Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XVIII.
“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
AfLANTATGA., WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1866.
UJffkli) Jntclligrnrrr.
PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
Proprietor.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, November 28, 1866.
EAST TENNESSEE CORRESPONDENCE, f irate.” But the subject is demoralizing, and I
[SPECIAL TO THE INTBLUGKSCKB.) j P aSS
^ . I AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AC.
Athens, (Tenn.,) Nov. 19, 18C*>. I ending a j j have made some inquiries in regard to the
amount of com. Ac., which East Tennessee can
spare for export. I derive my information from
gentlemen in
rapid run to this portion of the vineyard—once
the most desirable and productive in East Ten
nessee, and even now not without its attractions , Qne of the 1)est informe d gentlemen in such
-I drop you a few hasty dottings, a portion of things , n the State , and who generally knows
The Forthcomine nemce.
The Washington correspondent of the New
York 1I> raid says, it is understood that the
forthcoming message of the President of the
United States, to Congress, will be all in lavor of
peace at home and abroad, and hence, opposed
to all war and warlike drifts. The Herald man
probably knows a great deal about it, the Presi
dent no doubt having sent for him and given
him all the potato. In some ten or twelve days
tlie message will be before the country, and all
conjecture on the subject put at rest. It will,
perhaps, be looked for with as much interest as
any paper that ever emanated from the Execu
tive head of the nation.
Public Meeting In Lompkln County.
A public meeting was held at the court house
in Lumpkin county on the 13th November, at
which ffm. A. Burnside, Esq., presided, and J.
II. Worley acted as Secretary. The following
resolutions, among others, were adopted:
Resolved, 1st That we, looking to the energy,
industry, economy, and forbearance of our peo
ple, disapprove all efforts which are now being
made in different sections of our Stab;, which
look to the absolute repudiation of private debts,
as Hiich action by the Legislature would be mani
festly unjust, demoralize and cripple the energies
of the people.
2d. If, in the opinion of the Legislature now
in session, any legislation be necessary, we re
commend the re-enactment of the stay law, post
poning the collection of debts under said law for
one year longer.
Congreti-The Intelligencer.
On Monday week the Thirty-Ninth Congress
will re assemble for the short session. Some
idea of its general course, in regard to more
promiuent questions, may be gathered from its
past history, though we anticipate some change
or modification on the part of the dominant fac
tion of that body in regard to the South. But,
l»e this as it may, the proceedings of the approach
ing session will be looked to with absorbing in
terest by the people in every direotion, and they
should avail themselves of every possible facility
to keep thoroughly posted. Indeed, they cannot
avoid this without a palpable neglect of duty.—
We do not go with those who assume that, be
cause Georgia has no representation in the Thir
ty-Ninth Congress at present, the people of tlie
State, therefore, should manifest no interest in, or
fail to keep up with, its proceeding. Not at all.
The fact that we have no representatives there
to look after and watch over the interests of their
constituents, only renders it more incumbent
upon them to employ all reliable channels
through which to obtain current information, in
order that they may be prepared to act advised
ly upon any emergency, remote or contingent,
that may possibly arise.
It is our intention, and we are perfecting meas
ures to that end, to furnish the readers of the
Intelligencer with as full and accurate infor
mation, from the direction of the National Capi
tal, upon all questions of general and vital in
terest, as it is possible to procure. And we
would, mainly for the reason stated above, urge
upon all who can afford it, (and who cannot ?)
to subscribe for tlie paper, at least tor tlie term
of the next four mouths. Of course, we are not
entirely unselfish iu this suggestion, but we can
readily afford to say, if the Intelligencer
don’t suit you, why then, subscribe for some
other good and standard journal, which will,
from day to day, put you in possession of such
information as may be necessary to a proper and
intelligent understanding of all measures of pub
lic polity.
Parties—Tlie Skeleton Roll.
The Albany Argus suggests that “ the rise and
fall of political parties in our country, is but a
repetition of the history of man for thousands
of years. False principles have germinated in
short-lived parties, often temporarily successful,
and deeply affecting the welfare of those within
their influence, and then suddenly dyiug out, are
soon forgotten. They perish, because based
upon unsound, erroneous and vicious principles.
The toryism of the days of tlie revolution, after
a hard struggle, sustained by British power, died
out. Shay's Massachusetts rebellion, and the
Pennsylvania whisky insurrection, died natural
deaths. The anti-embargo party in New Eng
land soon perished, as did the peace party duriug
the war of 1812. The Federal party stood upon
a broader foundation, and lasted longer, but was
strangled by the embraces of the Hartford Con
vention. The anti-Louisiana party died taking
Us first breath.
