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ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XVIII.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 30, I860.
NUMBER 22.
lifrfklQ ^utelligcnrer.
PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JABED I. WHITAKER,
Proprietor.
JOHN H. STEELE, ...
. Editor
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, May 30, 1866.
comp
ere bon
of 3 moL —
coni inn- (an.
General Too^ ».
A telegraphic dispatch^* mu9 that General
Toombs -eft Havana on J^Vomp< 1 > nstant f° r Eu
rope.
Death
From a privai
learn that Mr
rokce, Ga., w
time has do
to liis frien
the accitfr
in this city, we
LAMKS. ormerly of Che
wing Blanks on ha-.bsence for gome
rge Wanks, on*- oL. e 0 f uneasiness
Decatur, Ala., by
in his own
Aduiinielrf
yiae, tor’s Dee* ®
bauds, fciuietrulloii. Warrant of edects are now
in the poa^rdianship on Letters of *3, and further in
formation t Letters of .addressing A. A.
Hewlett, Dei 01 " 1, _
The Commlst Will Letters T*lie Freedmen’s
Letters i
The Augusta nedist of Tuesday
morning last states that Generals Steed man and
Fullerton having left Savannah on Saturday
evening, on a visit to the Islands below that city,
will not reach Augnsla as early as expected ;
consequently, we need not expect to see these
commissioners in Atlanta during the present
week.
The Trial of Jefferson Ua* la.
We see it stated that Chief Justice Chase has
certainly signified his w illingness to preside at
the trial of Mr. Davis. Asa condition precedent,
however, to his presiding, lie demands that the
President shall take decided measures to protect
the Court from military interference. 'The Pres
ident, it is said, will soon issue a proclamation
exempting United States Courts from the opera
tions of martial law, to meet the requisition of the
Chief Justice. No lime has yet been fixed for
the trial—some think it will take place in June
or July ; others that it will not take place until
early in September.
A Financial Panic.
We are advised by our telegra|jfTic dispatches
of yesterday, that the financial panic has culmi
nated in London, the financial metropolis of
Europe, and wo may add, of the civilized world.
For months past, we have been warned of the
approach of a monied panic, hut had no idea
that it would first culminate in the metropolis of
England, where the great bankers and the great
capitalists of Europe have their headquarters,
and where is concentrated greater wealth, and
larger resources, than anywhere else in Christen
dom. While the United States has had a four
years’ war which drew largely upon her finan
cial resources, and left her an enormous debt to
provide for, England lias been at peace, appa
rently engaged in nursing her resources and ad
vancing her every interest. We have looked,
therefore, for the financial panic to develop itself
first on this continent, and were warned of its
approach by the gradual tightening of the money
market in the North, and the W’ell authenticated
reports of reckless speculation, over-trading, and
the huge financial frauds brought .to our notice
as occurring there by the Northern press. Confi
dence, we have noticed, had become impaired in
Wall street, credit had become restricted, fail
ures had occurred, all of which were premoni
tory to us at this distant point ot view, of the ap
proach of a financial panic in the North. It
seems, however, that, the financial crash comes
first from where we did not expect it, one ol the
victims of it—a significant fact—being the bank
ing house of Sir Morton Peto, the individual
who was so recently in the Nortli and West,
who wits so lionized when there, and who, it was
reported, had embarked largely in railroad and
other speculations while in this country. It
seems that Sir Morton Peto’s house is set down
as having failed for tour millions ot pounds ster
ling—only twenty millions of dollars, another
house having failed whose liabilities were near
titty millions of dollars, to which, nor to Sir
Morton Peto would the bank of England lend
any assistance. It would be singular, if, after all,
the failure of this last named London banker,
should involve American houses, which, it ap
peared, he was patronizing when in this country,
and thus hurry up what we have been looking
for, a, financial panic in the Nortli and West.—
If go, there will be many an individual, and
many a corporation, that will hardly ever again
play the toady to traveling London bankers.
The effect of a general financial panic, in this
country and in Europe, will doubtless be bad up
on the South. We are without monied resources
to develop enterprise and labor, and will be left
for a time at least to work out our own salvation.
We must, however, bear the “situation” with pa-
tieuce, be economising and industrious. Our lain!
is still the same “sunny” and prolific one it was,
ere the dark cloud of wav hung over it, and our
people neither paralyzed nor made reckless by
misfortunes. Perhaps they can stand the pres
sure of a financial panic, as well as the people of
the North and West. They have indeed torsome
time past, endured, if not a panic, a financial
pressure such as would create dismay, it not des
peration, in Northern communities. They can
surely do so for a time longer.
(lie Radical
A Voice from tbe South to
North.
The words of warning embraced in the article
headed as above, which appears in our columns
to-day, over the signature of “ Georgia,’ may be
construed by the radical press, in the North, and
by radicals themselves, as threats on the part of
the writer, of a disruption ot the government
again, in the happening of certain events, and the
renewal of another sectional war, so prone ate
they to place a wrong construction outhe actions
and sentiments of Southern men. This, howev
er. is not so. What “ Georgia ” says, he designs
as a warning only. His prediction as to the re
sults following the radical policy, in its enforce
ment in the South, he declares “ is not a threat,
nor is it foolish gasconade. It is a sad forebo
ding," and such we conceive it to bo. or the ar
tide would not appear in these columus. The
day for strife and threats is passed. The peo
ple of the South have sworn allegiance to the
National Government. They will obey its laws,
and submit to its authorities in the enforcement
of the same. The government, however, will
not deny to the citizen the right to discuss pro
pose*! measures of legislation, and to predict their
consequences for weal or woe upon the country,
should the proposed measures be engrafted upon
the statute books of the country. “ Georgia
does no more than this, nor would we allow the
columns of this journal to be used for a purpose
foreign to that intent. On the part of the South
ern press, there should be a large amount of dis
cretion. Our Radical Republican foes seize up
on every opportunity offered them to retain po
litical power, and will do so. even though it may
produce a war of races. We desire peace, the
pi
War In Europe.
