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ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS/WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XVIII.
ATLANTA, G j., WEDNESDAY, MAY 9,1866.
NUMBER 19.
Atlanta, Then And Now.
Twelve months ago—the afternoon of the 4th j
From the Montgomery Mail.
Loases of the Sonth.
PUBUBHKD DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED I. WHITAKER,
Proprlet or.
JOHN H. NTKELE, ...
- Ildllor.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, May O, 1866.
Cotton Jfoveiuent*.
We notice in the New York Times of the 25th
ultimo a statement o» movements in cotton that
greatly surprise us. It seems that during the
week ending on the evening of the 24th ultimo,
the exports of cotton from tlie port of New
York, had reached 22,277 hales, the currency
value of which was $3,382,709, or an average of
one hundred and seventy-live dollars a hale. In
cluded, says that paper, “ in the exports, were:
To Liverpool, 17,762 lwles, valued at $3,109,638;
Cronstadt, 1,412 bales, valued at $230,100; Ham
burg, 982 bales, valued at $857,997 ; Naples, 747
bales, valued at 141,642 ; Bremen, 682 bales, val
ued at $122,174; Antwerp, 246 I .tales, valued at
$47.301; Havre, 30* bales, valued at $43,145;
and Burcfcjpna, 137 bales, valued at $20,700. The
toolings <*r the week's return make the total
shipment front this port exclusively, since the
first of the current month, 63,371 hales or an
average of about three thousand hales lor each
business day ; and since September 1,180.1, 410,-
167 hales, worth at least eighty vallions of lawful
money. Since the liist instant, the receipts at
the port have beet) 36,661 hales ; since January
1, 1 .00, 271,580 bales; and since September 1
lMi.j—less than eight months—723,348 hales,
certainly eq al to •; currency value of one hnn-
drtd and tliirty-ii'/ht minion doll/'is. Estimates
ol the available supply now here range from
170,000 to 230,000 hales—the average being 200,
000 bales, representing a currency value of not
less than thirty-five million dollars.”
Wlmt other staple, either for home purposes
or lor export, cun compare with cotton ? In its
raw state, commanding hundreds, ami when
manufactured into lorries, commanding thou
sands, of millions. If not “King” in a political,
it is certainly so in a manufacturing and com
mercial sense. All other manufacturing pro
duets sink into insignificance before it. Nor
wool, nor hemp, nor silk, nor all else with these
combined, ear. compare with this great Southern
staple. Long may it flourish and grow in the
South, commanding tribute from the world !
Colored Men Excluded from Ronton The
atrea.
The theatrical managers in Boston have com
bined to keep colored people out of the places ot
amusement, notwithstanding the recent law on
the subject. As only a nominal fine is imposed
for breaking the law, and their licenses are not
ntfeeted by the exclusion, they think they can
successfully resist the law.—Xeic York Ecening
Post.
We have never had a doubt that the Boston
aristocracy would be among the first of all class
es in the North, to repudiate the exactions of
the civil rights bill, especially that one of them
which bestows upon the negro the right to oc
cupy seats in their churches and theatres side by
side with the whites. We see evidence now of
this in the action of their theatrical managers,
and we shall see it in the action of their church
wardens or trustees Neither will the players
play in theatres where the negrb is permitted to
occupy the seats side by side with the whites,
nor will the preachers preach under similar cir
cumstances. Resistance to the law, as it now is,
is certain in Boston. Whatever may be our opin
ion of the civil rights bill, if its provisions in re
gard to the privilege referred to are to he en
forced anywhere, we trust they will be first en
forced in Boston. What that city has so effectu
ally sowed, let it reap 1
A Curious Case.
The Nashville Union says “it will he remem
bered that after the surrender ol General Lee,
the military in Georgia captured $100,000 in gold,
which was claimed by the Farmers’, the Ex
change, and the Bank of Virginia, at Richmond.
Recent investigations of the facts, however,show
that a few weeks before the evacuation of Rich
mond the Legislature of Virginia passed a law
authorizing the said banks to loan the Confeder
ate Government, upon the faith of the State,
$300,000 of gold to purchase supplies for Lee s
army. This sum was placed by the respective
banks to the credit of the rebel Government, and
before the surrender of Lee $60,000 was paid,
leaving $240,000 belonging to the rebel Govern
ment with these banks at the time of the evacu
ation. The Government, therefore, claims not
only the $100,000 captured in Georgia, but also
the $240,000 additional in custody of the banks.
This is the present condition of the question.—
The notes of these banks have been bought up
with the expectation that the Government would
relinquish its title to the $240,000 of gold.
This claim will certainly be abandoned by the
Government. Ilad the $240,000 passed into the
hands of General Lee. or any of the Confederate
authorities, then, being seized by the military, it
might, with some show of justice be held by it
as captured property. But to claim what had
never passed out of the vaults of the bank, we
think is rather hard, and not at all consistent
with either moderation or justice on the part of
the government.
day of May, 1865—Col. B. B. Eggleston*, of
the “First Ohio Volunteer Cavalry,” at the head
of his command, took possession of this city. On
the day of the occurrence of this event, the com
paratively few of Atlanta’s old residents who
had returned to it upon General Sherman's aban
donment of the place; and who had adhered to
theCunfeclerateeau.se “through evil as weH as
through good report;” feeling that resistance were
madness, and suffering as they severely had, since
the “surrender” had been made known, from acts
of lawlessness daily committed by desperate men
coming from whither, and going bo one could
divine where; felt rather relieved than'otherwise
at the re-entrance of the Federal troops and their
re occupation of tl>*, city. As a Confederate Post,
it liud been under the command of our fellow-
citizen, then an officer in the Confederate ser
vice, Col. Luther J. Glenn*, ever since its
evacuation by General Sherman, but wiio having
been abandoned by nearly the whole of his com
mand, was left almost powerless to defend either
private or public property, from the marauding
parties that from day to day trespassed upon it,
and bore wliat they pleased of it away. The
mules and-the horses ; the State and Confederate
quartermaster’s and commissary stores, though
in charge of vigilant and brave officers; were
borne away by men “tetuming from the wars,”
who claimed, with some show of justice, that
they were as much eutitled to them as any one
else, and who, be it said to their credit, lavishly*
bestowed upon the suffering women who iu
crowds followed them through our streets, a large
share of the provisions which they siezed. For
two or three weeks previous to the occupation of
the city by Coi. Eggleston’s command, there had
existed if not a “reign of terror,” one at least of
great disorder and distress. Our citizens and its
authorities felt the ueeessity that existed for mili
tary protection, and though mortified at the re
sults of t lie war, were prepared to bide those re
sults. Atlanta was then an impoverished city.