The Anti-Missouri party struggled fiercely and
died suddenly, leaving only scars upon our in
stitutions, as evidence that it had existed. Tlie
United States Bank party strutted with assumed
diguity; consumed the stockholders’ means;
failed iu its political efforts, and died amid uni
versal execration. The National lutcrnal Im
provement party excited the flattered regions,
and died before completing its surveys. The
Tariff parties first fight all interests but their own,
then fight amongst themselves and kill one an
other off, though like weeds in an over-manured
garden, spring up again in some new form.—
The Nullification party rose upon false logic, and
diet! with fear ot Andrew Jackson. Anti-Ma
sonry sprung from hatred of secret societies,
strutted for a time, and then became absorbed iu
its affections for Whigery. The Workingmen s
party sprung from talse prejudices, and soon
worked itself to death. The Native American par
ty sprung from hatred to foreigners, and the love
of the loaves and fishes, received tlie embrace of
the Know Nothings in their secret societies and
died under it. Tlie National Republican party
grew out of oppositon to Gen. Jackson, and died
on the formation of tlie Whig party.
The Abolition party grew out of an intense de
sire cf men to attend to everybody’s business but
their own, soon embroiled the country and threat- | j hastily enumerated the start on the emblem of
ened to overthrow the Constitution and laws, and j tlie “free hearts, hope and home” before me —
during its struggle was “bom again,” and became ; There they were, thirty-six—clear, distinct and
the National Republican. Anti-Masonic, Nullifi- palpable as those that glitter on the brow of
which, at least, I hope will prove interesting to
your readers.
Leaving Atlanta on Ihe eleven o’clock train,
after a pleasant run, over w hat is readily recog
nized by all who travel, as among the very best
managed roads in the country, reached Dalton
early enough in the evening to observe that there
as all along the line, the hand of industry and
enterprise was busily employed, showing the re
cuperative powers of the people of Georgia, and
their determination to efface all traces of the
trail of the spoilers, and to make the places he
laid waste bloom and blossom again.
DALTON—ITS IMPROVEMENTS, ETC
Perhaps no town or village suffered more dur
ing the late conflict than Dalton. First in posses
sion of one army, then the other, it felt the pre
sence of war, indeed. But it affords me pleasure
to state that the desolating effects are rapidly dis
appearing. Many new buildings have been
erected, others are in course of construction.—
New enterprises have sprung up, while more are
in contemplation. The railroad now merged
with the Selma and Tennessee River road, and
intersecting the State Road at Dalton, is a fixed
fact, and its completion at an early day secured
beyond contingency.
While at Dalton I heard something said in re
gard to the Congressional election, shortly to oc
cur in the Seventh District. There seems to be
but little feeling on the subject, and the proba
bility is but an insignificant vote will be polled,
of which my friend, Dr. Hambleton, of Atlanta,
will receive a portion. The malignant hostility
displayed by the radical element toward Dr.
Hambleton, who, it will be remembered, suffered
a long imprisonment during the war for his de
votion to the South, coupled with his positive
qualities and peculiar fitness, should, it seems to
me, without disparagement to other gentlemen,
commend him strongly to the people of the dis
trict. But, as I said before, the vote will be
small, at least, in the upper end of the district.—
The people appear to think that there is nothin,
to be gained by an election, that it will do no
good, and that everything should be permitted to
go by default. Now', this is wrong—totally so.
If there were no other considerations, a vacancy
has occurred, and the constituted authority has
issued an order to fill it. This, of itself, is suffi
cient. But whenever a people upon whom the
rough hand of power is laid, grow apathetic and
indifferent, and fail to show the oppressor that
they are keenly alive to their every interest, po
litical, social and otherwise; that they are ready
to receive the manacles beingforged for them, that
moment they are lost, for every right thus sub
missively yielded is but an invitation to further
and still greater wrongs. This is the common
sense of it, and in these weak piping times a
small amount of common sense is worth more
than a good deal ol polished logic, unquestiona
ble rhetoric, and pedantic syntax. I do hope the
people of the district will take the matter into
consideration and poll a respectable vote.
I will state here that, every where, I have heard
the prompt, energetic and manly action of the
Executive and Legislative departments of Geor
gia, in reference to the constitutional amendment,
approved in the heartiest manner. There is little,
if any, difference ot opinion as to its correctness.
Glorious old Georgia! Well named Empire State
ot the South ! Scourge .1 by fire and sword, and
desolated by the red hoof of battle from ocean
shore to mountain cave, yet proud, erect and self-
poised in your desolation, that action will not
only exert a happy influence upon your Southern
sisters, but must command the respect of such of
your enemies as have the capacity to discern and
appreciate true greatness and manhood.
CLEVELAND, TENNESSEE, RADICAL SPEECH MA-
KING, ETC.
Leaving Dalton, the next place ot any impor
tance is the flourishing city of Cleveland, the
point at w'liicb is shipped tlie immense product
of the exhaustible copper mines of Polk county.
Their interest, with its location in the midst ot a
large agricultural region, guarantees to the citi
zens of Cleveland a prosperous future.
