The Atlanta Georgian. (Atlanta, GA.) 1906-1907, September 04, 1906, Image 5
I
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN.
LABOR IN POLITICS I a symposium
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS
VIEWS ON UNION LABOR
[ strongly believe In trade union*, wisely and Justly handled. In
which the rightful purpose to benefit those connected with them Is not
secompanled ty a desire to do injustice or wrong to others. I believe
in the duty of capitalists and wage workers to try to seek one another
out, to undewtand each other’s point of view, and to endeavor to show
broad and kltdly human sympathy one with the other.
“w;
■ WU\y should lahor do In politics?" This question Is brought home
tothe American people this Labor day with especial relevancy
b(Cause this year for the first time In the history of the modern
trade union movement In this country organised labor has gone into politics
on a comprehensive national scale.
Hereto/ore the leaders of union labor have sedulously avoided even
the lemblgice of Identifying themselves or their organisations with political
parties. Suddenly has come a complete about-face attitude. Trade union-
lim Is mddng the revolutionary experiment of seeking to have none except
labor's friends placed on guard In the halls of congress and In the leglsla
lures of he various states
Whs! the outcome will be no one knows. Even the labor union leaders
thsmselfis do not appear to be entirely clear aa to Just how far organised
labor oiiht to go In politics. Their Ideas appear to be centered on retiring
from tlf law-making bodies those whom they regard as labor's enemies
and ofelectlng in their stead unionism's avowed friends. The future, they
declarw will take care of Itself.
Piictlcal politicians of both the old parties are watching labor's new
more t-lth anxious eyes and are fearful for the outcome. Invariably they
run life deer at the mere Invitation to discuss the unions' Invasion of the
held it polltlcs~and this applies also to some In the public eye who have
not hen classed with the "practical'' politicians.
J few Republicans and Democrats, however, among whom are Repre-
rentdive James S. Sherman, of New York, chairman of the Republican con-
lonal campaign committee, and verett Colby, state senator In New Jer
sey ind Republican reformer, declare the workingman's vote should be cast
aIU the Republican party. Mayor Adam, Buffalo's rugged Democratic mayor,
that labor Is not to be blamed If It protects Itself In politics, but
Semni any. one In public life who Is a better friend to a class than to
thlmass. <
I The Socialists, Including the two recent wealthy converts, J. O. Phelps
sikt3, of New York, and Joseph Medlll Patterson, of Chicago, and Upton
"Iclelr, author of "The. Jungle,” see labor's only political salvation In the
clalfst party. Economists, the clergy, publicists and others view the new
Jestlon In varying lights.
The Ideas of all on "What should labor do In politics?" are herewith
...... They make highly Interesting reading for Labor day.
If SAMUEL GOMPERS,
President of the American Federa
tion of Labor and Leader of La
bor'* Movement in Politics.
»der our modem Industrial system
(I through the numbers, power, ag-
eeelveneee and manhood of our
edee union movement, much of the
irdens of ages which were borne by
« type of -the man with the hoe" has
ten lifted. The bent form and the
seeding forehead have been changed
> the upright attitude, and there has
een developed a higher manhood
1th a better life today and
fetter prospect for the days to come,
i itrong contrast to the absolute mas-
ery of employers and the servility of
he workmnn of the past Is the dlgnl-
.1 S 1 " 1 respectful position now at-
,^ f d anri maintained by labor.
Public opinion In this ’country ha*
>*en compelled by the trade union
movement to take a better and more
■omprehenalve view of the rights of
mbor and to consider and even com-
rnend the rational, natural movement
"t the workers of America for aelf-
protection by associated effort.