It was a vast pile of ruins. Desolation and de
struction had done their work upon it. Her peo
ple were paralyzed in their losses, and in their
poverty. Each gazed upon the other almost in
despair, and where to get bread absorbed the
thoughts of most of ifs inhabitants. Fortunate
it was for the city, that the Federal officer who
took possession of it, was a man as well as a sol
dier. To relieve the wants of the suffering, to
restore order, to maintain rigid discipline in his
command, and to protect the persons and prop
erty of the citizens, his efforts were directed.-—
Those ot us who were witnesses of his man}* acts
of kindness, will ever bear Col. Eggleston in
kindly remembrrnce. YYar made him our en
emy ; peace made him our friend.
Such was Atlanta twelve months ago. Look
at her now ! How great the change! From her
ruius she has sprung, as if by some magical in
fluence, into a city again, commerce flourishing
in her midst, and the “busy hum of industry” an
imating her people in all their varied pursuits.
The whistle of the steam engine; the trains of
cars reaching and departing from the city day
night ; the evidences presented on every side of
contemplated improvements; the sound of the
hammer and the saw ; manufacturing enterprises
of Various kinds iu successful operation, and
others iu progress; an energetic population en
gaged in trade ; professions all ably represented;
artists and artisans engaged in tbeir vocations;
civil law restored ; the city again under the con
trol of its civil authorities; order and peace pre
vailing in her midst; such is Atlanta now. Its
then was all gloom ; its now, by comparison,
how bright! Twelve months ago, how dark the
prospect; to-day, how encouraging the future
of the Gate City !
Our people are too apt to despond. Let them
take courage ! From the fall and rise of Atlanta,
let them hope; “hope on, hope ever! Let them
remember that the wost possible feeling which
can overtake a man is that of despair /” He will
be good for nothing when such a calamity over
takes him. It made Judas go and hang himself.
To Messrs. Hodgson & -Whitfield, Editors of the Mail:
Gentlemen : I observe in your issue this morn
ing an article extracted from some paper (not de
signated) in which it is stated, that Commodore
Maury, in a letter to the London Morning Herald,
estimates Southern losses during the war, at the
extraordinary total of seven billions of dollars.—
Any expression of opinion or deliberate state
ment made by this distinguished man, deserves
great consideration, and one should hesitate to
venture on even a partial dissent from his views;
but I respectfully submit that he has fallen
1 incautiously into a grave error in the matter of
this particular statement.
The amount ot losses as exhibited by him
charges in its first item a loss of three billions of
money on emancipated slaves * Is not this evi
dently too high—is it not nearly or quite fifty* per
cent, above the actual damages? In all the
Southern States before the war there were about
three millions and a half of slaves; and an aver
age price of five hundred dollars each for these
slaves, men, women and children, taken together,
would exceed their then value. But if we sup
pose three millions and a half of slaves to hav
been worth five hundred dollars each, their ag
gregate value would produce the sum of one bil
lion seven hundred and and fifty millions of dol
lars. In the next item Com. Maury puts down
the sum of two billions of dollars lor expenses
of the war independently of private spoliations
and losses. In other words, he estimates the
public debt of the Confederate States and of the
several States at this large figure. YYe know on
the contrary, that the nominal value of this debt
on its face and its real value iu gold were two
distinct proposition. The paper estimate of the
debt and the gold value, (by which it must, if
paid, have been ultimately tested and measured,^
were'vastly disproportioned in relation to each
other. Is it not quite safe to set the sum of six
hundred millions of dollars in gold against all the
possible losses incurred by the public debt of the
Confederate Stales and of each separate State?
The destruction of private property appears in
Commodore Maury’s statement, in an item of one
billion of dollars ; too high, as it appears to me,
from all the information I can obtain, by at least
25 per cent. The last item in the account is ten
millions of dollars per annum—or fifty millions
for five years—as additional taxation forthe pay
ment of the Federal war debt; this sum being
calculated as the result, at six per cent, interest,
on one billion of dollars. But should these fifty
millions of dollars as interest, and one billion as
principal, be charged as a dead loss to the South
ern States, when the tax goes into the Federal
treasury, to be partially expended upon the South
ern States in the administration ot the govern
ment ? I should, therefore, rather state the ac
count thus:
By Emancipation 1,700,000,000
Expenses of the war 000,000,000
Destruction of private property 700,000,000
Additional Federal taxatiuii., 500,000,000
The Tax on Income*—Licenses, Ac.
Our readers, perhaps, are not apprised, that,
under the requirements ot the law, they are now
called upon to make their Income Tax returns
for the year 1865—the first day of May being the
day designated from which the collection of the
Income Tax is to commence. All business Li
censes, too, must lie taken out—failure iu either
case being attended with fixed penalties. Our
attention to these matters has been called by the
Federal Assessor for this district of our State,
who, with the Federal Collector, while discharg
ing the duties of their respective offices in this
city and district with fidelity to the government,
have ever done so with a lenity and courtesy
that entitle them to the respect and esteem of
our citizens.
Go forward all who have returns to make, and
licenses to take out, otherwise the penalty for re
fusal or neglect will be surely imposed upon you.
Losses or the South.
YYe copy tr-day, from the Montgomery Mail,
a letter addressed by the Hon. Robert Tyler, to
the Editors of that paper, in which that gentleman
reviews Commodore Maury’s estimates of South
ern losses during the war, in an article written for
the London Morning Her aid, which has been ex
tensively copied iu the papers North and.South.
Occupying the position in the Confederate Treas
ury Department which Mr. Tyler did during the
war, and familiar as he is with the history and
events ot the war, no one is better prepared to
estimate correctly the losses of the South by its j
entrance and defeat in its late great -struggle for |
independence We think the gentleman has j
done this iu his letter to the Mail; lie lias cer- j
tainly at least, corrected serious mistakes made i
by Com. Maury in his article to the Morning Her- J
aid. Tlie reader's attention is directed to Mr. !
Tylers letter published in another column of our I
issue of to-day.
Uatlicrcd to lit* People.
On yesterday the remains of Major Thomas
H. day, a gallant Confederate officer, who died
in this city, in the Spring of 1864, and which
were buried in the cemetery near by, tvere disin
terred, and accompanied by a number of the
friends of the deceased to the depot, from thence
were forwarded, by Express, to the land of his
fathers.
A son of the gallant Lieutenant Henry Clay,
Jr., who fell upon the plains of Mexico, and a
grandson of the immortal Sage of Ashland, it is
meet that his ashes should mingle with the soil
ol that State made illustrious by the name lie
bore.