There had been a political meeting at Cleve
land on Saturday, at which a large number ot
persons were present. Its character will be un
derstood by the fact, that it w as addressed at
length by the Hon Horace Maynard, who some
what astonished his audience by distinctly enun
ciating that he believed the w'liite man was bet
ter than the negro—in fact, a good deal better;
that the negro was au iuferior animal; that he
must always remain so, and that negro equality
was all gammon and spinnage, sound and fury,
signifying nathing; that the thing couldn’t be
did, this elevating the inferior to tlie standard of
the superior; the superiority and the inferiority
being implanted by the God of Nature, all man’s
efforts to alter or amend must come to naught.
Now, if my whilom friend, Mr. Maynard, said
that, in a public speech, before a large audience,
in tlie open air ot East Tennessee, with tlie pure,
light ot a November sun streaming down upon
his Hyperian locks and massive brow—if he said
it, tlie country may rest assured that there is
something rotten in the State of Radicalism lie-
sides its principles; and that there will be no
attempt at impeachment, no general confiscation
act will be passed, and no more soldiers will be
sent South except to hunt radical runaways and
fugitive horse thieves ; but that there is to be a
gentle craw fishing ot the radical element, and a
big hurrah over the Monroe Doctrine, Ac. I
draw my notes in reference to Mr. Maynard’s
speech from another party, and if they are
wrong, I will take pleasure in making all neces
sary corrections.
At a point on the read where there seemed to
be some public occasion in hand, I noticed the
gorgeous Bar Tangled Spanner flashing its folds
in the autumn sunshine. Horace Greeley once
said or wrote : “Haul down that flaunting lit."
cation, Internal Improvement and Radical Re
publican. The Whig party, which had swallow
ed up all remaining parties, was embraced by the
Republicans, and died a willing death. Seces
sion sprang from difficulties with its neighbors,
put on a military front, fought and fell to rise no
more. The Radical Republics n party, the only
one opposed to the Democracy, is a germination
night. Your correspondent could not help tliink-
iug that the New York philosopher ought to
have been bastinadoed tor uttering the sly, insin ;
uating and atrocious sentiment.
ATHENS.
Prior to the war Athens was amoDg the thrift
iest and most pleasant villages in all Tennessee,
enjoying au excellent population, both in town
ot the tare seeds ot al. other parties, temporarily ■ COU ntry, with churches, colleges and schools,
triumphant, and quartered upon the means ol Here, too, was published the Athens Post, a paper
the Government, last swallowing them up, ; known 0 f and sought for by everybody—an hum-
tliougli strutting like bravery itself, is craven and
cowardly where there is real danger, and eon-
ble journal which virtuous house wives perused
with pleasure, and pious gentlemen without
talus within itself the seeds of disease, and will ; week ^ av leisure filed awav for Sundav readme
die when all the legai an«i nglitfiil voters m the j B , , the Yankees came, and the Post went
l mon are allowed tlieir constitutional pm lieges ... , -n- . . . ,
ot the ballot-box. It acts upon false and criaii- , up; the editor was trotted out West to partake ot
nal principles, and cannot long survive. the hospitalities ot a Federal prison, and the ma-
On the other hand, the Democratic party is j terial seized bv a Government agent. The neat
founded upon tbe eternal principles ot truth, jus- {j U [kling fj- om whence its weeklv emissions were
lice, and riL’lit, and will stand lorever. , ° .*
’ ° ’ sent out to gladen many firesides, is still here,
vacant and voiceless, and looking as lonely as
w hereof he speaks. Of corn, he stated there
would be one million bushels to spare, leaving
ample for home consumption, though large quan
tities are being manufactured into whisky.—
I Parenthetically, people can worry along occa
sionally without bread and meat, but whisky,
you know, is an indispensable. 1 have known
those who could never raise money enough to
buy a middling of bacon, ora dollar to purchase
their wives a calico dress, but I never knew one
of that sort who could not start enough of the
circulating medium to secure a gallon of bust-
kull.) One gentleman told me he had five thou
sand bushels of corn to spare, though he would
not throw it on the market at present. As the
price is not settled, 1 will not say anything about
it further than that 85 cents is the present extreme
figure on tlie line of the road. It is proper to
state that this large surplus is above this point—
this region having suffered severely' from the
drought.
Of wheat, there is no surplus. Plenty of pota
toes, both Irish and sweet. Also a heavy crop
of oats were secured, and an extra heavy crop
of hay. Some four hundred bales of tlie latter
are now at the Cleveland depot ready for market.
I did not learn the juice asked.
Of meat, there is not more than enough to do
the country, though there will be some shipped
as the money is not among the people here to buy
it. There are oilier matters I would mention
but this is already too long, unless it were much
better.
Among other old friends I have metis Colonel
Thomas II. Callaway, President East Tennessee
& Georgia Railroad, en route for somewhere.
This road is in splendid order, and I know lie
will always be found ready to co-operate with
our own great State enterprise in affording the
cheapest possible facilities to throw forward the
surplus products East Tennessee may have to
send in a Southern direction—for, after all, down
in Dixie, and nowhere else, must this fertile
land of hill and valley continue to find a market
for whatever it may raise to sell—a fact which
was sadly overlooked by a large portion of this
people during the Jate w T ar.