The latest foreign intelligence indicates that
there will be war between Austria and Prussia,
and it is the impression in European political cir
cles, and of the press, that the result will be the
speedy involvement ir. the conflict witli France,
Italy. Russia, and other foreign powers. Peace
conferences are talked of, and hopes indulged ot
peace, says the latest telegraphic news, but before
such confercenees can be arranged, it is probable,
says an exchange, the forces summoned to the
field will be in actual conflict. That excellent
journal, the New York Express, says, “peace
conferences are the precursors |of almost all
great wars. Well do we remember what earnest
efforts were made, in the spring of ’61, in our re
markable peace c-onterence at AA asliington, to
prevent a civil war in the United States, which
was then, under the inspiration of furies, just
about to open. Men’s passions were on lire, and
the fire could only be extinguished by blood.
And so there was nothing but bloodshed for four
long years. In regard to Austria and Prussia,
we fear the proposition for a conference in like
manner comes too late. Italy continues brimfull
ot fight.”
“ The King seems anxious to try conclusions
with liis old enemy, on the battle field ouce more,
and the enthusiasm of the people, is backing up
the King. France, lias officially declared her
choice to be a “ pacific policy, an honest neu
trality, and complete liberty of action.” That
last phrase, “liberty of action,” in the mouth of
a French minister, means a great deal. It means
doubtldSsf that—after the ball is opened, and tlie
dance begun, the Emperor, according to prece
dent, will choose such partners as may suit his
fancy—with a single eye to the aggrandisement
uml “ glory ” of France.”
The effect of all this, the Express says, “ is
making itself manifest in this country. The pan
ic which prevails in the old world is throwing
back upon us large amounts of our government
and railway securities, and draining from us a pro
portionate amount of gold.” Doubtless a war in
Europe now will produce great distress in mon
etary affairs in this country. What our govern
ment and people now need, is peace in Europe,
and peace in America, to insure an early return
to former prosperity. War in Europe cannot but
materially delay that return to a sound financial
condition, which we looked to so ^confidently
as rapidly approaching a few months ago. We
trust it may be averted, but should it come, as the
song says—
“ Hay those who make the quarrels be the only ones to
fight-”
■‘Head. Centre*” Contrasted.
Under the foregoing heading, the Washington
City National Intelligencer makes the following
contrast. The reader will remember, that, some
two weeks ago, we made a similar one, and were
first to suggest the idea which appears in our
Washington City cotemporary’s article relative
to the position assigned the Hon. A. H. Ste
phens as the great “Head Centre” of the Sdutli.
That the Atlanta, and Washington City Intelli
gencer, should agree in their views so nearly,
in regard to the Irish and Pennsylvania “head
centres,” and in tlieir recognition of the Georgia
statesman as the great “head centre” of the South,
is flattering at least to us, who first made the con
trast :
The arrival of “Head Centre Stephens” at New
York, amid the acclamations of the Fenians, sug
gests what joyous shores would liawo resounded
m the commercial emporium of tint continent if,
at the moment the Irish refugee stepped upon
our soil, Head Centre Stevens ot Congress had
embarked for a foreign strand. How strikingly
these two men represent antagonistic policies!—
According to our traditional humanizing system,
this country is a temple of refuge for those who
are proscribed under monarchical forms for State
offenses. And more charitable, merciful, and
forgiving still—our codes have not for obnoxious
disturbers even tbe mild remedial agency ot tlie
writ of ne exeat regnum. Sovereigns that tlie
people esteem have a style of ridding a nation
of the hated domination'of a prime minister by
suggesting that his labors are too exacting—too
harmful to his precious health—and that the ne
cessity of country air is imperative. A good
man—a wise statesman—is, from necessity, raised
to tlie exalted position thus vacated to the gene
ral joy. Who will say that if our “Head Centre
Stevens,” who holds much tlie same relation to
our legislation and to politics as does a prime
minister in England—as did a Castlereagh, for
instance—was defeated upon a “test vote of con
fidence” in our House of Commons, as he assu
redly would be if a secret ballot could be had—
who will say, we repeat, that our head of the
government, our ministry, our parliament, and
our people would not rejoice with an exceeding
great joy—not alone the Southern people, who
are menaced with a fate like that of Ireland, but
two thirds of the voters of the entire country? It
is a compliment to Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, that
he is the Head Centre of a just Southern thought
and feeling in harmony and dutiful submission
to the Constitution and to the logic of events.
Tlie Irish “Head Centre Stephens” lias es
poused the popular sentiment, that taxation car
ries the correlative right of representation. Our
Head Centre Stevens prescribes the reverse sen
timent—one which our fathers rose in revolution
to oppose. The Irish Stephens invokes the last
resort of an oppressed people to re-establish tlieir
true dignity before Goil and man. I lie Ameri
can Stevens would enforce a condition that will
be a nourishing mother to nothing but rebellion.
The Irish Stephens would raise up a long-perse
cuted and oppressed people to the diguity of
manhood in its best form in tlie British realm.—
The tyrant ot Congress would trample tlie life
out of a crushed people, by destroying the famed
pride and prerogative of American citizenship.
The Irish Stephens would enfranchise tlie hum
bled white race. The tyrant of Congress would
disfranchise tlie whites upon questions on national
affairs until “IS,070,” and it he could have the
full sweep belonging to his sanguinary nature,
would elevate the blacks to be the electors and
tbe elected. The Irish Stephens nas not, we be
lieve, suggested agrarianism, but tbe Congres
sional Stevens avows, as we hear, an intention
of forcing a measure which will give farms to
negroes, and let tlie landless "whites shift for
themselves.” The former would develop the re
sources of Ireland by the stimulant of exalting
character; the latter would degrade Southern
character by making the people the victims of
corrupt satrepies of force, whose creatures would
so despoil them of the fruits of labor as to
destroy the inducements to mental, moral or
physical effort.