Many of our schools, colleges and
unit fruit lea now have classes In which
*reat labor problem In all Its
ll'haies i. Investigated and discussed,
"paper, and magaxlnes devote
iiumni to the presentation of labor
*®d dissertation on the rights
m.' 111 .™ "f organised labor. Very
™" y ° ( these, It la true, are not al-
'» v "rable to tha position or con-
'►miona of labor, but It Is a hopeful
.Ihniti m,u J of opportunities and pos-
Iblit ,,, t\ he n this moat potent iub-
JlwiuLi* 11 i? ra mlflc»tlo*w. !» being
J em**). The greatest danger to the
tniUoa a • ••* R'COWII uuitgcr IU llic
Hou " f ,he ' ountry would he should
srest 2' ?,° thou *ht be given to the
th«f . ob cm * Rr "t principles In which
* re touch Interested. Investl-
sstion and discuaalon can only aid In
bor o Um " h ,,f ,h * »reat cause of la-
li u , k r,u,e of humanity.
conatH »o little thought and
•rJ^'railnn have been given by con-
m*u.' th .' /leslfee of labor aa regard*
this v2, nf legislation that labor had
»ud \.V ’ "rered upon a determined
^•tgresilve campaign to secure a
i‘ ni •> distinctive share In the
L’eu. ?i al nffa,r » of the republic.
<nd , ,he working people organise
i» work*’ w “ 11 'hose functions which,
prlvTle^" 1 '*". « nrt c ltl**ns, It Is their
they ** * n, l ,h elr duty to exercise,
n«ht. l 2 nnot hop ® *° maintain their
v«rvl " r » Progressive position In the
b.r ma1f hi '* , !l °f modern society. La
ir **7,, " r?,* 5 f'rr'avKl upon government
H ,„ L^.’hlch I* not equally accord-
c*n Pf°Pl« of our country. It
In,. M M,u be satlslled with nothing
::%S*rj'T n •"d senators In their
h*v* * r th * “Imlghty dollar
'trhtj„r" 1 "different or hostile to the
*“1 miuiK’Y V** h » v » hR <J “me
'tssonahift 2 ! nclln »“on to support the
of i,M b 2 r measure*, the enact-
»Mrh 2 "« have urged, and
*11 Hi 31 '!*'' 1 beneficent features for
proviiin„P? opl ® without an obnoxious
railed not only to con-
»M legislative Indifference
hit (L,, , 1 '° 'he Interests of labor,
mass «r Jil ,h * 'htereats of the large
Wrtnre *' our .People. The great In-
Sormo-i ’mpanlea. the trusts, the cor-
Imtrv *"' c *lled captains of In-
tn of'.hl i eed become tbe own-
Rubiic orrt„, f * ator* of our country,
'h. »?'■; many of whom have
•Ip 0f’, h . , 8, °p thief!" nesreet the
throu-i. , fc ,nn *ue, have been elected
'""'rlbuii, * vtty agencies and the
U 2 n * 'rom them
caa u-nie in . .....
tbe greatest and wealthiest nation on
eprth, that the almighty dollar la to
be worshipped to an extent of forget
ting principle, conscience, uprightness
and Justice, the time has arrived for
labor and Ita friends to raise their
voices In condemnation of such degen
eracy and to Invite all reform forces
to join with It In relegating Indiffer
ence to the people's Interests, corrup
tion and graft to political oblivion; to
raise the standard of legislation by the
election of sincere, progressive and
honest men who, while worshipping
money less, will honor conscience. Jus
tice and humanity more.
Labor’s present movement Is a de
termined effort, free abeolutely, from
partisanship of every name and char
acter, to secure tbe legislation It deems
necessary and essential to the welfare
and happiness of all the people. A*
the present objects of the movement
are purely In the line of legislation, all
efforts are being concentrated upon
the election of members of congress
and the various state legislature*.
Thoae engaged In the movement are
guided by the fact that principle* are
of primary consideration; office, secon
dary.
All observer* agree that the cam-
g ilgn of our fellow workmen of Great
rltaln has had a wholesome effect
upon the government, as well a* tha
Interests of Us wageearner*. and the
people generally of that country. In
the last British election* llfty-four
trade unionist* were elected to parlia
ment. If the British workmen, with
their limited franchise, accomplished
so much by their united action, what
may we In the United States not do
with universal suffrage?
The tollers of America, by asserting
their right* and electing honest men
to congress and to other halts of legis
lation, will more completely and more
fully carry out their obligations as
union men and more than ever merit
the respect of their fellow cltlsens.
BY WILLIAM D. MAHON,
President Association of Street
Railway Employees.
1 turn* to a condition in this, fcrlng.
"What Should Labor Do In Politics?
Just this; Divorce the people from
the old political parties and destroy the
blind following of political machine*.
The very keynote of the labor union
Idea haa always been to prevent the
unions from tying up to any party.