Iu the beginning of the war, young Clay, then
iu the vigor of youth, and tlie iiope of manhood,
thought
“ Through whom hi? life-'o’.ood tracked its parent lake,*’
and struck for the honor of his uative State, the
pride ot principle, and tlie memories clustering
around his glorious name. As iu the instance ot
his father, death came upon him in a strange
land—each a sacrifice to the convictions of truth
and light. His surviving triends imitating the
example of Kentucky, in removing the father's
remains from the battle field of Buena Vista, to
her own capitol cemetery, where they sleep in the
shadow of a proud monument on whose marble
front engraved his deeds glitter in the sunlight
of Heaven, have resolved that the son shall be
placed beside tlie lather in the silent halls of
death, whilst
3,500,000,000
Do not these figures present a terrible array,
without magnifying them in the least? In the
whole history of war such an immense loss lias
never been so suddenly and completely suffered
by a country containing not more than six mil
lions of people, responsible for government and
property. Indeed, I can recall no instance in
any history where a country of the largest wealth
and population lias lieeu subjected to so tremen
dous a shock. Never has it happened before, I
believe, in tlie world’s annals that, any people
have been required to submit, between the rising
and going down of the sun, to the utter extfhc-
tion of seventeen hundred millions of property,
and to the violent extirpation at tlie same
moment of an ancient institution, reaching
the hearths and hearts and comforts, aud
the social and political interest of almost ev
ery inhabitant in the land. Aud I trust it
will not be vainglorious to assert in this connec
tion, that lit) people in any country have ever
waged war more heroically for real or supposed
rights, or have manifested more patience, forti
tude and wisdom, under extreme reverses, than
the people of the Southern States have done.—
Tlieir arms, carried for four years on many a
hard lought field, had scarcely fallen from tlieir
hands before they were seen at work in tlie fields
and work shops, and in tlieir various professions
and trades, courageously accepting the conse
quences of deteat, peacefully renewing tlieir al
legiance to a government excessively distasteful
to them at the time, aud apparently resolved to
conquer the disastrous circumstances of their un
happy social and political condition by an ad
mirable reticence and a brave industry calculated
to excite every generous sympathy of both friends
and enemies. To subject such a people, in the
wantoness of power, to unuessary insults and op
pressive burdens, would be alike inhuman and
impolitic. Do not justice and true policy both
suggest, that, with a restored Union prejudices
and hatred, and depraved passions should pass
away* as last as is possible or reasonable; and
above and beyond all, those who control the des
tinies of the United Stales should long hesitate
before taking the risk of sacrificing the fixed
facts of our political experience to the pleasing
assumptions of a plausible theory—should also
beware of the danger of being excited by ground
less fears, or stiff more groundless hopes to com
mit liberticide—to slay true freedom in the name
and on the altar of some false prophet, blasphe
ming in that name.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Robert Tyler.
•• On Fame's eternal camping ground.
Her silent tents are spread.
And glory guards with solemn round.
Tlie bivouac of the dead."
Trial of Br. Davis.
It is announced in telegraphic dispatches from
Washington City that Messrs. Evarts, Clifford,
and Rosseau, have been retained by the Govern
ment for the trial of Mr. Davis. These gentle
men. it is stated, were in Washington a day or
two ago arranging the case. The time and place
of the trial had not then been definitely settled.
Attorney General Speed, who will lead in the
ease, is now in Kentucky recreating, so that it is
not probable that the trial will come off at an
early day.
We notice, also, in a Press Association dis
patch the statement that “there seems to be no
doubt that Mrs. Jeff. Davis lias permission to
visit ber husband.”
, . i has fu rnished the public, iu the shape ol a chart
while the 4th Michigan cuxa.ry was in- of character addressed-to that distinguished of-
We learn that Captain Frank M. Myers, of
Marietta, was elected Solicitor for the county of
Cobb on Wednesday last.
The Washington correspondent of the Cincin
nati Gazette says: “The justice of the awards for
the capture ot President Davis was the subject
of a brief discussion in tlie Senate the 24th inst.
Mr. Howe introduced a resolution calling upon
the Secretary of War for the evidence upon which
tlie l?t Wisconsin cavalry was excluded from the
award
eluded, air. Chandler sad he supposed the mat
ter was so decided because Colonel Pritchard
caught Mr. Davis and the other Colonel did not
catch him. Mr. Cowan doubted the expediency
of calling for the evidence, since there could be
no appeal from the decision. Mr. Howe thought
the award could be overruled, and wished to see
the evidence upon which it was founded. Mr.
Chandler said he was not unwilling that the
Senator from Wisconsin should be permitted to
see tiie manuscript of the evidence, but he hoped
the cost ot printing it would not be assumed.—
The resolution was adopted.”
Bad State of Affairs in Tennessee.
The Bristol Hews, of the 27th inst., says:
Since our last issue, several gentlemen have ar
rived from Jouesborough, Tennessee, who report
that quite an unfortunate state ot affairs exists in
Washington county. We learn from them that
a large number of those who sympathized with
the South in the late war, are being whipped and
maltreated, and that still a larger number are
receiving orders to leave the country, being noti
fied that if they do not comply they will suffer
the penalty of death. YVe regret to* make such
an announcement. We have always been treated
with tlie utmost kindness by the citizens of Well
ington county, and we dislike very much to hear
of them doing anything that will bring reproach
upon tlieir fair name. Washington is the oldest
county, we believe, in the State, and it does look
like her citizens ought to have more respect for
law and order.
Among the number that have been driven from
their homes is James W. Deaderick, Esq., a gen
tleman who is noted for his peaceful character
and gentlemanly virtues. The history of Mr.
Deaderiek’s family has been closely connected
with that of upper East Tennessee, and we should
think that Washington county could ill afford to
lose such a citizen.
As our Governor is entirely too busy with mi
nor matter to take any notice of such things, we
trust the President will take cognizance of them.
Front him alone the remedy must come if it
comes at all.
The Knoxville Commercial says :
YYe regret exceedingly that the Radicals of
East Tennessee should have found it necessary to
take such direct steps to drive every* citizen, who
has been in the rebel army, out of our section of
the State. We have many good, peaceable, quiet,
law-abiding people who have been in the rebel
army, and we need good citizens in this part of
the State, and we cannot for the file ot us under
stand why the powers at Nashville should inau
gurate a movemenFrtmt must drive capital from
East Tennessee, and every man who has been
in the rebel army. But such a charge as was
made by Judge Swann, at Dandridge, is like
most of* the Radical moves—having neither hon
esty nor good sense, directly opposed to consti
tutional libery—and cannot* and will not be sus
tained by the Supreme Court, and this is the dis
agreeable feature about ihe whole thing. Judge
Swann, if he knew anything, knew that fact,
and, therefore, reveals, a flimsy plot to drive men
out of the State, who, they knew, never would
vote the Radical ticket. YYe say to one and all
do not show the least fear, you will be sustained
by the laws ot your country.
