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l ■■I * Ui.v -A.ilL.V-X-'LA—Lii:<ila: l ,u mati v- I ,L'< 'L'H IJI.'I> i_ THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN, '.VI I IIDAT. DECBUBBIt 1. JACOBS’ PHARMACY. JACOBS’ PHARMACY. JACOBS’ PHARMACY. DO NOT FAIL TO READ The Jacobs' Advertisements In Sunday’s Constitution JACOBS PHARMACY. VIEWS ON RACE TROUBLES BASED ON ACTUAL EXPERIENCE BROUGHT OUT IN ANSWER TO A NORTHERN INQUIRY; PIVOTAL POINTS OF THE PROBLEM E. H. Hinton, chairman of the South eastern Freight Association, with head quarters In Atlanta, has addressed nn Interesting communication to the editor of The Indianapolis News, In v reply to a question asked editorially by that newspaper In commenting on the re cent riot In Atlanta. Mr. Hinton, who Is a.MIsslKsipplan nnd a Southerner In all that is broadest* and ,best In the term, has devoted a great deal of study and thought to the negro. He knows the negro and hls history with the Intimate knowledge nnd brond sympathy of one who comes from a family holding a largo number of slaves up to the war. Though a busy rull- road man, Mr. Hinton is by Inclina tion and habit a close observer, a wide reader and a student of hls times. He has found time to contribute Important papers upon soelAl, Industrial nnd po litical conditions at the South. He makes the question asked by The In dianapolis News the text of an article which comprehends the salient condi tions underlying the negro problem. The News, In the course of Its com ment on the riot In Atlanta, asked: "How does It happen that blacks, who took care of the helpless women and children during tho war, cannot now be trusted to live In the same town?" A question could scarcely have been framed to lay more completely bare the heart of tne matter, and Mr, Hin ton has made most excellent tlon goes to tho very foundation of all our race troubles, I do not think It should remain unanswered, particular ly ns the very fact that It is asked Indicates much Ignorance of the funda mental principles of the problem that confronts us, and I am pursunded that you have asked It In a sincere search ing after light, and not In any caviling or carping spirit. Your question might be nnswerod briefly by tho statement thnt tho negro has changed since 1865, nnd thnt In many tmi>ortant particulars he bus changed'decidedly for the worse. This of the discussion and has done hls section In general and the negro In par- f tlcular a service by stating the case without partiality or prejudice. Here Is the full text of hls reply to The Indianapolis News: Mr. Hinton’s Reply. To the Editor .of The Indianapolis News: * In one of your recent Issues, com menting on the Atlanta riot of Sep tember 2'2d, an unfortunate Incident which no good Southerner defends, you used this language: "How doea it hapi>en that the blacks, who took care of the helpless women and children during the war. cunnot now be trusted to live In the same town?" I have not seen this question an swered directly by any Southern Jour nal, possibly because the answer is ho perfectly obvious to us In the territory where “the white man's burden" Is moat grievously felt, thnt our writers have considered It superfluous to make formal answer. And yet as your ques- Vimimcu UI-LIU'-UIJ inc i inn fact Is perfectly patent to intelligent observers in this territory, but It Is due you that 1 particularise. In order that you may understand that I am fitted by personal experience and observation to write on this sub ject, at least from our viewpoint. It Is proper for me to tell 5*011 that I am the son of a former large* slave holder; that my father owned two large plan tations In Mississippi with the requisite labor for places of thnt slxe—that Is, from one hundred and fifty to two hundred siuves: thnt, although a small boy when the war begun. I was thor oughly familiar with plantation life und with the relations between master and slave; that I lived on tho planta tion during the war and during the dark day* of reconstruction, which un fortunately did not end until 1875; that prior to and during tho war, as well as during the reconstruction period, I was thrown In dally enhtact with the negroes, on our own plantation nnd on those of our neighbors, and thnt on account of these facts, I enjoyed ex ceptional opportunities for observa tion. Unswerving Loyalty. I cheerfully admit thnt it Is true that during the war there was scarcely a plantation In the South where the mis tress of the place ami her children were not left alone at the mercy of the slaves a great part of the time; and It Is equally true that the record shows unswerving loyalty on the part of the slaves 111 executing this trust. This happy condition was the result of years of training, until It had tiecomc a habit of thought with the negroes—an In herited tendency—to treat the owner of the plar.tutlon and his ramily ns supe rior beings, as they were. No thought of social equality, and the vile thought inevitably Incident thorny ever once enteredJJt.eJj.endH Of the negroes. Tlje discipline nf tlTe plaHUfttoft was firm, but kindly, and under it the relation between *the owner, and the owned took on a paternalistic character, the owner feeling tWanT hls slaves us he might towrfm'a !