As I understand It, th* present move
ment of labor Is not to form a politi
cal party, but rather to see to tt that
men are elected to congress and the
legislatures who are honest, free and
Independent and willing and determin
ed that juatlce shall be done to wage-
earners, as well as to all other*.
Ones you put the political machine
out of business, you will,get legisla
tion favorable to all the people. This
sentiment Is gaining ground with great
rapidity everywhere, and I* not con
fined to the toller*. The tide Is rising
so fast against the "boss" and all hi*
works that It would be unnatural If
labor did not lend its great force and
Influence to the universal movement
for a different order of things.
In Its present campaign 1 would have
labor get control of the machinery of
the old parties wherever possible and,
where this can not be done, nominate
Independently. To defeat a man now
In office who ha* been sn enemy of
labor. I would elect "a stick,' If neces
sary. Such a man should be humili
ated aa much a* possible.
It Is charged that labor Is seeking to
build up class legislation. What we
are really trying to do I* to break
down claaa legislation, from which the
country haa already too long been *ut-
• SamueL Gomper- -J.G.Phelps Stoke?,..—
. ShepffiatL
By JAMES J. MURPHY,
. President of Typographical Union
No. «.
Speaking merely as an Individual,
and not In any sense aa representing
my organisation, It haa always been
my belief tbat every trade unionist
should be affiliated with a political
movement of some character. While
In England and adme other countries
the unions have gone into political
movements as unions. It remain* to
be seen whether such a course will be
proved a wise one for the labor organi
sations In this country to follow. Nev
ertheless, the fact that the present pro
gram of seeking tbe election to con
gress and the various state legislatures
RigJnjLRevenand Kerrey CRfts#
By EVERETT COLBY,
Republican 8anator in New Jer
tty and Reformer,
I don't think It ought to be necessary
for the laboring man to get In politics.
He should be In politics now.
In New Jersey we have come to the
conclusion that the beet way to put
Into effect any legislation the people
may desire la to go to the party pri
mary and vote for delegates fo the
convention who are pledged to support
definite candidates, who In turn are
pledged to specific and definite prlnct
pies of law.
To my mind It does little good for
the voter of one party to go over to
the other party, because both are con
trolled by the same Influences and pre
■res. ana tn. v.rtou. ..ate .eg.e.ature. ^^ftimoSt'uamtll'nr on vent ao far a. poee.ble the enactment
of men favorable to labor has been JherigMa^of otfteMandwithout having of law * ,n the Interest of the people,
entered upon by such able and tried n a own rights ’ trampled on. * To Join an Independent _ movement
Capital aa a class takes
leaders as Samuel Gompers and the
other heads of the American Federation
of Labor makes the new movement one
which should receive the careful con.
slderatlon of every trade unionist In
tbe United States.
Notwithstanding all the carping crlt
Idem directed against the trade
unions, there Is no question whatever
that the existing great prosperity of
the country has been very materially
augmented by the trade union move
ment Within the last decade labor
baa been most active In securing legis
lation favorable not only to the mem
bers of the unions themselves, but also
to non-unlonlst* and the people gener
ally. Even the most unskilled classes
of labor, those which from tbs very
fact that they are so unaklllwl do not
easily lend themselves to organisation
and are not yet fully able to appre
ciate the value of cohesion through the
union movement, have been'vaetly ben
efited by the law* which hav* already
been passed In labor’s Interests, while
at the same time the whole labor
movement haa been strengthened and
the whole mass of cltlsenahlp the coun
try over Is far better off.
In spite of all that haa been done,
however, much more remalne to .be ac
complished. Many of the reform*
which the trade unionist Interests are
now Insistent upon are bitterly opposed
by the law making power*, and It Is
obvious that labor's friends will have
to he put on guard all along the line
before many of these proposed reforms
can be wan.
One of the jrlosf Important' reforms
now being sought by tne trade union-
let, In my opinion, I* the stopping of
the abuse of the Injunctions. . These
have been used against labor In a very
determined and. In many cases, very
unjust manner. I do not mean to say
that the unionist absolutely disap
proves of the exercise of the Injunctive
power by the courts, but he doe* In
sist that the power be mwlifled In
some way so that he shall not be
arbitrarily deprived of his right*.