The Fenian chief sought to create a tree gov
ernment. Tlie leader of the disunion fanatics
undertook years since to subvert the State gov
ernment in Pennsvlvania. The former retired
before British bayonets. Tlie latter ignominious-
ly fled from the capitol at Harrisburg when con
fronted with the swarming and incensed burghers,
whose liberties lie sought to overthrow.
But incubus upon Congress—the bad old “one-
man power,” that glowers upon members and
goads them to extreme conduct; that grossly
grovels in the groans of the late rebels and in the
gloom of the people—cannot begot rid of in tbe
manner usual in monarchies that are made stable
bv the safeguards of constitutional law. Confi
dent of a return to his place by Boeotian follow
ers at home, his violent nature has no wholesome
restraint upon it at the head of a rabid and des
perate faction here. It is to be eoutidedtly hoped,
however, that the next Congress will be of such
a composition as to rescue the American name
and fame from the shame that is fast attaching to
it in tlie eves of Christendom.
If there* is a despotic government with which
we have relations that has intimated to our Gov
ernment—as is not untrequently done in diplo
macy— a desire for the presence with them of an
American Minister of a ferocious type of arbitra
riness, then let the Congressional tyrant be
selected for that mission. Nothing that he can
do for the country would so much become him
as to leave it.
" [communicated.] j there would be no war on account of it. But
A Voice from the South to the Radical ; when the war did occur, and they felt that it was
North. a war inerelv to save ikind of propertv in which
This voice may be “ tox et pretaea nihil. Its L ... * ..a
utterance can, at all events, do no harm. Possi-
Starting a Newspaper—Most everybody
has beard the anecdote of Sheridan’s telling his
ivilege of pursuing our avocations, the rights j * on to la k e a wife, when the son replied, “Yes,
which the Constitution bestow upon us, and the
liberty' to maintain and preserve those distinc-
«ions in race which God has made, and which
affect our social and political relations. AYlien
we ask for these, discharging our whole duty to
the government, how can they be denied us ?
father, but who's wife shall I take ? A similar
story is the following: A young gentleman said
to the Colonel a few days since—“Colonel, I
wish to start a newspaper.” “Very well.” re
plied the Colonel, “which newspaper do you
wish to start.”
bly it may reach the ears of some not irrevoca
bly committed to that policy, which, in its consu-
mation, must involve tlie whole country in ulti
mate ruin.
There is no reason for expostulation on the
part of the South with the Administration and
its adherents and supporteis. Of them the South
has no right to complain. Since the surrender,
the policy of the Administration has been mark
ed by habitual clemency and magnanimity. The
change wrought in Southern feeling by that pol
icy, since that time, has been marvelous. The
course of President Johnson was so dignified, so
free from passion, so full of kindly intents, so ob
servant of the Constitution, so oblivious of tlie
political maxim “To the victor belongs the
spoils,” that we were taken by surprise. We
were thus twice overwhelmed, once by force of
arms, then by force of kindness. Tlie genial sun
melted, wliiie tbe fiercest storm could but have
shattered the stern material of Southern feeling.
Under the President’s wise policy, disorder was
yielding to order, despair to hope, passion to rea
son, inaction to activity. It tlie course of events
had been uninterrupted, ere long tlie whole South
would have become loyal, and it may even be
said, attached citizens of tbe United States, de
fending her flag in war, and ministering to the
ilie national prosperity in peace. The two causes
of alienation between tbe two sections having
been removed, time, the great physician, would
soon have healed the wounds made by this tena
ble war, and tlie North and the South, the East
and the West, would have become in a fuller
sense than ever before, one people.
But this sun lias been • renst. Availing itself
of a temporary majority, U. Radical party has
determined not to win the loyalty, but to crush
and destroy. This party is not new. It was
Agrarian in Rome, Jacobin in France, Chartist
in England, and Radical in America. The last
name, perhaps the best, not going to the root of
things, but tearing up by the root, not merely
unwholesome weeds, but the life sustaining grain.
The ends you propose are suffrage to the ne
gro, and the disfranchisement of the white men,
who took part in the rebellion. Suppose these
ends gained, what will be tlie necessary results ?
When the Southern army surrendered, its of
ficers and men swore to “ maintain and defend
tlie laws and Constitution of tbe United States.”
They understood their oath to bind them to the
Constitution as it then stood. They could not so
far have put out the eyes of their minds, or so
far stultified themselves as to bind themselves
forever to any changes which might be made in
that instrument. Do you suppose that these
men would have surrendered, if they had sup
posed the negro would have been made better
than the white man, and that they w ere hence
forth to be governed by men elected by negro
votes, while they themselves were to be excluded
from voting ? They would never have surren
dered, but would have died first, as death would
be preferable to such dishonor. The oath of al
legiance was taken in good faith. AYlien tempt
ed by tlie sight of the graves of their comrades, of
widows and orphans, of burned cities and de
vastated farms, to cry out for revenge, tlieir oath
met them and silenced the inchoate threat.—
They had sworn to maintain and defend the
laws and Constitution, and as men of honor,
their oath left them no alternative. But by tbe
hideous amendments you are grafting upon that
once symetrical Constitution, amendments in
the adoption of which they had no voice, you
are absolving them “ iu foro conscientia” from
that oath. You are unsettling a settled thing.
Yon are opening a door once securely closed.—
You are causing topics to be discussed, which,
six months since, would not, in honor, have been
ruminated. It is not necessary to say to what
results this absolution may lead.