It should have been stated that en route, I
heard tlie Intelligencer frequently inqtvrid
for, and am inclined to think the supply on the
train is occasionally not equal to the demand.
S. P 1.
P. S.—Hearn, just as closing this rambling cor
respondence, that a lot of printing material have
been received here, and that a new journal will
soon rise Phoenix-like on the ruins of old Post—
so that there is hope for Athens yet. To say
that 1 wish the enterprising printer, Mr. Davis,
whom I well know, the largest success, is but a
feeble expression.
Let the Wont Come,
It were bootless now to remonstrate against
anything the Radicals may do, or to inquire by
what authority, law or custom this or that thing
is or may be done. In the Radical catalogue of
prerogatives, “might makes right; ” and consti
tutions aud laws are regarded as but teachings
upon the sands of the seashore, which every wave
may erase. The South has taken her stand. It
is one of dignified and pat ient waiting. Let the
worst come; and the sooner the better, if there
be any worst yet in store for us. "With a una
nimity as cheering as it is just, the ten Southern
States will reject all further amendments of the
Constitution of our fathers. If we must live in a
Union with men to teach us no lesson but hatred,
it shall be under the frame-work of a govern
ment founded by the great and glorious patriots
of the past, who left it to us and our children as
a legacy of liberty which has won the admira
tion of tlie civilized world. If that foundation,
or its superstructure be ever again altered, it will
not be by the sons of the men who were its archi
tects aud builders. Let that be the work of van
dal hands; not that of Southern men. These
:vst have always loved and revered the Constitu
tion of the United States. When they aspired
to a separate government it was that they might
not live with the fanatics who now control it—
They had no objection to tlie Constitution itself;
for tlicv adopted it for their own, almost word
for word. They did not think they could much
improve the work of Madison and Hamilton.—
The achievement is left for Stevens and Butler.
The South will never consent to it; and with
Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware by her side,
she can but feel proud of her position.
The above has the ring of true metal in it.—
We adopt them as our views. They are taken
from the Memphis Avalanche.
General Dick Taylor.
The radicals are endeavoring to tarnish tlie
fair fame of this gallant gentleman. A Wash
ington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun re-,
fers to him as follows:
General Dick Taylor, son of tbe late Presi
dent Taylor, who lias beeu here for several days,
is generally set down among the newspaper cor
respondents as au unconverted and unrecon
structed rebel. There never was a greater mis-
ake. No man in the South more readily and
cheerfully ‘accepts the situation,’ nor, probably,
feels more sincerely attached to the Union. He
lias been the guest'of General Grant a portion of
the time he has spent in Washington, and he is
now co-operating with certain Republican mem
bers of Congress in a patriotic work of the great
est importance, and which, it it shall be con-
nmmated, will be hailed with joy by all good
men, irrespective ol party.”
All of which we believe to be a misrepresenta
tion. General Taylor, we learn, is now at Dah-
lonega, Georgia, looking after his mining inter
ests in that region. We have not a doubt but
that General Taylor “ accepts the situation,” and
does so in good faith; but we protest against
bis being placed “hand in glove” with the
Radicals.
Short.—Thc New York Commercial Advertiser
says : “Many ladies were seen on our fashiona
ble promenades yesterday with short dresses.”
a blasted oak in a burnt prairie. “ Wild weeds
are gathering on the wall, the dog howls by the
Unfortunate Occurrence.
The Macon Telegraph says that Mr. James Pope,
a well known and highly respectable citizen of
Macon, came to his death yesterday from an
over dose of aquanite, taken through mistake.—
The unfortunate gentleman had been suffering
for some time from neuralgia and rheumatisqi
combined, and the medicine was prescribed by
his regular physician—a dose being two drops.
On going home yesterday he requested a negro
waiting about the house to give him a dose, but
it is thought the liquid must have run down the
side of the vial and entered the glass. After
taking it, he complained of feeling badly, lay
down, and in a short time expired. It is thought
he must have swallowed forty drops.
Mr. Pope, we are told, was aliout forty years
of age, and much esteemed by all who knew
him7
The CoNSTrrmoN.—The Philadelphia Age
says one of the methods resorted to by the radi
cals of Joliet, Illinois, to. show their delight at
the result ot the recent election in that State,
was burning the Constitution of the United
States, which was done in the open streets, amid
the most vociferous cheering from the crowd of
partisans assembled. This shows where the
teachings of Sumner and Stevens are leading the
people.
FROM MIILEDGEV1LLE.
Special Correspondence of the Intelligencer.
Mllledgeville, Monday, Nov. 19.
The House of Representatives begins to-day
holding two daily sessions—one commencing at
9 a. m.. the other at 3 p. m. Monday being one
of the three regular weekly days set apart for the
introduction o£ new matter, the roll of the coun
ties was called and bills were offered, running up
the number h.two hundred and seventy-three
since the beginning of the session.
HILLS INTRODUCED.