Probably the greatest barrier to the
passage of Important law* sought by
labor Interests today I* to be found In
the United Stales senate, and the pres
ent method of electing member* of
that body. Under the existing system
of choosing senator* by legislatures It
hardly seems possible that labor men
or men friendly to labor can be elected
to the senate. When United States sen
ator* are elected directly by the iwo-
ple labor will meet with much less
opposition In securing the enactment of
legislation favorable to IU Interests.
This, I believe, will all come In due
time. For tha present the plan of the
American Federation of Lahor to con
fine Its effort* to securing the election
of approved candidate* to congress
and the eUte legislatures Is an ample
Program, and If even moderately suc
cessful, ought to prove a formidable
entering wedge for labor In the polities
of the future.
BY JAME8 NOBLE ADAM,
Democrat and Mayor of Buffalo.
Labor should do In politic* precisely
what every other body of cltlxen*
should do In polities—It should do Its
utmost to see the best men nominated
and to see the beet men elected, and
to see that those who are elected do
their best after being elected. It should
do this fairly, squarely and fearlessly.
care to pro
tect Itself In politics. Labor as a class
Is not to be blamed If It takes care to
protect Itself In politics. But capital
and labor, either or both, are to blame
and are to be condemned If they ahould
resort to tactics that are dishonorable
or methods that are dishonest. The
man who wins In the long run Is the
man who play* the clean, straight
gam*. Theodore Roosevelt and William
J. Bryan are notable examples of this
truth.
The two moat potent Influences In
the business world are capital and la
bor. One of the most potent Influences
In pelltlcs In the past has been capital.
Naturally labor seeks In politics tha
same position It holds In the business
world. But neither capital nor labor
ahould lose sight of the fact that |
tics, business, capital, labor and
else Is designed simply to serve the
best ends of man and achieve the
greatest good for the most people.
I have no patience with the sUtement
that labor should not have It* particu
lar frienda In public life. Capital has
Ita particular friend* In public life.
But no man In public life or In politics
haa any right to be a better friend
to a class thkn to the mass. It Is
wrong to-stand for the devices of a
part of the people against the Interests
of the people ss* a whole. I believe
labor, and by labor I mean the work
ingmen of the country, should do Ita
beat to get the best of Its number Into
public life, and that these men In turn
should serve their fellow workingmen
moat-by standing steadfast for what Is
right, whether It Is Indorsed by labor
or capital, or by every one or by no one
at all.
By RALPH M. EA8LEY,
Secretary of th* National Civio
Federation.
While there exists some confusion,
even In the ranks of labor Itself, as
to the exact significance of the po
litical program of the American Fed
eration of Labor, It can lately be aald
that, with certain exceptions, the gen
eral policy of the federation does not
mean the formation of an Independent
political party at this time. On the
contrary, its policy has much In com
mon with that of the Municipal Voters'
League In Chicago, which resulted In
changing a notoriously bad city council
to a fairly representative and decent
body.
The league In that Instance found
It necessary to secure the nomination
of Independent candidates In only a
very few cases. One clause In the
‘campaign program” la: "Where a
congressman or suite legislator- has
proven himself a true friend to the
right of labor he should be supported
and no candidate nominated against
him." This was the policy of the Chi
cago Voters’ League.
If organised labor can secure through
either of the. dominant parties, or in
any other way. the balance of power
In congressional or legislative bodies, it
will undoubtedly wield a great Influence
In favor of Its measures. It Is as
legitimate for labor to organise to
promote Its Interests through politics
as It Is for organisation* of employers
nr other groups of Interests to work
tor their own advantage.
would do no lasting good. I feel, there
fore, tt the laborer goes Into his own
party primary, whether It be Demo
cratlc or Republican, he can accom
pllsh more than by changing parties
or Joining soma Independent faction.
We advocate In New Jersey the di
rect primary, which gives the party
voter a freer opportunity of expressing
his opinion aa to the character of pub
lie men and public business.
By J. G. PHELPS STOKES,
Socialist and Millionaire.
I am asked to express my views as
to what labor should do In politics.