<* ot children dependent on him, and the slaves looking up to the master as a superior, whom they held In highest respect. Under these condi tions there naturally grew up an af fection, a bond of sympathy, and « mutual feeling of interest between tho white families arift«Xhelr slaves, that was ns beautiful mr ftCpoetTT, whatever may bo said about the Institution of slavery as a whole. And 1‘wlsh to say holders nor any of their descendants would Testore the Institution If they could. The end of the war came In the spring of 1865, and Immediately a lot of adventurers, most of them unscru pulous, came into the South from the North- They did not come for exploit ing legitimate enterprises, non for hon est Investments, but for plunder. They Immediately began by precept and ex ample to Instil Into the minds of the negroes the doctrine that they, were In every way the equals of the whites; that they were entitled to every priv ilege, social or Qthuwhich their il enjoyed.' ahd thnt former masters had, tm* United States government had spout millions to guarantee this to them. From the very llrst Insidious A Good Story for Business Men The advertising department of^hitt newspaper wants to get id touch, "'ifcL, r manufacturers and merchants. whose r ‘ business can be improved: We -have a good story—several of them, in fact, and all true—of business men who arc coining money, and lots of it. bv the judicious use of newspaper publicity. There’s no better medium in which to start and “try out" an advertising experiment than this paper—none bet ter to tise constantly and liberally after the advertising grows beyond the ex perimental stage. The Massengale Adve-rtising Agen cy, of Atlanta, Ga., with its corps of experienced and successful advertising men, is a good concern to help you plan, prenare and place your publicity. Introduction of this Infamous' propa ganda there was created between the two races a strong propulsive force to drive them apart—awakening nnd plac ing on the defensive on the part of the superior all hls pride of race, and every instinct of self-preservation—and on tho part of the inferior arousing nn envy nnd hatred, Inevitably born of a feeling that In being debarred from social equality by the native whites, he was being deprived of something to which he was entitled by right. A Mistake—a Misunderstanding. As strongly supporting the attitude of the "carpet baggers" about him, the people of the North recognised the ne gro as mi equal by admitting him into ull public places, such as theaters, Pullman cars and hotels, nnd these facts, coupled with the Intemperate utterances of the Republican politicians of the period, In congress and out of It, made It nppeur to the negro that the proud aloofness of tin* white people of the South was the stubborn unreason ableness of nice prejudice, nnd there fore unjust to him, itml nil our rare troubles dnte from the baleful dissemi nation of this Idea. It 1s.but a step from the nursing of u supposed wrong to thoughts of righting It, mpl ^liere gradually grew Into the negro's mind n suggestion If not 11 well- deflned determination to take by force this coveted privilege. I say gradual ly, for with the older negroes, the In stinct of deference and respect for the white race was too firmly planted by the growth of years to be easily sup planted by n contrary teaching, but With the young tnen and with the youth on they grew to manhood their new-found counselors from the North found receptive listeners to their in iquitous teaching, until In the early seventies the question of social equality was frequently adverted to In public speeches by the negro politicians and preachers of that time, and by the white Scoundrels and adventurers as sociated with them. At that time the negroes were more than the political equals of the whites. Backed-by Federal bayonets, they had voted themselves Ipto practically every office In the state, and had elected as governor an adventurer from Massa chusetts, a miscreant whose offensive misrule is still a malodorous memory In the state to t this day. The legisla ture was. known as the "Black nml Tan” legislature on account Of the great number of negroes and mulattoes that constituted It. An Instsncs of Political Equality. My father, a highly educated, refined and cultivated