From the London Times, April 10.
Tlie Negro: Question In England— Lessons
frum the New world.
It is not fdways that we can remark on the
troubles amgdifflculties of our neighbors with
out being even suspected of self-gratulation; but
in the case now before ns -we see the laboring
ship, not from the shore, but from a craft iu like
evil plight Having just had to accept from our
chief Yvest Indian possession an almost total
surrender offthe right of self-government, and
being engaged at home in the business of consti
tutional recoi$Wruction, we cannot help sympa
thizing with ill three branches of the American
Legislature, now brought to a dead lock by* the
“ irrepressible ; negro.” That personage has just
been proved, 6y wager of battle and by general
acclamation, ? a man aud a brother; ” his chains
have been. bmken, and he is a slave no more.
He is even permitted to fight for his country* and
for equal law* But then comes the difficulty.
Is he also a citizen, and must he be admitted
within the pale ot the Constitution, as we say
at home ? Thq question lias agitated parties con
siderably in America, for it is obvious that very
little has been done by* changing the slave into a
pariah, and that, such is human natuie, if the
negroes are allowed uo voice in making the laws,
they will be much at the mercy of tlieir old mas
ters. As wegJbe the slave of one man as of a
State—nay ,+j^pv, some think, for the one man
Butler's Bumps.—A New York phrenologist
has been examining General Butler’s head, and
fieer, with the results of the inspection of his
bumps. The document is a funny one through
out but the following extract is especially enter
taining :
You are sure to make what you touch pay.—
You are an excellent judge ot the value of prop
erty. Are almost skeptical in matters of religion.
Are more radical than conservative, and if ever
inclined to be conservative, are so from policy.
Can anybody question that phrenology is a
scieuee after this?—Philadelphia Age.
‘"‘Dexter, a Government Cotton Agent, who
has been in jail at Mobile for six months on a
charge of embezzlement, has been turned over
to the civil authorities by order of the President
must care finite slave at least as much as he
does for liis cattle, whereas the State may only
regard him as m public enemy. There ate zeal
ots there who think this vast expenditure of men
and money has been to little purpose if the ne
gro is still to he excluded from civil rights—in
fact, to be nothing but “ a man and a brother.”
The Civil Rights Bill is the Reform Bill of the
day at Washington. The President, represent
ing the common sense and practical wisdom of
the community, and not wishing to saddle him
self with new* and insuperable difficulties, has,
however, vetoed this bill. The great work of
the day is the reconstruction of the Union, and
it is held that this can be done better without
previously putting the negro into a status alto
gether new to him. His freedom itself is diffi
culty enough, and it is not necessary to add his
civil equality ana citizenship.
It is observable that the question is not made
to turn ou the merits of the negro. Nobody
thinks it necessary to assert either that he is
wise, temperate, honest and independent, or the
contrary. People do uot even seem to ask how
the negro would vote and act if left to himself.
There can be no doubt ot President Johnson’s
warm and strong feeling for the race, and his
hearty desire to make the best bargain for it
within the compass ot circumstances. .Even liis
pride as a politician is committed to this as well
as his philanthropy. The reasons which have
led to his veto ate reasons of State, which is
only a phrase for the reasons which any sensible
man feels better than he can explain—better,
perhaps, than he can always venture to avow.
There are matters of which a thousand people
may be fully* and equally cognizant, though not
one will allude to them, for he knows well that
somebody will call’ him a libeler, aud the rest
will stand by to hear him so called.
Why canuot tlie negro be declared a citizen
and invested with all the rights of man ? The
real answer is that he is not a citizen, and cannot
be made a citizen by a proclamation or a law.—
We have unfortunately had a little experience of
our own in this matter. We gave the Jamaica
negro, in common with his w hite master, civil
equality and the right of self-government, and
we see how* it is ended. All the negro’s instincts
and habits go in the other direction. He is care
less, credulous and dependent; easily excited,
easily duped, easily frigliteped; always the ready
victim of the stron^S* will. He is material for
the hands of any*body who wishes to make use
of him. Invested with full political rights, the
race must be a magazine of mischief. In Jama
ica it appears that the negroes w’ould imbibe at a
day’s notice any absmd delusions as to the au
thority and wishes 4|Llhe British Queen, of the
Commissioners, v>r aSyootVy else; but what they
w*ere always looking for w*as something to be
given them, or something to be done for tiiem,
or some law to make them all rich, happy, land-
owners, and tax-free forever. Such men are not
citizens, call them as we will. President John
son, in his message, takes into account the edu
cation and circumstances, as well as the race.—
These four millions have, he observed, just
emerged from slavery; and he notices that the
United States require a five years’ training in re
publican institutions and habits before they admit
a European foreigner to citizenship. Even an
intelligent Englishman must go through this pro
bation. The slave must have at least as much—
we fear very much more. He has his virtues.—
In some respects he contrasts favorably with the
w*hite man. Nobody w’ishes to speak ill of him,
but he simply* is not capable of government in
the sense we mean when we talk of Common
wealths. It is not in him. Is it strange to us ?
Have we no class at home that even our most
liberal politicians are content to see out ot the
tale of citizenship, like the four million negroes
President Johnson is obliged to leave out of it ?
For the answer we state a single fact. Nobody
on either side of the House of Commons has
dropped a word about the enfranchisement of
our twelve hundred thousand agricultural labor
ers, representing, as they do, a much larger popu
lation than the negroes in the United States.—
Nobody praises them; nobody abuses them; no
body proposes to give them votes; nobody thinks
it necessary to give reasons why they should not
have votes.
But if the matter ot the President’s Message
has a siugular bearing upon our present case, so
also has bis argument. He is engaged upon the
w ork of reconstruction, he says. He has to main
tain the federative system of limited powers, and
the barriers w hich* preserve the rights of the
States. This is an actual and traditional system,
arising out of a great variety of circumstances.
For such an actual state of things the President
declines to substitute an universal equality, with
nothing control it but a central Government.
Our own case is not very dissimilar as it might
seem. In our great varieties of classes, condi
tions and interests, and the consequent variety of
art-angements that have sprung out of them, we
have a parallel to the relation of the United
States oue witli another. There is no American
statesman of note who has not looked with dread
to the possible day when a mere crowd of self-
called citizens might usurp the rights and pow
ers now* residing in the various communities,
and adapted to their own local circumstances.—
America has had her anomalies, but they have
been amply justified by their working, and it has
only been by their exaggeration that they* have
ever proved mischievous. But the first thing,
says the President, is to restore the balance, to
repair the Union, to mend the barriers, and retain
as much as is allowable of the old state of things.