You pronounce yourselves “ par excellence”
the friend of the negro. More than a million of
these unhappy people have disappeared since
you extended to them your friendly band. The
process of extinction progresses. That unhappy
physiological law by which the Caucassian be
comes a Upas tree to all tlie inferior races, lias
this peculiarity about it: its poison distills not per
pendicularly, but laterally. AYliile the negro re
posed under its shade, the bosom of the earth
did not sustain a happier being. Standing each
by its side, lie withers and dies. The people of
the South, as a mass, have none but kindly feel
ings towards the negroes. They had no hand in
their own emancipation. Our wives aud chil
dren were at their mercy while we were in the
army. Instead of using this license for bad pur
poses, they were dutiful, subordinate and indus
trious, feeding the families of the men who were
fighting tlie liberating army. Not only humani
ty, but obligation requires us to treat them kind
ly while they behave properly. But our feelings
towards them, in tlieir new relation, cannot alter
the physiological law. They are doomed to
perish. Disease, exposure, want, infanticide, are
actively at work, thinning their numbers. Do
you wish to hasten this process t Thou amend
the Constitution, enfranchise tlie negro, disfran
chise the white man. You will change utterly
our feelings towards this unhappy people. Hate
will take the place of commiseration. Pass what
law you may,you cannot alter our relative position
socially and indugtrially. If you sink us down )
the negro sinks by necessity still lower. AYaste-
ful, improvident, without a thought for the
morrow, he is still at the mercy of the
white man, in whatever pit both may have de
scended. Instead of employing and befriending
him as we are now doing, you will create a war
of races. The result is inevitable. All the bay
onets that once glittered in Grant's and Sher
man's armies cannot prevent it. Ponder that
expression, “a war of races !” It means all that
is sickly', ghastly, horrible in poison, assassina
tion, arson, murder, starvation. The scenes of
St. Domingo cannot be re-enacted here. The
whites are too numerous. In on open contest
you might help them to victory'. But no such
contest will occur. It will be tbe silent, surer,
and not less fatal plan of withholding from them
labor, wages and food, besides those mobs and
assassinations which no law will be able to pre
vent. Under these combined influences, their
destruction must be speedy. For the sake of the
negro, pause in your course. AYe have elevated
him as far as his capacity will enable him to bear.
Leave him where God and nature placed him.—
VYe have made him an equal before the law. If
vou force him beyond this into an unnatural po
sition, you must bear the terrible responsibility
of his ultimate but certain min.
Allusion has been made to the rapid change of
public sentiment at the South, produced by the
kindly policy of the President, and to the subse
quent change in the opposite direction wrought
by the recent measures by the majority in Con
gress. This change is becoming more conspic
uous daily.
There are certain features in the late war to
which your attention should he directed. A con
siderable proportion of the slaveholders were op
posed to secession, and entered into the war re
luctantly. The mass of the poorer classes who
owned no negroes were indifferent as to seces
sion, especially as they were induced to believe
they had*no interest, they deserted the army in
great numbers. Hence we surrendered about
100,000 men under arms, while upwards of 600,-
000 men were paroled. If these men had con
tinued to fight, the North never could have con
quered the South. The North was fighting that
which has invariably' defeated an invading army,
in a country whose people were united in resist
ance. They were fighting space—space which
drove Napoleon from-Russia and Spain, and the
British from the American colonies, and which
would have driven the North from tlie South if
the hearts of the mass of the Southern people
had been in the contest.
It is chiefly among Ibis mass that the change
of sentiment referred to lias occurred. The ne
gro now competes with the white laborer, aud
can work for less wages as his wants are fewer
than the other. BujLwhen the white laborer
finds that the negro is entitled to vote, while per
haps he is disfranchised, his fury will be uncon
trollable . It will lv'*‘<ftertaincd both against the
innocent negro and the radical who gave him su
periority. The end -qf this condition of things
must be a second sectional war. No remonstran
ces, no entreaties of the wise and aged can pre
vent it. May God avert it. But as sure as the
sun shines, so shure nuistit come, 1 if the Radical
policy' be carried out. This generation of middle
aged men may be spared from beholding it, but
Southern children wiil be brought up with a
hereditary hate of tli” very name of Yankee.
These children will bide their time. A second
war will be very different from the first-, for it
will then be a war oUthe people. In imagina
tion change conditiocS'with us. Can you con
ceive of any other result t han the one which has
been suggested? AYould you call yourselves
men it you could? ,You have children. Can
you voluntarily adopt a course, which will com
pel them to encounter, another war? Inscribe
then upon your banners, “Radical success and
another bloody' war.” This prediction is not a
threat, nor is it foolish gasconade. It is sad fore
boding. The writer was sternly opposed to se
cession. He foresaw the war which occurred.
Tlie grounds of the prediction were not so strong
then as now. He knows the people. He sees
the change which is rapidly passing over them.
AYliile President Johnjbn’s reconstruction policy
would have harmonized us into one great whole,
the Radical policy must as surely repeat, with
additional intensity the horrors through which
we have passed. For humanity’s sake, for your
country’s sake, for your childrens’ sake, for God’s
sake, forbear.
There is a consideration of pecuniary interests
which it may be well to offer in conclusion. The
war debt is heavy. Tlie South is expected to
pay its share. It will be rendered lighter at the
Nortli in proportion to the amount which the
South is able to pay.
If tlie Radical policy be successful, the South
can pay almost nothing. The industry of the
people will be paralyzed by the insecurity of
their condition. They will be unwilling to em
ploy black labor, and they will he unable to pay
other labor. It may be said that Northern capi
tal would come in to work our cotton fields. At
present, a Northern yjftn who comes to invest
and live among us, is cordially' received. But
let the Radical policy be successful, and no Nor
thern man will be tolerated so far as the ordinary
courtesies of life are concerned. AYhat Northern
gentleman of capital would voluntarily place
himself and his family in a position in which ne
groes would be his and their only associates ?
The South must become a- comparative waste
and its citizens for a time be content to eke out
a miserable existence, satisfied with merely sup
porting life. A calm view of this matter must
have its weight witli Northern men, who are not
disposed to bear the w'hole taxation arising from
the war debt. AYill they allow a temporary, and
it may be said a factious majority in Congress
to impose upon them this serious burden.