gentleman, who had been graduated with some distinction from a prominent university, was forced to pay hls tuxes Hi one county where he owned land to a bullet-headed negro, who could scarcely write hls own name, and yet this negro was sheriff of the county. In another county where my father owned land, the sheriff was a white renegade from somewhere north of the Ohio river, but most of the other employees about the court house were negroes. It Is safe to say that thefe was scarcely a self-resisting white man In the state holding office. I reluctantly revive these unhappy recollections of experiences that linger I In my memory as a hideous nightmare, ' but it is necessary to do so In order to emphasise u pivotal point in this dis cussion. to-wit, that ns far an political equably went, the negroes certainly ought to have been more than satis- By E. H. HINTON. and turbulence among them, and why? Simply because the Southern whites sternly nnd proudly refused to recog nize them as' in any v way their social equals. In 1875 this turbulence culmi nated In a number of riots In different parts of the state. These riots all oc curred about the same time, suggesting the possibility of some concert of action and all were traceable to the same causes. It Is unnecessary to give any detailed account of these various dem onstrations to show their Inspiration. ‘ will mention only one’ an being typical of the others. Blind Cry for 8ocial Equality. In Warren nnd nn adjoining county there opemted a negro politician named Davenport, with a heart black er than hls ebony skin, although no worse than other politicians and preachers of hls race In other parts of the state. He openly preached the doctrine of social equality, and In 1875 he .begun to gather the negroes to* gether for a concerted move on Vicks burg for the purpose of enforcing their one absorbing desire. He started with cordlng^to Charles Francis Adams (see Century Magazine for May, 1906, page 109), have been talking and writing a lot of "rot" on this subject for the last forty ^ears. Considering the gravity about 800, the raid gathering strength as Jt proceeded. From time to time he would regale hls followers with most inflammatory speeches. In these harangues he did not complain that hls hearers were deprived of any of their political privileges. He did not allege that their civil rights were abridged In any particular, but still he hud a grievance against the South ern whites, and It was that they re mained obdurate In the matter of social equality. "They refuse to recognize us us their equals," said he, "but we will ’ to force them. We will go to Vicksburg and take the white women for our wives and concubines, and make slaves of the white men. We are being de prived of our rights, und we are going to have them If we have to wade up to our bridle bits In blood." A spectacular governor of Colorado subsequently made this expression fa mous, or Infamous, according to the point or view. It only shows how op pressed and depressed the Southern people were, that the author of these damnable utterances was not instantly dealt with In the summary fashion that you would deal with a rabid dog. Davenport continued hls march to ward Vicksburg, but was Anally mot by n body of whites, led by some of Vicksburg’s most prominent citizens, with the usual and inevitable result. How many negroes were killed In that riot will probably never be known, but It was sufficient to have a very salutary effect. All the other riots of that year had a similar result. It was the beginning of the end of Republican misrule In the state. White Men Organize. That fall the white men organized and took over the government of the state. Nearly all the harpies from the North fled between two suns, and after ten years of rank misrule—a satur nalia of official crime, of public plun der and of spoliation of a proud but defeated people, that dispassionate hls- tory will some day record as a foul blot on the escutcheon of the Repub lican party—the Anglo-Saxon of the South came Into hls own Again. By the shotgun policy? Yes, l am in no sense a disciple of Machlavelll, and I am pursuaded that my code of ethics is on ns high a plane as that of any other Anglo-Saxon, regardless of latitude or of environment; but I shall always believe that in wresting their state from the thieves nnd plunderers who were desecrating its temples, the end to be attained fully Justified the means adopted by Mississippi's whites. The history of Mississippi during the reconstruction period was a fair expo nent of the conditions In the other Southern states. Some of them es caped from the incubus sooner than others, but all of them suffered the same Ills that afflicted Mississippi, and In all the misguided. If not malevo lent, teaching* of the