Among the lulls of importance introduced in
the House of Representatives this morning, was
one by Mr. Maddox of Fulton, fixing the day of
the date of the. actual abolition of slavery in the
State of Georgia, and to establish a scale of the
depreciation othConfeder&te currency. The bill
provides that thp first day of May, 1S65, shall be
considered the date ot the abolition of slavery.
It also provides a table of the value of Confed
erate currency to govern in all cases, except oth
erwise provided for by ordinance of Convention.
Mr. Maddox also introduced a bill to provide for
the appointment of a State Geologist by the Gov
ernor to make a geological survey, and prepare a
geological map of the State, his office to be at
Atlanta.
Mr. Hill of Fulton, introduced a bill to repeal
an act amendatory of the charter of the Medical
College at Atlanta. Also a bill to incorporate
the Island Manufacturing Company in the county
of Bartow, on the Etowah river.
The Senate, this morning, re-considered the
vote of Saturday, by which the report of the
majority of the Committee on the County Court
bills had been rejected. The re-considered re
port, and the various bills in reference to the
County Court, were referred to a special com
mittee of five, consisting of Messrs. Strozier,
Owens, C. H. Smith, Simmons, and Butler.
The Senate spent some time in the considera
tion and discussion of the Stay law, and, on a
vote by yeas and nays, passed the bill, which
embraces an extension of the time for the stay
of executions. An addition was made to the
second section, declaring that the first section
of the »et shall be construed to mean that when
the defendant shall fail to pay any installment,
the plaintiff may proceed to collect said install
ment, but shall have no right to proceed against
the defendant for the remainder until the time
stated in this act for. the payment of the other
several installments.
The Exemption laws will occupy the atten
tion of the Senate this afternoon. In the House,
the time is to be employed in the first and sec
ond reading of bills.
LAWS.
The local acts of the present session that are
now of force as laws, include an act to reduce
the tax and define the powers of the town coun
cil of Cartersville. This law limits the tax on
real estate and stock in trade, to one-eighth
of one per cent.; tbe tax on retailers of spirits to
fifty dollars, and street tax to two dollars on
citizens. An act regulating confession fees and
jury fees in Cattoosr county; an act making
Justices of the’Peace in Marion county, ex offi
cio Justices of the Peace; an act incorporating
the town of Marshalville, in Macon county; an
act amendatory of the charter of the town of
Sandersville; an act amending the act incorpo
rating the Water Lot Company of the city of
Columbus; an act prohibitory of any obstruc
tion by fish traps that would prevent the passage
of fish in Spring Creek, in the counties of Mil
ler, Decatur, and Early; also an act providing
that an election shall be held in Bartow county
on the first Monday in January to settle the
question of the location of the county site. The
act provides for consolidating the vote and for a
new election in case of fraud or illegal voting
that would change the result. Provision is also
made for the purchase of land, laying oft town lots,
and erection of public buildings. I understand
that but two places will be voted for, both on
the Western and Atlantic Railroad, Cartersville
and Cass Station.
FAST DAY.
Thursday next having been set apart by proc
lamation of the Governor as a day of fasting,
humiliation and prayer, there will be no meeting
of the two Houses on that day—religious ser
vices having been appointed to be held in the Rep
resentative Hall. The committee appointed have
solicited, as I have been informed, the Rev. John
S. Wilson, of your city, to deliver the sermon on
the occasion. Should he accept, it may be taken
for granted that a divine of his piety, ability and
attainments, will fully meet the expectations of
his audience. H.
Tbe Captive Cblel.
BT ROBERT WINDSOR.
Within a dungeon, dark and dreary.
Bow'd down beneath the heavy chain,
There sits a pris'ner, weak and weary,
Whose heart sighs for the world again;
But. in that gloomy cell of terror,
To him the world’s light never comes.
For there 'tis darkness—night forever—
Alas ! the morning never dawns.
It was no single foe that met him.
But many nations struck the blow;
On ev’ry side, the world beset him,
To lay bis little number low.
And when, at last, from cold and hanger,
He saw the struggling few go down.
And felt the threat’ning tide grow stionger,
He stood alone, and braved the storm.
He held on high that banner, tattered,
Amid the cannon's angry blast,
Until its war-worn folds were scattered,
Or torn, by inches, from the mast!
He knew not what it was to falter;
He fought for freedom, not for fame;
He bared his bosom to the slaughter.
And fell, a hero, on the plain.
And now the conqueror triumphs o'er him.
Whilst timid spirits bolder grow;
The coward hearts that fled before him.
Are brave enough to mock him now.
But let them bind him down forever.
And wreak their curses on his head;
Although his bands may never sever.
His name will live when their’s are dead.
And if 'tis death, he then can meet it.
In gibbet arms, ’neath prison bars;
And, like the martyrs, he will meet it,
Who died not in a nobler canse.
And fathers yet will tell the story.
To children’s children now unborn,
That, how to save his country’s glory.
He cared not that he lost his own.
Atlanta, November, 1866.
From the Louisville Journal.
murderous Rencounter.