The state ot things which has been considered,
cannot last long—it must end quietly or violently
iu a short period. But it may last long enough
to work the ruin of the negro. It may last long
enough to provoke the Southern people to extrem
ity, and deluge again the land with blood. If
this catastrophe can be averted for a sufficient
time, there is reason to trust to the good sense
and magnanimous feeling of the Northern peo
ple, who will not suffer a tew Radical leaders for
tlie sake of party to ruin permanently the whole
country. Besides, in this day and age, and in
this trembling vibration of the balance of power,
Christendom will not tolerate an oppression
grievous as that imposed by the Egyptians upon
ancient Israel. It is the intermediate state which
is to be dreaded. It is the change or defeat of
the Radical policy which is to be hoped. That
done, we shall prosper;—that left undone, the
future to us and to tlie whole country is “another
night shut in upon midnight.”
The writer will be little affected personally by
whatever course events may take. His years
are drawing to a close; but lie has a family,
friends and a country. He cannot contemplate
without a shudder their inevitable lot, if the
Radical policy succeeds, even for a few years.
May that August Being who holds our destinies
in his hands, overrule the designs of these rash
or bad men for our good and His great glory.
Georgian.
General Ewell.—Among the fanners in
this city, on Monday last-, we were glad to meet
this gentleman, so distinguished as a soldier,
who is now a resident of “Old Maury,” and is
going largely into stock farming. The General
lias a magnificent farm, is entering upon his
new life with his accustomed energy and zeal,
and we hope and predict for him great success.
He appears in excellent health and cheerful
spirits.—Maury County (Term.) Herald.
Released.—A man named Michael Maloney,
policeman in Memphis, killed a negro there last
December while attempting to arrest him. The
negro was a citizen and in no way connected
with the military. Maloney was tried before a
military commission and sentenced to two years’
imprisonment in the Nashville Penitentiary,
where he has been confined since the sentence.
On Thursday he made application for a writ of
habeas corpus, and being brought before the
United States District Court, he was ordered to
be released from confinement by Judge C. F.
Triff<r.—Nashville Gazette.
The Author of “Beulah.”—A New Orleans
correspondet who has been to see Miss Augusta
Evans,sa.vs of her:
Miss Evans is about twenty-three years of age.
is well formed, of medium hight, has hazel eyes
and a magnificent head. She has a fail-, smooth
skin and a very superior temperament, being a
mixture of the sanguine and nervous. The brain
of Byron, it is said, did not seem to be more
than* two-thirds the size of that of Cuvier, but
owing to the fineness of its texture and great
density, it weighed within a few drachma of the
brain of the illustrious naturalist. The tem
perament of Byron was a mixture of the san
cminp and nervous—identically the same as that
of Miss Evans. I am not prepared to give a
critical opinion of Miss Evans’ principal works,
nor shall I attempt it at present, as I have neither
the time nor space.
She informed me that she was engaged on a
work at present, which she hoped to be able to
<ret out in the course of the summer. Though a
considerable portion is written, she has not yet
given it a title. The scene is laid in the State of
Georgia.
A bachelor arithmetician says a girl is a
mm when she causes one to sigh-for her.
E UROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE.
[We are permitted to make the following extracts from
a private letter written by a highly accomplished young
lady of this city, who is now traveling in Europe. To
the numerous friends of the fair young writer will these
jottings in a foreign land be fonud especially interesting:]
London, May 1860.
* * * A sudden transition from the noisy
and smok\- streets of Liverpool to the ancient
walls of Chester, where beautiful aud divers pan
oramas greet the sight at every glance, affords
truly a field for reflection and admiration.—
Chester, an Episcopal city, the capital of Cheshire,
eighteen miles from the sea on the river Dee,
crossed by two fine bridges, is surrounded by a
wall which was erected by the Romans, aud is
now used as a favorite promenade. On this wall
we mused for hours over the varied scenes of
sport and nature. The races are made a great
fete of by all in the surrounding districts, fifty
thousand having assembled to enjoy the gay fes
tival. It was quite amusing to hear ejaculated
on all sides in one monotonous tone “ three to
one bar one,” which infers that one horse struck
out of the list, three pounds to one will be wager
ed against any of the remaining. Inside of the
ring fifty-seven booths were erected en guise de-
bazaars, there were four circusses, negro min
strels, see-saws that worked by machinery, shoot
ing galleries, boys wishing to clean your boots,
some selling books, others with lights for cigars,
women witli baskets of oranges exclaiming in a
supplicating voice, “ Oranges, please !” Add to
these pictures beggars, with uplifted eyes invok
ing on you all the blessings of Heaven, with the
hope of a penny in return, and you will have but
a faint idea of this motley crowd. From the
races we proceeded around the wall where sub
silentio we paused to admire nature—never be
fore garbed in sweeter attire. An Italian sky,
such as is seldom enjoyed in England, tended
much to embellish the picture. A hill crowned
with a weather-beaten castle overhangs a slope
of green, dotted over with frolicing lambs, and
dancing sunbeams, guarded by a lone sentry
pacing to and fro his worn track; down in the
valley where the houses are completely hidden by
willows, and the river, filled with gondolas, seek
ing her course through the forest, leaving to the
right a winding road, at the terminus of which
stands a little gothic church overgrown with ivy;
all this forms a modest coloring of the grand
tableau of Chester.
Continuing our journey we soon found our
selves at the Tower, where Charles I. saw liis
army defeated by Cromwell. Pursuing our ram
ble we next approached a neighboring Tower,
where by means of the camera obscura saw ev
erything that transpired in the city—who was
walking, who riding, their place of destination,
their dress, countenances, and even the cars that
arrived and left the station. AVe then visited the
museum, and garden of Roman antiquities. The
road leading from the Tower to the museum is
beautiful beyond description ; you descend five
or six flights of stone steps, which are entirely
enveloped with the native ivy, wall-flowers, ge
raniums, and verbenas, with here and there a
tree; below is a bathing house, the river rolling
around it, and mountains in the distance. The
sun had set when we left this picturesque spot,
but we could still discern the shadow of day lin
gering for a parting kiss from eventide.^
AYe returned to the city and promenaded
through the four principal streets, called “Rows,”
which lead from the four gates of the wall, all
terminating as it were in a centre at tlie cross.