I assume the term labor, as here used,
can with propriety be held to denote
those who produce at least aa much
wealth at la required for their own
maintenance. It Is evident that a large
portion of those among our population
who are capable of producing as much
wealth as they require, produce, aa a
matter of fact, far tees, a very large
number producing none at all. It Is
equally evident that any one who con
sumes more wealth than he produces
Is taking of the product of the labor
of others (unless perhaps In such fa
vored regions as supply man's require
ments without effort on the part of any
one).
Where a vast group of men are com
pelled by clrcumslancea beyond their
control to produce much more than
they and their families require, a* Is
the case at present, tn order that hun
dreds of thousands of others may live
res or ex
cessive luxury, a wroqg exist* which
should receive wide public attention,
and one which. In a. community con
trolled by the exploiters of .labor, re
quires political action for Its correction.
Until the universal Introduction of
machinery Into the Industrial world
the exploitation of labor, os at present,
did not exist. So long as each laborer
or would-be laborer possessed or was
capable of possessing the few tools
necessary to the production of mar
ketable commodities, and bad access to
such lends as he needed, be was free
Industrially and hie own master. He
could produce as much or aa little as
he chose; could work for whatover
hours he chose, and cease from labor
as often as he chose, knowing that he
could resume at will, tha tools being
hie.
The wide Introduction of labor sav
ing machinery changed all this. The
average Individual workman, whether
he had access to land or not, could
no longer produce Independently In
competition with the machine. Toole
of the kind now used In the production
of the great majority of material
wealth became too costly for him to
own. The modern tool Is th* machine,
or the power drill, or the steam en
gine, or the expensive farm machinery
that the average farmer ha* to mort
gage his farm to buy. The modern
Workman Is obliged to depend upon
the money lender If he Is to com
pete In the public market*. If he
would work at all and support life, he
must accept whatever condition* are
Imposed upon him by them. As a rule
he cannot engage In self supporting
labor without the consent ft those
whose capltsl. honestly or dishonestly
won, enables them to own the machine*
and the land; and he can secure this
consent only on condition that he will
NOTABLfe GAINS OF LABOR UNIONS IN 20 YEARS
U»x>r liny of 19U6—tbe twentieth tine* the day became a legal holiday, the twenty-fifth »lnce Ita-first wctnal obtfrrance-dnda
the workers of America rattly better off In many respects than they bare ever been In history.
According to many labor leaders and economist^ workers today are better paid by from 10 to 40 per cent, and In some esses
almost as high as 70 per cent, than two decades ago. Their boors are shorter, and It Is asserted they are lietter fw|. better
clothed and better housed; that their children are better educated; tbat their environment la happier, and that they have more
leisure to enjoy tbe lieneflts of all tbe refining Influence* of life.
Twenty yenra ago there were few labor lawn. Sow there are many to almost every state, lo tbe entire body of law In
New Vork state In the Interest of wage earners consisted of less than half a doten testates, mostly anlnportaot. Today
ate scores of Important laws providing protection and safeguards for labor of every sort.
In the Infancy of Labor Pay wiwkers were poorly organised. Today upward of 2.000,000 tollers are on the rolls of trades
uulons.
Reports of the state labor bureaus show that capital and labor lo many Important Industries are working in closer harmony
sod that trade agreements have In numerous Instances supplanted tbe strike and lock-out methods of settling Industrial disputes.
Rome close observers, among whom was tbe lute Kenstor Hanna, have within a few years predicted that tbe era of strikes Is
nearing Its end. •
Pnhlle opinion twenty years ago was almost hostile to labor. Now It In largely enlisted on the worker's side and. with tbe
employer and the employee'himself. Is active In providing many betterments for the maasos of tollers.
WHAT SOME LEADING TRADES GAINED
IN NEW YORK DURING TWENTY YEARS
Rat, of Wage Weekly Hour,
I'er Hay. „f Labor.
p. «\ or p. c. or
TRADE- 1«SS. 190». Inc. IMS. 1906, IIM'n.