TWO KENTUCKIANS KILL EACH OTHER—A FAITH
LESS WIFE CAUSES THH BLOODY TRANSACTION.
Radicalism Jubilant—Wendell Phillips.
The result of the recent State elections North,
seems to have put the representative man of tbe
extreme radical element on stilts, and there is
danger of his running up against a lunatic asy
lum or some other institution appropriate for
madmen. He writes in the Anti Slavery Stan
dard that “the fact that no name, no laurel, no
services weigh a feather, if put into the scale
against radicalism, is the most cheering and
wholesome characteristic of the hour.” He ad
mits that the fact is somewhat appalling, “that a
million and a half of voters—more than six hun
dred thousand in the two States of New York
and Pennsylvania—are still corrupt and ignorant
enough to support the mobocrat of the White
House.”
Wendell sees before him a magnificent pros
pect. He waxes rampant as he contemplates it.
“Radicalism,” he says, “travels Westward. Per
sonal Liberty bills, Woman’s Rights bills, and all
such legislation, started from New England and
and have ‘swung round the circle.’ This last
Yankee notion will soon begin its travels, and
complete them when North and South know no
race beiore the law? Then, when a miilion of
black men aid in shaping our national policy,
their race will feel the effect the world over.—
They will never leave their brethren in Cuba un
der the yoke. They will throw a shield over the
struggling nationality of Hayti and lift Brazil in
to harmony with the nineteenth century.”
Whew ! No pent np Utica is to confine Amer
ican Radicalism. It will soon burst over all bar
riers and commence righting the wrongs of the
whole human race. Not only Africa, but Asia
and Europe will be agitated by the nasal reform
ers. Wendell, says the Boston Commercial, is
going to swing round the entire circle.
Mississippi Never Out of the Union.—The
Supreme Court of Mississippi has decided that
the State has never lost its organization as a gov
ernment by reason of secession or war, but that
it was in all respects not only a de facto, but a de
jure State, and that the functions of the govern
ment were rightly and constitutionally exercised
by those who exercised the executive, legislative,
and judicial functions during that time within
the State. The opinion of the court was deliv
ered by Judge Harris.
Judge J. Shallberger, of Mississippi, has also
decided that sales and executory contracts made
before the surrender, and founded upon Confed
erate treasury notes as a consideration, were
valid, and can be enforced now. Judge Clay
ton some time since decided contrary. These
cases go before tbe Supreme Court for final adju
dication.
Minnesota.—Minnesota papers speak with
alarm of the frequent occurrence of murders and
robberies throughout that State.
A correspondent at Fort Craig, New Mexico,
whqse letter was written on the 1st instant, sends
us the particulars of a most shocking affair that
took place between two officers of the 125th U.
S. C. Troops, a regiment which was recruited in
Kentucky in the spring of 1865, and which was
sent out to, the Territory of New Mexico last
summer, where it is now doing duty. One of the
parties, 1st Lieutenant John F. Warner, had been
for some time suspicious that improper intimacy
existed between his wife—who has been with
him nearly ever since he joined the regiment—
aud another 1st Lieutenant (Fred. Haselhurst.)
He finally became so confirmed in his suspicions,
and dissatisfied, that he peremptorily turned his
wife away, and instituted proceedings for a di
vorce. This was a little over two weeks ago, at
Fort Selden, New Mexico. His wife thus left to
herself, appealed to the generosity of the officers
at the post for a sum of money sufficient to cover
the expenses of a journey back to Kentucky.—
She was a native of Lexington, Kentucky, where,
if we are not mistaken, she has a parent or pa
rents. She has friends also in Louisville, and in
tended to make that her place of abode. She
succeeded in raising the necessary amount of
funds and left Fort Selden about two weeks ago,
en route, by coach, for the States, shaking off the
dust of her feet against “Johnney,” and breath
ing parting regrets tor the more favored “Fred.”
No sooner had she left, however, than letters
began to pass between herself and Haselhurst.
Warner stung with jealousy, was on the qui vice,
and Tuesday, October 22, just before tlie depar
ture of the Northern mail, succeeded in getting
access to the mail-bag in which he found three
letters directed to “Mrs. Julia Warner.” These
he opened and found to be very glowing love
breathing missives, written by Lieut. Fred. Hasel
hurst. Shortly after, it being nearly dinner time,
he (Warner) stationed himself at a point near
which the officers usually passed on their way to
the mess-room, armed with three or four well-
loaded pistols and a bowie-knife. It was not
long before Haselhurst came along, when War!
ner confronted him with a drawn revolver ana
demanded—“ What do you write letters to my
wife for ?” and thereupon immediately discharged
his revolver, the charge taking effect in Hasel-
hurst’s body just below the lower ribs. The
wound was helplessly fatal, but Haselhurst, not
at once disabled, retreated into the quarters of
the commanding officer of the post, which were
near at hand, pursued by Warner, who continued
to fire at him, thongh it seems without effect.