Republican lead, ers or the time left Us poisonous leav en In the heart of the negro. Of course, no further organized or open demonstrations, looking to sociul equality, were made by the negroes; but the venomous germ was none the less active that Its operations were secret. It was kept alive, too, by the bloody shirt" speeches of Republican politicians of the North who made the political atmosphere lurid for so many years succeeding 1875, as well as by the , actions, writings, speeches and other public utterances* of possibly sin cere but, we think, misguided preach- fled at that time. But they were not. I ers, teachers, publicists and would-be There w as a constantly growing unrest philanthropists of the North, who, ae- of the results fo the Southern’ people, It t*Tery-mild, not to-say flippant, crit icism to call It. “roL" \Ve are reaping today the bitter fruit sown In this "rot" by our brothers of the North. The negroes have all, deep down In'their hearts, the false and dangerous notions gathered <luriug reconstruction days, and every perpetration by them of the one most heinous and revolting of crimes may be traced to the dominant thought that they are only Taking by forge what Is theirs by right, but which (s denied them by what they have been taught to regard ns the unreasonable prejudice of the Southern whites. Protection of Criminal*. As a race, the negroes {lo not re gard this monstrous offense as n se rious crime, for they not only do u«t co-operate with the officers of the law In apprehending this class of criminals, but they actually protect anil harbor them nnd aid their escape. It Is In conceivable that any people would habitually shield criminals of whose crimes they sincerely disapproved, anil next to the crime Itself thlq phase of the race ’ problem Is one of the most conspicuous features of the diseased condition of the mind of the negroes, from the Industrious dissemination by your people of the kind of "rot" which Charlon Francis Adams now denounces. Forty years of freedom nml this "rot" have transformed the negro from a do cile, kindly, confiding, good-natured de pendent servant Into a Jealous, envious, distrustful, resentful anil independent citizen. The difference between a faith ful dog and an undisciplined wild ani mal Is not materially greater than the measure of this contrast. If you can appreciate the full significance of this transformation, you should be able to understand "Why the blacks who took care of helpless women und chlloren of the South during the war, cannot now be trusted to live in the same town." What remedy do I propose? It Is this: Let your people undo the wrong they have done. I,et them recognize the fact thnt in clothing overnight with full-fledged citizenship, Including the dignity of suffrage, millions of bar barous, or at least semi-barbarous, blacks, only a few years removed from the utter savagery of African jungles, they committed n crime against the Anglo-Saxon that Is without a parallel In tho history of that proud race. Repeal the Fifteenth Amendment. Let them in a measure make repa ration for this crime by wiping out the fifteenth amendment to the constitution of the United Stages. Then instead of spending millions to send missionaries to the Orient in an effort to supplant the teachings and philosophy of Budd ha, of Confucius nnd of Mahommed. with the Gospel of Christ, let your peo ple divert these honest. God-fearing, religious enthusiasts to the blacks of the South, to spread among them the plain gospel of honesty and of decent living and to serve .us an antidote for the poison left by the horde of unsav ory characters whom you sent down to 1, Immediately after the war. Let them teach the negro Uuf honor and dignity of labor nnd to be ashamed of hls present Idleness and shiftless- ness. Let them teach him that to wbrk three days out of the work-a-duy week and to loaf the other three, as at pres ent, Is a crime, and that if he would practice ordinary providence, thrift and Industry, with the opoprtunlties he has In the South, he would soon be the richest laborer in the world. If he could be kept busy It would be a ma teria! help In curbing hls criminal tendency. Above all, let them teach the negro that social equality le Impossible and that It will ever remain so. and that even political equality is an "irldes cent dream," to he realized only by hls faithfulness in good works. Let them make It clear to the negro that the Anglo-Saxon, unlike the Latin races. In a thousand years of achieve ment, has always held himself proudly aloof from any amalgamation with an Inferior race, an Important factor In hls progress; that ns long us he has In him on*) spark of pride of race, one Impulse of worthy ambition, or one trace of lofty purpose or high Ideal, this