desire Is to go. to the party pri
mary and vote for delegates to the
convention who are pledged to support
definite candidates, who In turn are
pledged to specific and definite princi
ples of law.
To my mind It does little good for
the voter of one party to go over to
the other party, because both are con
trolled by the same Influences and pre-
of men favorable to labor has been riehts of others and without hnvin* laws In the Interest of the people.
entered upon by such able and tried
leaders as Samuel Compere and the
other heads of the American Federation
of Labor makes the fiew movement one
which ahonld receive the careful con
sideration of every trade untqnlat In
the United States.
Notwithstanding all the carping crit
icism directed against ths trade
unions, there Is no question whatever
that the existing great prosperity of
the country has been very materially
augmented by the trade union move
ment. Within the last- decade labor
>a* been most active In securing legle-
atton' favorable not only to'the mem
bers of the unions themselves, but also
to non-untonlats and the people gener
ally. Even the most unskilled classes
of labor, those which from the very
fact that they are so Unskilled do not
easily lend themselves to organisation
and are not yet fully able to appre
ciate the value of cohesion through the
union movement, have been vastly ben
efited by the laws which have already
been passed In labor's Interests, while
at the same time the whole labor
movement has been strengthened and
the whole mass of clttaenahlp the coun
try over Is far better off.
In spite of all that has been done,
however, much more remains to be ac
complished. Many of the reforms
which the trade unionist Interests are
now. Insistent upon are bitterly opposed
by the law making powers, and It la
obvious that labor’s friends will have
to be put on guard all along the line
before many of these proposed reforms
can be won.
One of the moat Important reforms
now being sought by the trade union
ist, In my opinion. Is the stopping of
the abuse of the Injunctions. These
have been used against labor In a very
determined and. In many cases, very
unjust manner. I do not mean to say
that the unionist absolutely disap
proves of the exercise of the Injunctive
power by the courts, but he dobs In
sist that the power be modified In
some way ap that he shall not be
arbitrarily deprived of hla rights.
Probably the greatest barrier to the
passage of important laws sought by
abor Interests today Is to bo found In
the United States senate, and the prea.
ent method of electing members of
that body. Under the existing system
of choosing senators by legislature* It
hardly seem* possible that labor men
or men friendly to labor ran be elected
to the senate. When United States sen
ators are elected directly by the peo
ple labor will meet with much leas
opposition In securing the enactment of
legislation favorable to It* Intereat*.
Thla, I believe, will all come In due
time. For the preaent the plan of the
American Federation of Labor to con-
fine.lts effort* to seeming the election
of approved candidates to congress
and the state legislatures Is an ample
program, and If even moderately'auc-
cessful, ought to prove a formidable
entering wedge for labor In the politics
of the future.
the rights of others and without having
It* own rights trampled on.
Capital at a class takes care to pco.
tect Itself In politics. Labor as a class
la not to be blamed If It takes care to
protect Itself In politics. But capital
and labor, either or both, are to blame
and are to be condemned If they ahould
resort to tactICs that are dishonorable
or methods that are dishonest. The
man who wins In the long run Is the
man who plays the clean, straight
game. Theodore Roosevelt and William
J. Bryan are notable examples of this
truth.
The two moat potent Influences In
the business World are capital and la
bor. One of the most potent Inflnences
In politics In the past has been capital.
Naturally labor seeks In politics the
same position It holds In the business
world. But neither capital nor.labor
ahould lose sight of tho fact that poli
tics. business, capital, labor and all
else Is designed simply to serve the
BY JAMES NOBLE ADAM,
Democrat and Mayor of Buffalo.
Labor ahould do In politics precisely
what every other body of cltltena
ahould do In polltlca—It ahould do Its
utmost to see the best men nominated
and to see the best men elected, and
eee that those who are elected do
their beat after being elected. It ahould
do thla fairly, squarely and fearlessly,
best ends of’man and achieve the
greatest good for the most people.
I have no patience with the statement
that labor ahould not hnve Its particu
lar friends In public life. Capital haa
Its particular friends In public life.
But no man In public life or In polltlca
has any right to be a better friend
to a class than to the mass. It Is
wrong to stand for the devices of a
part of the people against the Interests
of the people as a whole. I believe
labor, and by labor I mean the work
ingmen of the country, should do Its
best to get the best of Its number Into
public life, and that theao men In turn
ahould serve their fellow workingmen
most by standing steadfast for what la
right, whether It Is Indorsed by labor
or capital, or by every one or by no one
at all.