Job Printer S3.on loon .iius r.:»
Bricklayer. 4.06 6.«0 .aa? u 44
Uranlte Cotters AM 4.M ,316 It 44 .mo
Plasterers 4.00 6.5o ..175 61 44 ,K<
Plumbers AM 4.76 . 367 63 44 .l«o
Marble Cutter, Aon 6.O11 ,M!6 A? 44 Ro
Ship Carpenter, A« 4.30 . 371 63 44 .loo
Shin Carpenter, 3.60 3.60 .077 64 44 .111
IIihI Iloltttlnic Knfltioer, .160 6.00 .433 63 44 1,0
Tile layer, AM 6.00 .433 6f 44 . 364
This tnhle I, compiled from •latlatlca furnlahed by tbe Near York Suite H i
reau of Labor Mtntlstlca.
produce foF them a* well as for him
self and family. The average wage-
earner today Is thus In a condition of
partlnl slavery. The opportunities
which he needs for "life, labor and the
pursuit of hnpplners" are controlled
absolutely and arbitrarily by others.
Only In proportion as labor makes Its
Juat demanda effectively by co-opera
tion la Ita condition Improved. Much
co-opcratlon la now needed In the po
litical field na much aa In any other.
The baalc fact which Labor muat
face la that It la denied acceaa to land
and to the machinery of production,
unleaa It will produce sufficient not
merely for Ita own support but for
the maintenance also of the voat array
of those who live In complete or partial
Idleness ufion the surplus product of
Its toll.
t think no right minded man would
say that the right to use the machine
should be wholly free, for It has been
produced by others, and Its Ilfs Is lim
ited, and he who produces or provide*
It for another's use should receive
compensation from the user. But be
yond and above all rightful compensa
tion tn those who contribute tn any
way to the product, an enormous sur
plus of wealth goes today to those who
contribute In no way whatsoever, and
of this fact wider notice should be
taken.
1 am not of those who would exclude
all employers from the category of the
world's productive laborer*. All grades
of productive activity and of Indolence
can be found among both employers
and employed. Every Individual or or
ganisation having paid agents Is an em
ployer. The trade unionist and so
cialists, whetheYas Individuals or act
ing through their organisations, are
no exceptions, and It occasionally hap
pens that employer and employed work
together Justly In the promotion of
common Interests.. In a sense, any ex
change of service tor produce, If upon
terms previously arranged, Is employ
ed, and freedom to make such ex
change Is clearly desirable.
The line Ir the class struggle Is
more correctl;* drawn between those
who consume more wealth than they
are willing to produce, and those who,
If they would live, are compelled to
produce more than they require.
Labor, as the term Is here used, con- cltlsen.
•tltutes the latter class. It should
dearly recognise the fact of It* ex
ploitation by others for the satisfaction
of private greed, and should struggle
politically to secure such public control
of the land and of tha costly machin
ery of production aa will Insure to all
men access to both without any being
under the necessity of producing s sur
plus product for the maintenance of
exploiters.
to recognise that the organized, revo
lutionary proletariat of Russia js the
only power capable of making headway
against the bureaucracy. In Germany,
It la the working claaa socialistic partv
which hold* the emperor In check, and
prevents him from crushing the Rus
sian struggle for freedom. Great Brit
ain stands upon the threshold of an
era of long-needed domestic reform,
and the time has come simply because
her public men realise that the work
ing class Is prepared to force It. The
same time must come soon In this
country.
It Is time that you working men had
enough of being buncoed by political
bosses and trust magnates. It Is time
that you thought of putting your own
representatives Into congress to look
after your Interests, and lo restore
democratic Institutions to America.
By HENRY C. POTTER,
Bishop of the Protestant Epis
copal Church, Diocese of New
York.
Tou will make an opportune use of
Labor day. In the Interests of labor
unions especially. If you will urge upon
the attention of the unions In their
public expressions some Intimation:
First—Of their disapproval of acts of
violence designed to vindicate the
rights of labor; and.
Second—Of ' their sympathy with
those essential principles of individual
freedom on which the republic rests.
It fs these which many people be
lieve labor unions menace and Invade;
and It tt greatly to be desired that
those who represent the unions and
speak for them should make plain that
the unions stand for the principle of
individual freedom In regard to all
questions of work and pay.
In a word, the principles of labor
unions, with which a great many of us
are In hearty sympathy, will receiv.e
their best reinforcement by a line of
action on the part of the unions them
selves which is recognized ns In de
fense of the Individual liberty of the
By UPTON SINCLAIR,
Socialist Candidate for Congrats
and Author of “Tho Jungle.”