After that, and in due time, he intimates cautious
ly, it may be necessary to proceed to an enlarged
and comprehensive definition of the citizen.—^
That is the order taken by a man who has hith
erto shown singular sagacity and firmness. It is
the precise contrary of the order taken by Her
Majesty’s advisers. Though, as it appears, w’ith
quite as great difficulties before them as the
President, and with quite as little intention of
meeting those difficulties, they nevertheless will
take first the definition of the citizen, partial and
unfair as it must be, and postpone to the indefi
nite future the reconstruction—that is in our case,
the distribution of seats. They do not even pur
pose to enfranchise our millions of field laborers;
but they have a franchise to give and citizens to
make ; and this they will do out of hand, let w ho
may do the rest, if it ever be done.
Ireland—The Established Church*
INTERESTING DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
In the House of Commons, on the 10th, Sir J.
Gray moved his resolution on the Irish Church
in these words: “ That the position of the Es
stablislied Church in Ireland is a iust cause of
dissatisfaction to the people of that country, and
urgently demands the consideration of Parlia
ment.” Sir John commenced a lengthv speech
by disclaiming any wish to provoke an‘acrimo
nious discussion, or to give offense to individual
members of the Church of Ireland, and pointed
out the great social inportance—apart from tlie
money questions involved—of removing the feel
ing ot religious inequality which was produced bv
the ascendency of one church over the rest. He
contended that the Irish Establishment had fail
ed polemically and politically, and had accom
plished no object for which it was imported into
the countiy, quoting copiously from the census
returns to show that it neither succededas a mis
sionary church iu w inning over the Roman Catho
lic population nor had even held its own.
Colonel Greville seconded the motion, assert
ing that tWt was not a local but an Imperial
question, and claiming for Ireland the same jus
tice which had been conceded to Canada, Austra
lia and other colonies. He combated the notion
that Parliament w*as precluded by the act of
Union from dealing with this question, and in
dicated various savings in expenditure and re
forms in government which might be effected if
the Church Establishment were disendowed.
Mr. C. Fortesque, though personally regarding
the resolution with cordial concurrence, pointed
out that it was impossble for the government to
accept it unless they were prepared to follow it
up by immediate action, and he maintained that
public opinion even in Ireland was not yet suffi
ciently clear, strong, or matured to call upon
them for that. Their opposition, therefore, to
the motion at the present moment would not be
founded on any grounds of equity or ot perma
nent policy, but simply ou consideration of time
and circumstances.
The O’Donoghue expressed his disappointment
with the decision of the government not to deal
with this question. He characterized the- Irish
establishment as an unparalleled anomaly, and
described the question at issue to be simply
whether revenues granted to the pastors of the
people should be enjoyed by those who minis
tered only to a small minority—six hundred
thousand out of live millions—maintaining that
the experience of centuries proved the utter fail
ure of the establishment as a missionary church.
Mr. YYhiteside drew a sarcastic contrast be
tween the manly tone ot the O’Donoghue’s
speech, aud the vague and evasive manner in
which the government had dealt with the ques
tion, hinting that their chief object was to attract
votes in the coming reform discussions. He ve
hemently denied that Ireland w*as a Roman Cath
olic nation, maintaining that the intelligence,
wealth, and industry of the country were Pro
testant, and warned the House of the impolicy
of attacking a conservative institution at a mo
ment when there was no force in Ireland capa
ble of resisting the spirit of disaffection but the
conservative party. He stigmatizad the motion
as an attack on property and the Protestant re
ligion-prompted by the hierarchical party; and
went at great length into the history of the Un
ion and Roman Catholic Emancipation to show
that this country was pledged to the maintenance
of the establishment, and that the Roman Cath
olics by the pledges of their bishops in 1829 were
precluded from attacking its property. In thfe
same way, in tracing back the history of the
Church’s title deeds to her property*, he referred
to the events of the Plantation of Ulster and the
Act of Settlement, and drew an eloquent picture
of the services of the Irish Church in the cause
of order, loyalty, and true religion.
Sir H. Hoare made some remarks in support
of the motion, and the debate was then adjourn
ed on the motion of Mr. Esmonde.
Slie Hath Eallen.
On her chain of life is rust.
Ou her spirit's wing is dust.
She had let the spoiler in.
She hath mated her with sin,
She hath open'd wide the door.
Crime hath pass’d the threshold o’er.
Wherefore has she gone astray?
Stood temptation in her wav,
..... , : u* v.
With its eyes so glittering bright,
Clothed in angel robes of light !
Oh, her story soon is told ;
Once a tamo within the fold,
Stranger voices lured her thencs,
In her trusting innocence.
Woe—she had no strength to keep,
With the Shepherd of the Sheep,
For the fleece* so spotless white,
Thence became the hue of night,
And she stood in her despair,
* — -
Bleating for the Shepherd’s care.
Woe that none might lead her back,
From the bloodhounds on her track.
Hunger prowl’d about her path,
With a wild hyena wrath:
Scorn came leaping; from its lair.
With defiant growl aud stare,
And she grappled, all in vain.
With the fetugs of wautand pain.
Hope and mercy shut the gate.
Ou this heart so desolate.
So she turn'd again to sin,
What had she to lose or win ?
Resting on her life a stain.
Deeper than the brand of Cain.
Heard she not a pitying tone.
Weeping in her shame alone ?
Was there not a human heart
In her anguish bore a part ?
None to hold a beacon light.
Up before her darken'd sight ?
No; the altar was not there,
For a canting Priesthood's prayer.
She hath fallen 1 Let her die—
Said the Levite passing by ;
So she turned again to sin.
What had she to lose or win ?
Sisters! there is work to do,
Field of labor here for you.
Ye who pour the wine and oil.
Up 1 and rest not from your toil,
her children. Mr. Brasstkld was also prosecuted
for larceny, in taking from her former residence
the clothes of his wife, she being with him for
that purpose. He was also prosecuted for resist
ing an officer.
Thus, by marrying one of another man’s wives,
he got himself involved in two criminal prose
cutions, besides the suit for the custody* of his
wife’s children. Betore the conclusion of these
suits Mr. Brassfield was shot and killed while in
company ot the United States Marshal. To
show the zeal with which the Vedette attacks po
lygamy, we give tlie introduction to its notice of
this murder:
YYe are called upon this morning to chronicle
one of the most cold-blooded and inhuman mur
ders that has ever fallen under our notice—un
paralleled even in the bloody record ot Utah’s
foulest crimes. The victim of this last exhibi
tion of the hellish doctrine of “blood atonement,”
promulgated by* these fiends of hell from thu
rostrum of their tabernacle, is Squire Newton
i Brassfield, late resident of Austin, Nevada, by
! bnsiness a freighter, and aged about thirty years.