__ 1 pc people.
To Join nn Independent movement
would do no lasting good. I feel, there
fore, If the laborer goes Into his own
party primary, whether It be Demo
cratic or Republican, he can accom
plish more than by changing parties
or Joining aome Independent faction.
We advocate In New Jersey the di
rect primary, which gives the party
voter a freer opportunity of expressing
his opinion as to the character of pub
lic men and public business.
By J. G. PHELPS 3TOKE8,
Socialist and Mllllonair*.
By RALPH M. EA8LEY,
Secretary of the National Civls
Federation.
While there exists some confusion,
even In the ranks of labor Itself, as
to the exact significance of the po
litical program of tho American Fed
eratlon of .Labor, It can safely be said
that, with certain exceptions, the gen
eral policy of the federation does not
mean the formation of an Independent
political party at this time. On the
contrary, Its policy haa much In com'
ntyn with that of the Municipal Voters'
League In Chicago, which resulted In
changing a notoriously bad city council
to a fairly representative and decent
body.
The league In that Instance found
It necessary to secure the nomination
of Independent candidates In only a
very few cases. One clause In the
"campaign program” la; "Where a
congressman or state legislator haa
proven himself a true friend to the
right of labor he should be supported
and no candidate - nominated against
him.” This was the policy of the Chi
cago Voters' lo-ague.
If organised labor ran secure through
either of the dominant parties, or In
any other way, the balance of power
In congressional or legislative bodies. It
will undoubtedly wield a great Influence
In favor of Its measures. It is a*
legitimate for labor to organise to
promote Its Interests through politics i
as It Is for organisations of employers won, enable* them to own the machines
or other groups of Interests to work and the land; and he can secure this
for their own advantage. 1 consent only on condition that he will
I am asked to expreaa my views as
to. what labor should do In politics.
1 assume the term labor, as here used,
can with propriety be held to denote
those who produce at least as much
wealth as Is required for their own
maintenance. It la evident that a large
portion of those among our population
who are capable of producing as much
wealth as they require, produce, as
matter of fact, far less, a very large
number producing none at all, It la
equally evident that any one who con
aumca more wealth than he produces
Is taking of tho product of the labor
of others (tinlias perhaps In such fa
vored regions aa supply man's require
ments without effort on the part of any
one).
. Where a vast group of men are com
pelted by circumstances Myond their
control to produce much more than
they and their families require, aa la
the case at preaent. In order that hun
dreds of thousand* of others may live
In partial nr complete Idleness or ex
cessive luxury, a wrong exist* which
should receive wide public attention,
and one which, In a community con
trolled by the exploiters of labor, re
quires political action for Its correction.
Until the universal Introduction of
machinery Into the Industrial world
the exploitation of labor, as at preaent,
did not exist. 80 long as each laborer
or would-be laborer possessed or was
capable of ixtssesslng the few tool*
necessary to the production of mar
ketable commodities, and had access to
such lands ns he needed, he was free
Industrially and his own master. lie
could produce ns much or as little as
he chose; could work for whatever
hours he chose, and cense from labor
as often as he chose, knowing that he
could resume at will, the tools being
hla.
The wide Introduction of labor sav
ing machinery changed all this. The
average Individual workman, whether
he had 'access to land or not, could
no longer produce Independently In
competition with the machine. Tools
of the kind now used In the production
of the great majority of material
wealth became too costly for him to
own. The modern tool Is the machine,
or the power drill, or the steam en
gine. or the expensive farm machinery
that the average fanner has to mort
gage his farm to buy. The modern
workman Is obliged to depend upon
the money lender If he Is to com
pete In the public markets. If he
would work at all and support life, he
must accept whntever conditions are
Imnosed upon him by them. As a rulo
he cannot engaee in self supporting
labor without the coqaent of those
whose capital, honestly or dishonestly
NOTABLE GAINS OF LABOR UNIONS IN 20 YEARS
Labor |)*r of 133*—the twentieth alnre the day-4termin' a li-gaL holiday. Ihr twenty-fifth since its Ural actual observance—flails
the workers of America vastly better og In many re*peot* Ibsn they have ever lieeu In history.
Aeciirdlns to ninny lalmr leaders and ecsinoiiiiai*, worker* b*l*y an- lietter paid by from 10 to 40 per rent, and In »nnie en«e*
ntmoNt a* high aa 70 per real, thin two ileradr* ago. Their hours are shorter, and It I* ***rr»r«t they an- lietter fed. better
rlothrd sad lietter bouaril; that their children an- Ix-ftrr rdm-aml; that their eurlnnimeiit la happier, and that they bavo more
leisure to enjhy the Ix-neftt* of all the refining Inflttenre* of life.