The houses are very antique, on the front of one
of them are sixty-four windows, and each pane
formed six small squares; on another are bas-
reliefs of Adam and Eve, Abraham and Isaac,
Cain and Abel, etc. The Cathedral of Chester
is a place of much interest, especially to stran
gers; it was founded by Henry VIII. AYe visited
it with a guide, par parenthese—the only particu
larly polite one we have had during our travels.
The carving ^considered the finest in England;
on tlie whole width of the North side of the wall
is a picture of the Virgin, etc., all done in Mosaic
work, the stones being not more than a third of
an inch; on all of the windows frescoes of a
scriptural character. Our guide placed us on a
magical seat, planned for the monks, and con
structed in such a manner as to assign them
to the floor whenever they felt inclined to pay
their homages to Father Somnus. The guide
asked if I entertained the idea of matrimony ;
answering in the affirmative, he lead me near
one of the monk’s seats, bade me look forward
and study well the result of matrimony; with
utter astonishment I was presented to a bronze
couple, busily employed in tearing out each
others eyes, and fighting fearfully their expres
sions, in fact, their tout ensemble were comical in
the extreme. Laughing heartily, I turned to the
guide and told him, that no doubt many would
change their minds if such must he tlie sequel*
He then begged the privilege of introducing us
to a gentleman w’lio would make me an admiral
suitor; w'ith our mutual consent, he conducted
us in a very mysterious way to another part of
the church, and pointed to a representation in
bronze of a decrepid old man, with a most fero
cious countenance; and opposite the crusty old
bachelor was a lean, cadaverous old maid suffer
ing with toothache. The idea of having such
comical statues in a church, was indeed suipris
ing. The guide lead us through many subter
ranean passages ; showed us a Bible, written on
parchment, some four hunched years ago, and
other curiosities too numerous to mention. A
few more fine buildings, such as the Infirmary,
Jail, etc., are about all else of particular interest
in Chester.
St. Paul’s Cathedral, in London, is very differ
ent from the one just described; it3 dome is one
of the largest in the world, measuring four bun
dred and four feet in height, and one hundred
and forty feet in diameter; and was finished by Sir
Christopher AYren in 1715, at a cost of one million
five hundred thousand pounds. AVe were con
ducted first into the library, which contains seven
thousand volumes, some of which are four hun
dred years old; there was also a music book,
written on parchment, three hundred years ago.
The library was founded by Bishop Compton,
the floor is composed of two thousand three hun
dred and seventy-six oak squares, joined together
in a kind of Mosaic work. Then we were shown
the geometrical stair-case, which consists of one
hundred and ten steps, all supported by the bot
tom one; this stair-case was the first of the kind
ever built. Next, to the whispering gallery,
where you can reveal a secret to the wall and it
will convey it to any one on the opposite side.
Then, we mounted six hundred and sixteen steps,
which took us to the golden gallery, where we
had an excellent view ot London—being nothing
more than a field of chimneys, and smoky, dis
mal looking streets as far as the eye could reach.
The English envy us our beautiful sky; here
there is a continual fog, and sometimes so dark
at mid-day that the gas is kept burning; but they
enjoy a long twilight—which is of all hours the
AYales, Prince Alfred, and others of the royal
family in its enceinte, none of whom impressed
me in appearance. Mademoiselle Titiens is the
finest singer and actress of any we have heard.
Next to her comes Madame Parreppa, who sang
at the Crystal Palace, selections from the best
operas. Patti, we will see in Paris.
In conclusion, finding that many English la
dies who have visited America, make no hesita
tion in expressing their opinion of the people
there ; I, perhaps, may be allowed the privilege
of mentioning the peculiarity of the English la
dies, whose “ understanding” exceed even some
of the demoiselles of the African persuasion.
Undoubtedly, the English envy our Southern
ladies’ feet, and our Southern sky. „l. l.
NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.
News from Mexico—Death of Governor Allen—The Re
construction Report-Collector Smythe—Head Centre Ste
phens—The Fenians still Factious—Governor Fenton
and the Pardoning Power—The Germans and the Liqno r
Law—Lecture of Bishop Lynch—Business—The Cotton
Market. &c.
New York, May 18, 1866.
The budget of Mexican news at hand this
morning, contains one item, which will be read
with painful interest throughout the South. It
relates to the death of ex-Governor Allen, of
Louisiana. Governor Allen died in the City of
Mexico, on the 22d of April, and was buried in
American cemetery, in full Confederate uniform,
on the following day. It seems the American
Consul, a Mr. Otterburg, objected to the deceas
ed soldier being buried in the uniform which he
honored, but the objection created so much in
dignation among the people, that it was finally
withdrawn. The Mexican Wines,which Govern
or Allen so ably edited up to a few days before
his death, is now the property of John N. Ed
wards, formerly attached to Gen. Shelby’s army.
Mr. Edwards is said to be a good writer, and the
Times, under his management will continue to
support the Empire aud maintain the reputation
earned for it by its late editor.
The same writer who announces the death of
Governor Allen, says the Con federates in Mexico
are not doing well. The Emperor had notified
General Magruder, Surveyor General of the Em
pire, and Colonel Maury, who succeeded his
father as head of tlie Emigration Bureau, to re
turn tlieir portfolios on the 1st of May. Owing
to tlie lack of sufficient revenue, their offices
would he discontinued. On the same authority
we learn that General Early had left for Havana,
and that General Wilcox was about to leave for Interesting to
the United States. Since the first Confederate
officer went to Mexico, it lias been believed here
that the colonization project would fail, and the
occasional advices which we receive from that
country only confirm our belief.