YVopder whether the Vedette could live in Salt
Lake were there no Federal bayonets in that re
gion ?—Cincinnati Times, 27th.
The Lord Nayor or London and President
Johnson.
’Vill the bruised and wounded heart.'
Aching from the tempter’s dart,
Sore and weary with its pain,
Shall be bound'and heal’d again—
’Till, uo more defiled by sin.
Like the pardoned Magdalen,
Kneeling in repentance sweet,
She may wash the Savior’s feet
With her tears—that while they roll,
Blot the sin-stain from her soul—
Do ye ask ior your reward?
“They are blest who serve the Lord.’ -
Gossip About Miss Lucy Gwin’s Marriage.
—The Paris correspondent of the Cosmopolitan,
gives the following brief and interesting sketcli
ot Miss Lucy Gwin’s marriage. * He says:
But as the Cosmopolitan circulates widely
among American families, I have a wedding an
nouncement to make that will interest many read
ers on both sides of the Atlantic.
On Thursday last—mi-Car erne—Miss Lucv
Gwin, of California, was married to Mr. E. J.
Coleman, of Louisville, Kentucky. The cere
mony was performed by the Rev. Mr. Lamson,
in the American church. Rue Bayard. In conse
quence ot the bride’s father, Dr.* Gwin, being a
State prisoner in Fort Jackson. Louisiana, die
weliding was entirely private, the witnesses be
ing only the relatives of the parties and two or
three of the groom’s intimate friends and coun
trymen. From one of these I have received the
following bridal picture:
“Miss Lucy looked splendidly, as fresh and
pretty as a lily, dressed a la Princesse—white
satin trimmed with lace, orange flowers, and
pearls: long ceinture of satin ribbon falling
down behind. A veil of tulle, diamond ear
rings, a solitaire with pendants. After the cere
mony the company returned to Mrs. Gwin’s
Boulevart Malesherbes, and partook of a sump
tuous dejuner a la fourchette. Mr. and Mrs. Cole
man left in the evening train for Brussels, to
pend the honey-moon.**
The population of Nebraska is 50,000.
A very
folio’
Nature.
important principle is to be found in
the following from Prof. Hilton’s Lectures
on Rest and Pain :
“A few weeks ago a surgeon from the country
came to my house with a patient. He said : ‘I
want to consult you about a young lady who has
a diseased toe. It lia9 been very troublesome, and
I have not suceeded in completely relieving her.’
YYith her was an elderly gentleman, a relation of
the patient, a very kind-hearted man, who thinks
himself a good surgeon, and goes about doctor
ing the people, sometimes doing harm, and
sometimes perhaps a great deal of good. He
is very fond ot animals, and has a number of
pets. After I had examined with the surgeon
the lady’s toe, the elderly gentleman said:
‘Well, Mr. Hilton, what are you going to do to
cure this young friend of mine?’ I said: I
think we shall put a splint on the foot and keep
the toe very quiet, attend to her general health,
and nature in all probability will do tlie rest.’
I then said to him : ‘What led you to adopt the
occupation of a philanthropic surgeon in addi
tion to your other occupation?’
“Well Mr. Hilton,” he replied; “I will tell
you. You know I am very fond of animals.
Some years ago I caught a live mouse in a trap.
I took it in my hand, and I said to myself,
Poor thing, you must have suffered a good
deal of pain and distress. You have had a
severe laceration of your cheek; one of your
eyes has been torn out; your skull has been
broken, and instead of having bone covering
your brain, you have now only a thick, dense
membrane defending it.’ Then I thought, to
myself, This mouse must have had difficulties
in its treatment of its injuries ; and’—interrupt
ing the relation of the story*, he said, I hope
you won’t be offended at what I am going to
say!’ ‘No,’ said I‘not in the least.’ ‘Well 1 ’ he
continued, ‘I jjaid to myself, surely this mouse,
although it is cured, never had a physician or a
surgeon I I quite agree with you, Mr. Hilton,
that nature is a very valuable surgeon.’
It would be well, we think, if the surgeon
would inscribe upon liis memory* as the first
professional thought which should accompany
him in the course of his daily occupation, this
physiological truth—that nature has a constant,
tendency to repair the injuries to which she
may have been subjected, whether those injuries
be the result of fatigue or exhaustion, inflamma
tion or accident. That this reparative power
becomes most conspicuous when the disturbing
cause has been removed; thus presenting to the
consideration of the physician and surgeon a
constantly-recurring and sound principle lor his
guidance iu his professional practice.—Boston
Transcript.
Morinouism—Polygamy Strongly- Opposed
at Salt Lake—Hon* tlie Women regard
the Institution.
YY’e are in receipt of the Vedette, published in
Salt Lake, at $8 per annum, weekly*, and $16
daily.
SALT LAKE.
Salt Lake contains 17,000 people. The city is
one ot the most beautiful in the Union, and the
largest between St. Louis aud Sacramento. It is
three miles square, contains 260 blocks of ten
acres each, tlie blocks divided into eight lots. It
has four public squares. Its streets run due
North and South, East and West, are 128 feet
wide with shade trees, and a living stream of
water flowing on each side to irrigate the fruit
trees and gardens. The distance from that city
to St. Louis is 1,500 miles; to San Francisco,
784 miles; to Fort Benton, 710 miles; 1,053 to
Portland, Oregon; and 800 to Los Angels.
TIIE VEDETTE.
The Vedette is strongly interested against polyga
my*, and seems to be doing good service against
that infernal scandal upon the civilization of the
age. The weekly issue before us contains four
leaders on this abomination, beside a local ac
count of a murder committed through the insti
gation of those who, it claims, have corrupted
the church by* this disgusting heresy*.
POLYGAMY INCLUDES INCEST.
It seems that the system does not stop with
the crime of-a plurality* of wives, but it includes
incest in its worst form. The Vedette says:
We know that pnl yaga mists in Utah have
married the mother and lier daughters—exercis
ing connubial rights with each one—and having
children by them, YY r eknowof polyagamists in
Utah who have married two or three blood sis
ters. YYe know of poly*gamists in Utah who
have married the daughters of their own blood
brothers. YYe know of at least one polygamists
in Utah who married his half -sister—he and his
half sister having the Same mother.
nOW THE WOMEN REGARD IT.