will be his attitude, and that If the negro would escape ultimate annihilation he must recognize ami scrupulously re spect this unwritten but Inexorable law of the Southern whites. situation by trying to look at this ques tion sometimes from the standpoint of the Southern white man, and by re fraining from any public deliverances on this subject until they have careful ly studied both sides of It. Above all, they should avoid long race criticism based on maudlin sentimentality. As a preliminary text-book for those of your pooplb who really wish to treat this question fairly, I strongly com mend to their thoughtful, earnest study an article written by Charles Francis Adams, which appeared in the Century Magazine for May, 1906. .1 make one op two extracts which If you have not read will, I am sure, prove Interesting. Speaking of the speeches, writings, etc., of the public men of the North on this subject In the past, he saye, on page 109: • "In pluln vernacular, they are all rot- rot, which I myself have Indulged In to a considerable extent, and In face of observable facts, which would not down, I have had to outgrow." OnjMge 105 he says: "One thing seems clear, without be- ihg reduced to servitude, the inferior race most be recognized as such, anil in some way so dealt with. Facts are facts; and only confusion results when things essentially not equpl are dealt With on tho basis of natural equality.’* A Confession of Error. Further along in the article, on page 105, he says: "In the first place, looking about me Potomac rivers can be of material help In solving this problem If they would, but not until the scales have fallen from their eyes, as they have from tho eyes of the distinguished New Eng lander Just quoted, and not until they escape from the "bog of self-sufficient Ignorance" In which they are now en veloped In connection with this topic. Until then (and we devoiitly pray that “ distant), your that time is not very tar i people do harm by Interfering. Until then, urge them to remain neutral and let US'"tread our wine press alone." E. H. HINTON. IMPORTANT CHANGE IN SCHEDULES. SEABOARD AIR LINE RAILWAY. i’mln No. 41 from Washington, for merly arrived Atlanta 6:20 a. m. anil left tor Birmingham at 6:50 a. in.. will now arrive at 7:20 a. m. and leave tor Birmingham at 7:45 a. m. Noe. 60 and 61, formerly operated be. tween Atlanta and Abbeville. 8. C.. will be dlacontlnued north of Athena, Ga. No. 50 will continue to leave Atlanta at 4:00 p. m. Returning, No. 51 will or. rive Atlanta at 1:26 a. m. No. *3, from New York, will arrive In Atlanta at 2:65 p. m.. and leave for Birmingham and Meinphla at 4:45p.m. among Africana In Africa—far remov- No *- 5?i?S?» B InIP , i3>fnSL 0, v ra rf < ‘ ed from that American environment to 1 £?««» W E* which I had been accustomed—the '>« dlacontlnued north of Clinton, S. C. Kaiea flnTom my n eye“ C Tfou"! *»*_» now " rlva Atl ‘ nta self most Impressed by a realizing sense of the appalling amount of error and cant In which we of the United Staten have Indulged on thin topic. We have actually wallowed In a bog of self-sufficient ignorance—especially wc philanthropists of New England. We do so still. Having eyes we will not Even now we not Infrequently hear tho successor to the abolitionist and humanitarian of the ante-civil war period—the "Uncle Tom" period—an nounce that the difference between the white man and the black man is much less considerable than Is ordinarily supposed, and that the only real ob stacle In the negro's way Is that ‘He has not been given a chance.’ For my self, after visiting the black man In hlu own house, I come back with the de cided Impression that this Is the sheer est of delusions, due to pure Ignorance of rudimentary facts, yet we built upon it durinr reconstruction days, as upon a foundation stone—a self-evident truth." f Our brothers north of the Ohio and Arrival and departure of other trains will remain the same. Effective 12:01 p. m., Sunday, No vember 25. W. E. CHRISTIAN, Assistant General Passenger Agent. g0000000000000000000000000 O Santa Fe, N. M., Dec. 1.—Colonel O 0 Max Frost, editor of Tho Santa F* C 0 New Mexican, and until Governor C 0 Hagerman’s appointment, the un- 0 O disputed Republican dictator of O 0 New Mexico, fractured hls Jaw O O yesterday yelling at hls office boy 0 0 to answer the telephone. Hls false 0 O teeth fell from hls mouth and the 0 0 Jaws came together with such 0 0 force that the Jaw bone was 0 0 broken. O 00000000000000000000000000 Immigration Of the right sort will be beneficial to the state. This label: Your people coulu On your printed matter will also beneficial to vour business. be Expert Printers Furnished on Short Notice. Atlanta Typographical Union 520 Candler Bldg. P. 0. Box 266. Atlanta Phone 873.