Two or three shots were thus fired inside the
room, when Haselhurst sprang upon Warner,
and succeeded in wresting away one of his re
volvers. Thus armed, Haselhurst took deliberate
aim, and shot Warner directly through the heart,
as the latter was standing outside the door, pre
paring another pistol for firing. Warner stag
gered forward, drew his bowie knife, stuck it
two or three times in the side ol the adobe build
ing, and fell dead upon the spot. Haselhurst
only survived him a few hours; and now they
sleep, side by side, far away from their homes,
each, through the influence of base passion, the
other’s destroyer. Warner was about twenty-
eight years old. At the time of his death, he
was acting assistant quartermaster at Fort Sel
den. He was a native of Kentucky. His father
was colonel of one of the Union, Kentucky,
regiments for a period during the war.
Mrs. Warner has a child about a year and a
half old, which she took with her on her jour
ney. What her feelings must be, when she
learns tiie horrid result of her misconduct, may
be imagined. _
Universal Suffrage In Tennessee.
A bill, granting universal suffrage, has been
introduced into the Legislatures of Tennessee,
and was promptly tabled on its first reading.
The Union and American, of the 20th, says of
this action :
The reader will find in our Legislative report
thkynorning, the copy of a bill, not only vitally
interesting to our own people, but to the country
at large, touching the great question of suffrage.
It is, in short, a bill granting universal suffrage,
as the term is now used—extending the franchise
to the black man, and to all whites, regardless of
their participation or non-participation in “the
late rebellion.” It was consigned at once, and
without debate, to the table, by a very decided
majority, and by a non-party vote. Conserva
tives and Radicals voted together on both sides
of the proposition. This vote occurred on the
first reading of the bill, a stage when it is usual
for a measure to pass as a matter ot course, and
without opposition, however objectionable.
What, then, does the action on this bill, yes
terday, indicate ? Does it mean that the Con
servatives who oppsed the motion to lay on the
table would vote for universal suffrage in any
and all stages ? or that those who voted for it
to go to the table would oppose it in every form
and stage ? Did the Radicals who voted the
proposition down yesterday, do so because it
admitted “rebels” to the ballot-box, and not in
opposition to the negro suffrage feature ? or did
those who voted on the other side mean to say
that they would not vote for the enfranchise
ment of the negro without enfranchising the
whites also ?
The motion to lay upon the table, by the rules
of the House, precluded debate, and hence there
was no expressions made to give a clue to the
answers to these questions. As the matter now
stands, the action of the Tennessee Legislature,
without explanation, places it overwhelmingly in
opposition to universal suffrage.
The Railroad Robbers.—We are happy
to chronicle the capture of the last of the gang
of banditti who perpetrated the atrocious out
rage upon tlie Louisville railroad week before
last. John Evans is the name of this last in
dividual, and he was found seereted in a cave
near Franklin, whence he was taken and for
warded at once to Louisville.
On Sunday the following dispatch was re
ceived :
“Mitchelville, November 18.—John S.
Bransford—Dear Sir: I arrived this morning
from Black Jack, where I captured six desper
ate men. Their names are Jim Price, John
Finch, Bob Hester, Jim Taylor, Tom Tyler,
and Jim McGlaslin. I suppose you know what
they were going to do next week. The band
was organized tor the work. E. H. Lelb,
Captain 5th Cavalry.
The desperadoes who robbed the pay train
are still at large, but it is sincerely to be hoped
that they may be brought speedily to grief The
railroad company offer a reward of $2,000 for
their capture.
NUMBER 47.
! Truth from a Northern Source Concern-
ill" the South.
i The special correspondent of the New York
■ Times, from Augusta, Ga., writes :
“A year ago I wrote from this place to the
I Times assuring the North that the people of this
j section were animated by tlie honest purpose to
! be good and faithful citizens of the United
i States, to obey the laws and the constituted au-
i thorities, ‘accept the situation,’ in perfect good
faith, and to amend their laws so as to meet
the requirements of their altered situation. I
recommended that their efforts be met iu a spirit
of conciliation and kindness, that they should
get credit for what they were doing, and that
{ confidence, encouragement and respecttul con-
I sideration, would be the most efficient promoters
of peace and prosperity. Wherever these be-
nificent agents were employed I saw the eager
cordiality with which the people responded, and
wherever harsh words, threats, insults and de
nunciation were used, I observed with regret the
alienation, animosity and painful sense of dis-
appointmeut which they produced ; and as these
have been tar more abundant than words or acts
of conciliation, to them and them only must be
attributed the present unfortunate condition of
affairs.
It is a fact which cannot be denied, that there
is far less union between North and South now
than there was a year ago; aud infinitely less
than there was within three mouths after the
cessation of actual war. It is idle to say to a
man who is telling the truth, who means to do
exactly what he says, and who is really desirous
to be friendly, that becadSe he was recently at
variance with you.on a question tv here in he be
lieved he was right, you cannot trust him, and
that he must pile guarantee upon guarantee iu
the shape wf concessions of his feelings, pre
judices and interests before you can admit him
to sit at the table with you, and insist that you
do this in the interest of conciliation. By' such
a course you necessarily check his advance,
relax his efforts, and make him sullen instead of
friendly. The fact that you have the power to
injure and oppress him does not necessarily com
pel his acquiescence, especially if he has reason
to believe that you have no right to coerce him
into submission. Pride rarely yields to threats
even through expediency may strongly recom
mend the surrender.