As to the temper in which the women regard
this system', the editor says:
Now we will assert from our knowledge of the
Tlie civic state banquet of tlie Lord Mayor ot
London, usually given on Easter Monday, came
off this year on the 9th ult. Titere were some
three hundred guests present. The occasion will
be memorable, made so by tlie matter ns well as
the manner of the speech of the Lord Mayor,
which was devoted exclusively to just, though
complimentary, tributes to Mr. Adams, Mr.
Peabody, and President Johnsou, and good
wishes for our country. “YY’e deplored,” remark
ed the Lord Mayor, “not alone in this countiy,
bnt in the civilized world, the lamented death
of that able and distinguished statesman, Mr.
Lincoln; but I believe Providence watches over
the government of America, for in his place
there has been raised up one whose moral worth,
whose courage, whese forbearance and whose
honesty must be the means of restoring to his
country and his countrymen the blessing ot
peace, of prosperity and of happiness. No one
could have read the history of the past without
feeling a deep regard for the President of the
United States—without seeing in him the man
of all others suited to tlie moment, aud blessed
with powers of mind, with a spirit of concilia
tion, with a love of justice, with an admiration
for truth—that combination of mercy, ot charity,
and of the truest philanthropy which a statemau
can show, namely, an earnest love and desire
to promote the prosperity, to secure the happiness
and to consolidate those true principles which
f ive security to a State and happiness to a people.
iet us hope that the happiness ami prosperity of
the United States may continue unimpaired, and
that the friendly feeling, tlie cordiality which has
ever existed between the States of America and
this country may be preserved uninterruptedly,
to improve our commerce, to strengthen our
friendships, to bless its with peace and prosperity,
and shed the lustre of hope throughout the civil
ized world.”"
It is quite refreshing, in the midst of the daily
aspersions of the character of President John
son, and impeachments of his intergrity by ra
dical partisans at home, to read this proper esti
mate of liis ability, honesty and worth by a dis
tinguished Englishman, speaking on an occasion
of so much interest and importance. If any*-
thing could put to shame the revilers of our
Chief Magistrate, such tributes ought to do it.—
But that is not to be expected. They have cer
tain ends to accomplish by detraction, and will
not cease their infamous work. The remarks of
tlie Lord Mayor will, however, be received by
great masses of the American people as expres
sive of the conclusions of an enlightened judg
ment, unbiassed by* partiality or prejudice.—
Nashville Union.
working of polygamy, that of every ten women
of Utah, who were the fi
The Founder of Nelhodtsm in America.
The year 1868 marks an important epoch in
the history of the Methodist Episcopal Church
in America; for it looks back upon the first cen
tury of its existence in this country—a century
of existence and labor, during which time the
congregation of five persons, whom Philip Em
bury, an Irishman, its founder, gathered in liis
own house in New York, 1766, has grown to an
aggregate numbered by hundreds of thousands,
scattered over the whole of North America: and
the first conference, of 1773, with its ten preach
ers, lias multiplied to sixty conferences, with
6,821 intiuerant and 8,205 local preachers.
After a life of severe labor as a preacher, Em
bury, who wa3 born in Limerick, Ireland, in
1728, died suddenly in 1775, and was buried at
Ashgrove, Washington county, New York, where
he then resided.
It was arranged some time ago that during the
recent session of Troy* Methodist Episcopal Con
ference, the remains of Embury should be trans
ferred from tiie obscure location where they have
lain and deposited in the new Woodland Ceme
tery, recently opened in the town of Cambridge,
Washington county. Last Friday afternoon
witnessed this ceremony, and two hundred min
isters in attendance at the Conference,, with a
large number of villagers, followed to a new
grave the relics of their great pioneer, and with
solemn rites recommitted them to mother earth.
Rev. Bishop Janes officiated, assisted by several
prominent clergymen of the denomination.-
Cineinnuti Times.
The Methodist General Conference.—
A special to the Louisville Courier says the
Conference on the 2Gth elected the following
Ministers Bishops in the Methodist E. Church,
South:
Dr. W. M. Wightman, of Greensboro, Ala.;
Rev. E. M. Marvin, of Mo.; Dr. D. L. Doggett,
of Richmond, Y~a.; Dr. H. N. MeTyiere, of
Montgomery, Ala.
Rev. H. Redford, ot Louisville, was elected
Book Agent; Dr. T. O. Summers, Book Editor.
The Domestic Missionary Board was located
at Nashville, Tenn., and Dr. J. B. McFerrin was
elected Secretary.
The following are the editors of the different
church papers:
St. Louis Advocate, Dr. D. R. McAnnally;
Memphis Advocate, Rev. W. C. Johnson; Ar
kansas Advocate, Rev. J. E. Cobb; Texas Ad
vocate, Rev. J. G. Johnson, and the Southern
Christian Advocate, Dr. E. H. Meyers.
The Bishops were ordained op Sunday,
first and legitimate wive9,
seven ot the number, agonized nearly unto death
when their husbands brought into their hearts
other women to divide the title of wife with the
living and legitimate one, the remaining three
were silent acceptors of their fate only from
what they conceived to be a religious duty; and
that no one of the ten, if left to her own judg
ment and wishes, would ever consent, toiler hus
band taking such a step. If we bad no knowl
edge of the Workings of polygamy, we could
safely assert tiiis much, having only a'woman’s
heart and nature to guide out opinion.
We have heard ladies residing in this city, who
have been gently reared, highly cultured, and ca
pable of adorning any fireside in the land, say*
that -they* have never 'enjoyed one day of peace
or happiness since their husbands yielded to the
degradation and took to their hearts tlie great
abomination. Many legitimate wives will not
permit their husbands to bring other women into
the households; on this point they stand firm
and inflexible. They will not consent to be dis
graced by living under the same roof with po
lygamy, and the husbands are compelled to find
other abodes for the second, third, fourth, fifth,
and so on to the end of the chapter. In many
instances the first wife does not know the chil
dren her husband may have by liis second, third,
fourth, as the case may be. Each act of the wo
men of Utah, which is free from restraint or com
pulsion, indicates beyond dispute that tlie system
of polygamy cannot find any support within their
hearts, aud church leaders labor in vain to com
pel tbe women “ to round up their shoulders to
bear the cross.”
POLYGAMY NOT A MORMON DOCTRINE.
The Vedette contends that polygamy is a heresy*
introduced by* Brigham Young, who claims that
it was revealed to Joseph Smith in 1843. To re
fute this claim, tiie following document is given
from the Nan coo Times <f* Seasons, dated Febru
ary 1st, 1844, a year after Smith is said to have
received such a revelation :
Notice.— vVe have lately been credibly in
formed that an elder of tbe Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter Day* Saints, by tlie name of Hi
ram Brown, has been preaching polygamy and
other false and corrupt doctrines in the county
of Lapeer, State of Michigan. This is to notify
him and the Church in general that he has been
cut off from the Church for his iniquity ; and he
is further notified to appear at the special confer
ence on ihe 6th of April pext, to answer to these
charges.