AYe still talk a little—not much—about the re
construction report and its prospects. The gen
eral belief is that tlie report will be knocked on
tlie head by the Senate. The third section,
whereby the South would be disfranchised until
after the next Presidential election, is rather too
strong for the moderate republican stomach. Pri
vate advices from Washington say an unexpect
edly strong opposition to that section has been
developed in the Senate, and when the report
comes up for consideration, as it will early next
week, that section will be stricken out, or the
whole report will be rejected. The moderate re
publicans in tlie House intended and expected to
get rid of the third section in some way before
the final vote was taken, but Tliad. Stevens was
too sharp for them. There is more conservatism
even among tlie radicals in the Senate than there
is in tlie House, and as there is no previous ques
tion to rule in tlie former branch of Congrsss,
mder which the report could be rushed through,
it is confidently believed that at least the disfran
chising section will he knocked out. The Times,
which generally represents the views ofthemod-
eaate republicans, says that the retention of this
section secures, beyond all preadventure, the ab
solute defeat of all Constitutional amendments.
There is a confident feeling here that the report
will not be indorsed by the Senate, but it is im
possible to say positively what the result of the
discussion and the vote in that body will be.
Collector Smythe is already run down by gen
tlemen anxious to show their devotion to the
Government by serving it for comfortable sala
ries. Two hundred applications for Custom
House appointments are already on hand, and
others pour in at the rate of thirty a day. Mr.
Smythe says he will make no changes at present,
and as all the positions under him are already
filled, the new applicants will have plenty of
time to cool their heels before they get a chance
to draw tlieir means of support from Uncle
Sam’s treasury. Tlie appointment of Mr.
Smythe to the important post he now occupies
is most gratifying to tlie merchants of this city,
to all of whom he is known as one of the ablest
businessmen in the.Metropolis. Of late years
there has been a great deal ot downright dishon
esty in the administration of our Custom House
affairs. Mr. Smythe promises to put a stop to all
that, and onr merchants believe he will make
good his word. lie says he is a Republican, but
not a politician. He approves the President’s
policy of restoration, and will expect those serv
ing under him to support the Government. He
disapproves extremes, and has advised liis subor
dinates to lie moderate in their polities.
Tlie appointments of Head Centre Stephens,
at the Metropolitan, are still found quite attrac
tive by his Fenian friends. It has not escaped
remark, though, that Mr. Stephens has not been
visited by any of our leading citizens of his own
nationality. I suppose it is because our practi
cal, clear-headed Irish merchants and lawyers
have no faith in Fenianism, and do not like to
countenance it in any way, that they have neither
feted nor called upon its cliiet. Mr. Stephens
will leave this city early next week, on a tour
througli tlie country. He will try to re-unite the
bretheren, and collect funds to help the cause at
home. The Union Square Mansion is closed up.
The men who lately dwelt and feasted there are
drifting about, without much aim or object.—
The treasury is empty. The vast sums of money
contributed thereto have disappeared. The late
managers are freely accused of malfeasance—and
the circumstances are against them. Stephens
wants Roberts to haul flown his colors, and Rob
erts won’t do it- Tlie spirit of antagonism be
tween the two wings is as bitter as ever. The
outside public look upon the whole thing as a
little worse than a humbug, and finally, it is now
intimated by some of tlie Roberts men that Ste
phens is neither more nor less than a British spy.
Poor Ireland! how she suffers from those who
think they are her friends.
A former Republican Governor of this State,
bv name Myron H. Clark, earned an enviable no
toriety by pardoning nearly every criminal who
invoked his clemency. Our present Governor
seems anxious for a share of the same notoriety.
A few davs ago he pardoned a mock-auctioneer,
named Burnham, who had been convicted of
most shameful swindling. 1 would hardly find
republicans make the warmest appeals in his lie-
half. Tlie same men censure the President lor
pardoning political offenders.
The Germans are still very restive under tlie
new liquor law. The closing of their saloons
and gardens on Sunday is likely to ruin the
business of some of them altogether. Tlie brew
ers put in large stocks last year, in anticipation
of an active business this summer; but now the
law closing doors on Sunday will diminish tlieir
sales nearly one-half, and leave them in the fall
with large quantities of beer which must spoil.
They have petitioned the Excise Board to modi
fy their interpretation of the law, so as to allow
the lager beer saloons to be kept open on Sun
day, and the board have refused point blank to
anything of the kind.
Since the law went into effect, gangs of row
dies have been going over to Hoboken every
Sunday afternoon, and fighting among themselves
and maltreating all who happen to fall in their
way. This thing has become so annoying to onr
neighbors across the river, that tlie proprietors
of the Hoboken ferry boats say they will stop
running the boats on Sunday altogether. AYhile
many features of the new' liquor law are good,
some are entirely too sweeping, and these un
likely in the end to defeat the operation of the
law altogether.
The Right Reverend Bishop Lynch, of South
Carolina, delivered a lecture in this city lust
night, for the benefit of the Protectory for Boys,
in Westchester county. The subject was “Amer
ica before Columbus,” and the learned lecturer
undertook to prove that voyagers from Ireland
had visited this continent aud actually established
a colony here long before Columbus was heard of.
The proposition to widen Fifth Avenue is
frowned upon everywhere, and will undoubtedly
be defeated. If it was started for the purpose ot
blackmailing property owners on tlie Avenue, it
will fall very far short of its object.
I find on inquiry among retail merchants that
they are doing a very fair business. The whole
sale men are not. There seems to be a steady
decline in the price of domestic and foreign
dress goods, and many classes are offered nearly
as low as they were in 1861.
The cotton market continues to improve in
tone. The latest quotations are: ordinary, 29(gj
31 cents; low middling, 32@34 cents; middlings,
35@37 cents ; good middling, 36@38. The re
ceipts since September have been 747,517 bales.