Twenty year* nun there were few Inhor law*. Now there are ninny In almost every stale. In 183* the entire Ixsly of low In
New York stole lie tin* Interest of wage earners eonslstixl of less than half n dozen statutes, mostly unimportant. Today there
ate arnreil of Important law* providing protection and safeguards for lalsir of every sort.
In the Infancy of labor Hay worker* were poorly organised. Today upwsnl of 7.0*1.00) totters are ou the rolls of trade*
unions.
Reports of the state lalsir harenu* show that capital and labor In many Importnnt Industrie-* are working In elooer harmony
sinl that trails agreement* have In unmerous tnstanens supplanted the atrlke and Ics-ksmt methisla of aettllng Induatrtal disputes.
Homo clooe idiservera, among whom wan the late flcnalor Itannn, have within a few years predicted that the era of strikes Is
ueartng Its end. 1
Public opinion twenty years ago was almost bosill- 10 Intior. Now it Is largely enlisted on the worker's aide auil, with the
employer and the employee himself, ia active in providing many betterments for the masses of tollrra.
produce for them as well as for him
self and family. The average wage-
earner today Is thus In a condition of
partial slavery. The opportunities
which he needs for "life, labor and the
pursuit of happiness" are controlled
absolutely and arbitrarily by others.
Only In proportion os labor makes Its
Just demand* effectively by co-opera-
tlon Is Its condition Improved. Such
co-operation Is now needed In the po
litical field ins much as In nny other.
The basic fact which Labor must
face Is that It Is denied access to land
and to the machinery of prod
unless It will produce sufficient not
merely for its own supimrt but for
the maintenance also of the vast array
of those who live In complete or partial
Idleness upon the surplus product of
Its toll.
think no right mlndejl man would
aay that the right to use tho machine
should be wholly free, for It has been
produced by others, and Its life Is lim
ited, and he who produces or provides
It for another's use should receive
compensation from the user. But be
yond and above all rightful compenaa
tlon to those who contribute In any
way to the product, an enormous sur
plus of wealth goes today to those who
contribute In nn way whatsoever, und
of thla fact wider notice ahould be
taken.
I am not of those who would exclude
all employers from the category of the
world's productive laborers. All grades
of productive activity and of Indolence
canvbfe found among both employer*
and emnldyvirL ‘Every Individual or or
ganisation having paid agent* Is an em
ployer. The trade unionist and so
cialists, whether as Individuals or act
ing through their organisations, are
no exceptions, and. It occasionally hap
pens that employer and employed work
together Justly In the promotion at
common Interests. In a sense, any ex
change of service for produce. If upon
terma previously arranged. Is employ
ed, ana freedom to make such ex
change la clearly desirable.
The line In the class struggle Is
more correctly drawn between those
who consume more wealth than they
are willing to produce, and those who,
If they would live, are compelled to
produce more than they require.
Labor, aa the term la her* used, con- euiaan.
atltutea the latter close. It ahould'
clearly recognise the fact of Its ex
ploltatlon by others for the satisfaction
of private greed, and should struggle
politically to secure such public control
of the land and of the costly machin
ery of production aa will Insure to all
men acceaa to both without any being
under the necessity of producing a sur
plus product for the maintenance of
exploiters.
to recognise that the organized, revo
lutionary proletariat of Russia Is the
only power capable of making headway
against the bureaucracy. In Germanv,
It la the working class socialistic party
which holds the emperor In check, an.I
prevents him from crushing the Rus
sian struggle for freedom. Great Brit
ain stands upon the threshold of an
era of long-needed domestic reform,
and the time has come simply because
her public men realise that the work
ing class la prepared to force It. The
same time must come soon In this
country.
It la time that you working men bail
enough of being buncoed by political
bosses and trust magnates. It Is time
that you thought of putting your own
representative* Into congress to look
after your Interests, • and to restore
democratic Institutions to America.
By HENRY C. POTtIr,
Bishop of the Protestant Epis
copal Church, Diocsse of New
York.
You will make an opportune use of
Labor day. In the Intereat* of labor
union* especially. If you will urge upon
the attention of the unions In their
public expressions some Intimation;
First—Of their disapproval of acta of
violence designed to vindicate the
rights of labor; and,; t
Second—Of their- sympathy • with
those essential principles of Individual
freedom on which the republic rests.
It is these which many people be
lieve labor unions menace and Invade;
and It Is greatly to be 1 desired that
those who represent the unions and
apeak for them ahould make plain that
the union* stand for the principle of
Individual freedom In regard to all
questions of work and pay.