The American nation la at present
facing the greatest crisis In Its history.
Corruption, which has been feeding
upon the body politic for a generation,
now admitted to be threatening Its
very life. Our public spirited and
thinking men, who for decades have
been wrestling with this corruption,
have failed universally.
They have failed because they did
not appeal to labor; because labor was
asleep. And now at last labor Is be
ginning to wake up. The workingman
is beginning to realise the part which
he plays In the political game. It la
his bualneaa to furnish the vote. He
sells It to the political boss, perhaps
for a dollar or two, perhaps juat for a
kind word and a little buncombe. So
the political boss gets the offices, and
then he sells the privileges of gov
ernment to the capitalist, who uses
his advantage to aqueese more money
out of the workingman.
There Is a natural and obvious limi
tation to the continuance of that pro
cess. It can go on until the capitalist
begins to have so much money that
the workingman has none at all, and
then the workingman goes Into poli
tics.
1 do not talk buncombe when I talk
workingmen. I do not tell them
about the Importance of delivering the
American republic. The present day
conditions keep the Worklngman'a nose
the grindstone, and he has no time
think about anything but making a
living and keeping his family alive.
And ao when 1 talk to workingmen I
show them how they are being robbed,
and ask them how much longer they
propose to stand It. It is time enough
to think of Ideals when a man ha* got
enough to eat.
All thinking men among our capi
talists are agreed that we are on the
verge of hard times such as the country
has not yet known. When those times
come several millions of men will be
out of work, the unions will fall like
houses of cards, and. the workingman
will be out on the streets. I tell him
about It In advance, because f know
that If It catches him suddenly he
may take to bricks and clubs, which Is
a wasteful process, while If he has had
time to think about It he wilt be or
ganised and ready to go Into politics.
It la the same all over tha world, the
same story of corruption and oppres
sion, and of a new hope of justice
snd right conditions, depending solely
upon the working class-to force them.
At tbs present moment all are forced enc*.
By JAMES S. SHERMAN.
Chairman Rspublican Congress
ional Campaign Committee.
Most decidedly should the laboring
man take an Interest In politics and
legislation, for It Is because of tha
laws affecting labor enacted during the
last half century that our working
classes have reached a standard of Jiv
ing and an enjoyment of the good
things of life unknow n to a larger part
of the laborer! In other countries.
Owing to our opportunities and ad
vantages the laboring man of today
becomes th* employer and capitalist of
tomorrow. Many a landowner of today
was a farm hand s few years ago.
,Nearly slf our prominent Iron snd steel
men began In the mill, and most of
our textile officials once worked at the
loom. Such conditions and such ad
vances are not due to chance, but are
made possible by legislation, a.id I may
add Republican legislation.
Our Republican tariff laws, from th*
Morrill law of till to the Dlngley law
of today, have given to our laboring
classes work and then high wages for
that work, because we make the duty
on foreign wares cover the difference In
labor cost. That Is .what protection
means—high wages, protection against
cheap foreign labor.
Then the Republican party, after It
has given the laboring man full em
ployment and constantly Increasing
wages. Insures his being paid 100 cents
for every dollar he earns, and that
his savings snd Investments shall al
ways be ss good os gold. And that
means something, for our laboring men
have many billions nr dollars In savings
hunks. In building and loan associations
anil In homes.
It Would take too long to enumerate
even the principal labor laws enacted
by the Republican party, hut I miv
mention those against slavery, against
t he coolie trad* and peonage; the re-
trlctlnn of Immigration, of paupers
and criminals and Chinese exclusion:
the law against convict labor and Im
portation of contract labor; the pro
tection of seamen and various vessel
and Inspection laws; the acts requiring
safety appliances on railroads; the first
eight-hour law and many subsequent
ones; the act creating the United
States bureau of labor and the de
partment of commerce and labor; the
acta creating hoards of arbitration and
the Incorporation of national trades
unions.
I might mention the homestead laws
and the many acts since down to the
employers’ liability art of the last ses
sion. showing that In almost everv
Republican congress something ha's
been done to Improve the conditions of
labor snd elevate the laborer. There
Is much still to he tlone and the labor
ing man should study wall the history
of the two gteat parties and be able
In determine Intelligently and fairly
which.should hate his vote and Influ-