Noteholders
Banks.
of National
The following letter from General Spinner is
intended to reassure those of little faitli in na
tional banks:
Treasury of the United States, )
Washington, May 16,1866. j
Dear Sir : A'our letter of the 10th instant lias
just now been received. You ask to w'bat ex
tent is the Government liable for the redemption
of the notes of the national banks. I answer to
tlie full nominal face value of every note issued
by the Comptroller of the currency to a bank,
and by the banks put into circulation. You ask,
should tlie bank deposit with the United States
Treasurer to secure the circulating notes with
the banks depositing them be inadequate to the
redemption of the notes of the hank, by reason
of the decline of the securities deposited, is tlie
government bound to redeem the notes at par ?
The forty-seventh section of the National Cur
rency act, not only gives the right to forfeit all
aecuritien held, but for any defi(*if»upv tho cmr.
emment has a first and permanent lien upon all
the assets of a defaulting bank. • I therefore an
swer this question affirmatively. You ask, again,
could the absolute failure of a national bank im
pair the value of the circulating notes of the
bank making such failure ? I answer, no; on
the contrary, the notes of the national bank that
has failed are rather better than those of a bank
in good standing, if away from the business
marts of commercial centres of the country, for
the reason that the Treasurer of tlie United
States becomes the cashier of such defaulting
bank, and, will, through his assistants and all
other Government officers, redeem such circula
tion. You ask, fourth, are the notes of the Uni
ted States Treasury, beyond tlie fact of their be
ing legal tenders, a greater security to tlie hold
ers than the currency ot the national banks ?—
The United States legal tender notes afford no
better security to the holder than the notes of
the national banks. The only difference between
the two is while the latter are only a legal tender
from and to the Government, the former are such
legal tender from and to all such parties, whether
municipalities, corporations or individuals.
Nery respectfully, yours,
F. E. Spinner, Treasurer, U. S.
E. C. Daniel, Esq., Cashier Merchants’ Na
tional Bank, Memphis, Tenn.
‘ ” ***0“ - ■
sweetest for reflection—’tis ten o’clock before the | fault with the Governor lor that, however, or
stars begin to twinkle. i
Wednesday night we attended the opera of
« fa Fazoritaf in which Mademoiselle Lucca
(who Meyerberr appointed to the principal role
in his last chef (louvre “L’Africaine,”) persona
ted “Leonora,” and Monsieur Mario “Ferdinand.”
They were well supported and applauded by a
crowded house; with the Prince aud Princess of
Burnham is said to be far gone in pulmonary
consumption, and must soon die. But Governor
Fenton is boldly accused of making an indis
criminate use of the pardoning power, and let-
timr loose on the community the very worst crimi
nals. He is now urged to pardon Konhstam
who was sent up for ten years, for perpetrating
enormous frauds on the Government, and leading
Progress of the Atlantic Cable.—All
goes smoothly with the new Atlantic cable. If
is now coiling at tlie rate of two miles an hour
in the tanks of the Great Eastern. Tiic Ame
thyst hulk is moored alongside of the great ship
off Sheemess, while the Iris is laden in her turn
at Greenwich, and will supply the Amethyst’s
place as soon as the latter is emptied. Thus,
manufacture and stowage go on concurrently,
and at the moment one part of the great wire is
receiving its elementary coating of Chatterton’s
compound, or perhaps spun at Birmingham,
other portions are laid down in the great ship
ready for the final paying out. The London
Daily News says;
Tests, both of insulation and continuity, are
ceaselessly put by the electricians. Nor are these
confined to this year’s venture. The old cable
on board is for this purpose connected with the
new, and messages were transmitted on Saturday,
April 28, through a total distance of one thous
and five hundred and six nautical miles. There
were then four hundred and eiglity-two of these
miles in the aftertank, seven hundred and sixty-
seven in the main tank, and two hundred and
sixty-seven in the forctauk; and to make tlu-
test more searching and complete, communica
tion has lately been established between all these
and the shore.
Tiik sagacity of medical men in cases of cir
cumstantial evidence is shown by the following
anecdote of Sir Astley Cooper: He was called
to see a man who, while sitting in his chair in a
private room, had been mortally wounded by a
pistol shot from the hand of an unseen person.
Sir Astley having done what was necessary re
specting the wound, compared closely the direc
tion from which the pistol was fired with the
position of the wounded man, and lie came to
the conclusion that the pistol must have been
fired by a left-handed man. The only left-handed
man known to be on the premises at tlie time
was an intimate friend of the deceased, against
whom there was no suspicion, but this observa
tion led to his arrest and trial, and he was sub
sequently convicted of this act of murder.
AYhat’stheUse ofthe Moon?—M. Geoflroy,
of Paris, asks, in an article in the Moniteur, what
may be the utility of the moon with regard to
our planet, and whether it is only there for the
purpose of raising the waters of the ocean twice
a day. To this he replies that, besides tiie great
planets that are carried along a regular path
round the sun, there existed an unlimited num
ber of bodies of different sizes, moving through
space in every direction, as the almost daily dis-
coveiy of a vast number of asteroids proves, f n
his opinion, the moon was once one of these
erratic bodies, and happening one day to get
within the sphere of attraction of our planet was
forced to become our satellite, instead of con
tinuing its own course. Hence the moon is but
an accident. The earth had done without it be
fore, and might do without it again.
Venus is about the size of the earth, and goes
regularly around the sun, although it lias no sa
tellite. AYhy should the earth need one ? He
continues to say that our moon is of no use to us,
because we might perfectly well do without oce
anic and atmospheric tides, and the best eulo-
gium he can pass on our satellite being that it is
utterly useless, he goes further, and declares that
we owe it to the merest chance, it having been
picked up, as it were, on the way; and as such
a thing might happen again, the author sees no
impossibility whatever in our getting some day
another, and perhaps more moons still added to
our stock. M. Geoflroy is one of those who deny
that the moon is inhabited. First, because the
excessive cold there must prevent the possibility
of any animal life, and second, because the moon
has no atmosphere.