In a word, the principles of labor
unions, with which a great ninny of us
are In hearty sympathy, will receive
their beat reinforcement by a line of
action on the part of the unions them
selves which Is recognized as In de
fense of the Individual liberty of the
By UPTON SINCLAIR,
Socialist Candidate for Congress
and Author of “Tho Jungle."
The American nation la at present
facing the greatest crisis In Its history.
Corruption, which has been feeding
upon the body politic for a generation.
Is now admitted to be, threatening Its
very life. Our public spirited and
thinking men. who for decades have
been wrestling with this corruption,
have failed universally.
They have failed because (hey did
not appeal to labor; because labor was
asleep. And now at last labor’ la be
ginning to wake up. The workingman
s beginning to realise the part which
he plays In the political game. It Is
his business to furnish the vote. He
sells It to the political hoes, perhaps
for a dollar or two, perhaps just for a
kind word and a little buncombe. So
the political boss gets the office*, and
then he sell* the privileges of gov
ernment to the capitalist, who uses
his advantage to aqueese more money
put of the workingman.
There Is a natural and obvious llml
tation to the continuance of that pro
cess. It can go on until the capitalist
begins to have so much money that
the workingman haa none at all, and
then the workingman goes Into poll
tlca.
I do not talk buncombe when I talk
to workingmen. I do not tell them
about the Importance of delivering the
American republic. The preaent day
conditions keep the workingman's nose
on the grindstone; and he has no lime
to think about anything but making a
living and keeping hla family alive.
And so when I talk to workingmen I
show them how they are being robbed,
end oak them how much longer they
propose to stand It. ft Is time enough
to think of Ideal* when a man has got
enough to eat.
All thinking men among our capi
talists are agreed that we are on the
erg* of hard times such as the country
has not yet known. When those times
come several millions of men will be
out of work, the. unions will fell like
houses of cards, and the workingman
will lie out on the streets. I tell him
about It Iil advance, because I know
that If It catches him suddenly he
may take to bricks and clubs, which la
a wasteful process, while If he has had nentihilcan
time to think about It he will be or- bren done to In
ganlsed and ready to go Into polltlca. labor and
It Ir the same all over the world, the is much still
same atory of corruption and oppres- mg man *1
alon. and of a new, hope of Justice of the tw.
and right conditions, depending solely to determine
upon the working- class-to force them, which should hav
At the present moment all art forced cnee.
By JAMES S. SHERMAN,
Chairman Republican Congress
ional Campaign Committs*.
Most decidedly ahould tho laboring
man take an Interest In politics and
legtalatlon, for It Is because of the
laws affecting labor enacted during the
last half century that our working
classes have reached a standard of liv
ing and an enjoyment of the good
things of Ilf* unknown to a larger part
of the laborers In other countries.
Owing to our opportunities and ad
vantages the laboring man of today
becomes the employer and capitalist of
tomorrow. Many a landowner of today
was a farm hand a few years ago.
Nearly all our prominent Iron and steel
men began In the mill, and most of
our textile offlclals once worked nt the
loom. Such conditions and such- ad
vances are not due to chance, but are
made poaalble by legislation, and I may
add Republican legislation.
Our Republican tariff lawe, from the
Morrill law of 11(1 to the Dlngley law
of today, have given tp our laboring
classes work and then high wages for
that work, because w* make the duty
on foreign wares cover the difference In
labor cost. That Is what protection
means—high wages, protection against
cheap foreign labor.
Then the Republican party, after It
has given lha laboring man full em
ployment and constantly Increasing
wages. Insures hla being paid 100 cents
for every dollar he earns, and that
hla savings and Investments shall al
ways be aa good as gold. And that
means something, for our laboring men
have many billions of dollars In savings
banks, In building and loan associations
and In homes. i ,
It would taka too long to enumerate
even the principal labor laws enacted
by the Republican party, but I nmy
mention those against slavery, against
the coolie trade and peonage; the re
striction of Immigration, of paupers
and criminals and Chinese exclusion;
the law against convict labor and Im
portation of contract labor; the pro
tection of seamen and various vessel
and Inspection laws; the acts requiring
safety appliances on railroads; the flrst
eight-hour law and many subsequent
ones; the act creating the United
Htntes bureau of labor 11ml the de
partment of commerce and labor; the
act* creating bonr'N ..f arbitration and
the Incorporation of national trades
unions.
1 might mention the homestead laws
and the man)- nets since down to the
employers' liability act of the last ses
sion, showing that; In almost every
ess something
°ve tile conditions of
■he laborer There
done and the labor-
urty well the history
parties und be able
-lllgeiitiy and fairly
■ his vote and Influ-