(Signed) Joseph Smith,
Hyrum Smith,
Presidents of said Church.
Other documents are given, showing that po
lygamy* is a Latter Day* corruption of the Gospel
according to Joseph Smith, the founder of the
Latter Day Saints. Armed with such authority,
we judge that the Vedette is doing fearful execu
tion among the Polygamists.
DEFIANCE TO THE UNITED STATES.
In another article it shows how the Polygam
ists laugh in .their sleeves at the success with
which they have trampled upon the law9 of the
country*, and bid defiance to tlie spirit of Ameri
can civilization. Speaking of the two great out
rages of the age—slavery* and polygamy—the
Vedette says:
But Southern treason has been conquered, and
African slavery is no more in all our laud; yet
polygamy remains, and its apostles are striving
1>V every means in tbeir power to extend the evil.
Is it not high time that these enconragers of
treason, these defyers of the law, should lie made
to feel tlie penalty* of transgression ?
Is it not time that the issue of jurisdiction be
tween the United States Government and the
Territory of Utah should be decided? If the
government has not power to enforce its own
law in Utah, then, iu God’s name, let the Jaw be
stricken from the statutes, and let Utah be
what she says she is, “an independent nation by
herselt.”
Let not our government continue to be a sub
ject for the mirth aud ridicule of “-this people,”
who pride themselves on (the impunity with
which they* openly and defiantly transgress its
statutes, and whose leaders tell them they will
not be meddled with, “becansc* the government
is afraid of Brigham Young."
POLYGAMOUS MURDER.
In the local column we have an account of the
marriage by Mr. Brassfield of the second wife of
A. N. Hill,'a Mormon missionary* now in Europe.
Mi*3. Brassfield aud tiie friends of Hill had a
warm controversy in eourt about the custody of
Great Discovert.—For some time past, a
party of Indians, numbering fifteen, belonging to
the Cherokee tribe, have been encamped on the
banks of the Illinois river, ten miles from this
piace. Their ostensible object was fishing, hunt
ing, &c., but it appears from recent developments
that their chief aim was to secure a hidden treas
ure of seven urns of Spanish coin which had
been embedded in the bluffs at that point in years
agone by their ancient forefathers. They seemed
to be extremely cautious in their maneuvres lest
the pale face should discover the cause of their
presence in that parlicnlar locality, and wrest
the coveted prize, for which they had traveled
many weary miles. After dilligent search which,
occupied some ten or twelve days, they succeed
ed in finding the spot where lay concealed tlie
secret of tlieir researches. Little remains to be
told. Suffice to say, that after clue exploration
their brightest anticipations were by far more
than realized. The urns of gold and other sa
cred relics spoken of by their chie*s, long since
gone to the “happy hunting ground,” were se
cured, and on yesterday morning these untutored
children of the forest took their departure for the
far west with many thousand Spanish dollars to
cheer them on their long and tedious march.—
Carrollton Democrat.
Age of Animals.—A bear rarely exceeds
twenty y*ears. A dog lives twenty years ,* a wolf
twenty; a fox fourteen or sixteen years; lions
are long lived. One has been known to live to
the age of seventy years; a squirrel or hare seven
or eight years; rabbits seven. Elephants have
been known to live to the great age of 400 years.
YVhen Alexander the Great had conquered
Phorus, King ol India, he took a great elephant,
which had fought valiantly for tlie King, and
named him Ajax dedicating him to the sun, and
let him go, after placing upon him this inscrip
tion : “Alexander, the son of Jupiter, hath dedi
cated Ajax to the sun.” This elephant was
found with this inscription three hundred and
fifty years afterward.
Pigs have been known to live to the age of
thirty years; the rhinoceros to twenty*. Ahorse
has been known to live to the age of sixty-two,
but averages from twenty to thirty. Camels
sometimes live to the age of one hundred. Stags
are long lived. Sheep seldom exceed the age of
ten. Cows from fifteen to twenty. Cuvier con
siders it probable that whales sometimes live one
thousand years. A swan has attained the age of
two hundred years. Pelicans aj£ long lived. A
tortoise lias been known to live to the age of one
hundred and seven. Insects, as a general rule,
are short lived, though there are a good many
exceptions.
Sowing YYild Oats.—In all the wide range
of accepted maxims, there is none,take it for all
in all, more thoroughly abominable than the one
as to the “sowing ot wild oats.”
Look at it on whafsicle you will, and I will
defy you to make anything but a devil’s maxim
of it. YYhat a man—be he young, old, or mid
dle-aged—sows, that and nothing else, shall he
reap.
The only one thing to do with wild oats is to
put them carefully in the hottest fire and get them
burnt to dust, every seed of them. If you sow
them, no matter in what ground, up they will
come, with long tough roots, like tlie couch grass,
and luxuriant stalks and leaves, as sure as there
is a sun in Heaven—a crop which it turns one’s
heart cold to think of.
Tlie devil, too, whose special crop they are,
will see that they thrive, and y*ou, and nobody
else, will have to reap them; and uo common
reaping will get them out ot the soul, which
must be dug down deep, again and again. YVeil
for you if, wiih all your care, you can make the
ground sweet again by your dying day.—Dr.
Arnold.
The Creek Indians.—YY r e were sorry to learn
yesterday from General McIntosh, who is in the
city, that there are three hundred and sixty C'reeic
Indians who followed the fortunes, and fell lieirs
to the misfortunes of the Confederate cause, who
are now camped on the upper waters of Red
River, far away from their homes, without horses,
wagons, or money, and who are straightened for
the actual necessaries of existence. YYe are
very sure the claims of these brave warriors of
“the lost cause,” will not be unrecognized by
those of our people who may have something to
spare of their abundance. YYe have heard al
ready of several liberal subscriptions in tlieir be
half. Until their corn crop this year shall ripen
they will Ire dependent for bread upon the prac
tical benevolence of others. YY’e hope General
McIntosh may return to these people with glad
tidings ot relief, and that they* may be cheered
with evidence of the substantial sympathy of
those who are fortunate enough to have saved
something from the wreck oi the Confederate
cause, and who are willing to relieve human dis
tress in any form in which it presents itself—
New Orleans Crescent.
The bier on which YYashiugton’s remains.
were carried to the tomb, with many other relics
which used to grace tlie museum at Alexandria,.
Virginia, but which disappeared at the begin
ning of the war, have been kept secreted from
government detectives and other camp followers.
D*«mT