A year ago the people of this State were poor
to penury. They had lost everything, and mourn
ing was in every household. But they had hope.
They went to work, every one in his sphere aud
to the best of his ability, and they thought that
the future gave promise of relief from many of
the afflictions and losses by which they were
crushed. Could the Northern people have seen
them, and watched their endeavor to work out
their own redemption, they would have trusted
them, been satisfied that their punishment had
expiated whatever crime might be imputed to
them, and would have lifted the hand of punish
ment and extended that of assistance and friend
ship. Could they see them now, when disap
pointed hopes are added to their other sources of
distress, they never could advocate, much less in
flict, further chastisement, but they would be
satisfied that no further “guarantees against re
bellion” were needed from a people so completely
powerless and exhausted, so anxious for peace,
so faithful in their obedience to law, and so scru
pulous in their performance, of their obligations.
Ten thousand constitutional amendments
would not furnish as good a guarantee as the ex
pression of good will and kindness. Amnesty,
the removal of every existing disability, confi
dence and a desire to forget the past, would
create a security lor the future which no coercive
legislation can ever establish. Look at the spirit
in which the South united in the Conservative
Convention at Philadelphia, and the unanimity
with which her people accepted the result of that
assemblage. Had the North also accepted those
results, and given practical effect to the princi
ples enunciated there, the patriot, whether he
live at the North or the South, would not be pos
sessed by the painful apprehensions to which the
immediate future gives rise.”
£x-Presldent Bavin.
In a recent article upon the long and cruel im
prisonment of Mr. Davis, and the hesitancy to
bring him to trial, the New York Tribune says:
Since it is notorious that Mr. Davis is not to be
punished, why is he still kept awaiting a trial
which he alone seems to desire, and which he
can by no means obtain ? What good end is
subserved by persisting in a menace which still
serves to irritate, though it no longer appals ?
Congress, at its last session, evidently felt that
it had the President at disadvantage with regard
to this prisoner—that he was an elephant which
Mr. Johnson had too eagerly acquired, and was
now unable either to keep or dispose of, save to
his own loss. In the state of" feeling then preva
lent, this aspect of the case was regarded by
many with evident complacency. Had the Presi
dent been a man of high courage, we think he
would have bailed the prisoner and called on
Congress to demand, if that were deemed advi
sable, that he should be surrendered and tried,
and to prescribe the legal conditions of such trial,
since the laws as they stand seem inadequate or
defective. But he should first, at all events, have
publicly retracted the charge of complicity with
the assassins of President Lincoln, since be has
virtually abandoned it by not attempting to found
an indictment thereon. It is neither just nor
wise to send forth a prisoner of State with the
brand of murder on his brow; and a naked fail
ure to prosecute is but equivalent to the Scotch
verdict, “Not proven.” If Mr. Davis is even
probably guilty of complicity with Booth, he
should long since have been indicted and tried
for that crime; if he is not, he should have ere
this been explicitly freed from the reproach, even
though he were to be executed for treason on the
morrow. A great government may deal sternly
with offenders, but not meanly; it cannot afford
to seem unwilling to repair an obvious wrong.
More of the Affray at Fort Valley.
—We copy the following from the Journal &
Messenger, where it appears under the head ol
communicated:
It seems some few days back Mr. Henry H.
Haddock and Thomas R. Arnold, both citizens
of Fort Valley, had a controversy about the sale
of some real estate which the former had pur
chased of the latter. Not being satisfied with
the transaction, and meeting on the streets (both
armed) yesterday, the 14th instant, had fur
ther words, when, unfortunately, Mr. Haddock,
after discharging his pistol a fourth time at his
antagonist, shot him through and through, the
ball entering the back about, two inches from the
backbone, and on the right side just under the
ribs, and making its appearance near the surface,
and was cut out by Drs. Matthews and Green
just below the front ribs on the right side, and
about two inches from the pit of the stomach.—
The ball (a round one) was shot from a small
four-inch barreled Colt’s revolving pistol, at the
distance of fifteen paces. Mr. Arnold is not
dead yet, but in a very critical condition. The
case is undergoing a legal investigation. Two
days have already been spent in taking evidence.
Colonel Joel R. Griffin is representing the
State.
T. D. King and Maddox and Btowd, the de
fense.
Negro Suffrage.—The indications are that
the Northern Radicals will not suffer universal
amnesty and universal suffrage. The Cincinnati
Gazette of the 17th instant says:
“ The new scheme of adopting negro suffrage,
proposed by the Chicago Times, is oT no impor
tance on account of the paper, but like the vane
of a weather cock, is significant of the current
wind ot doctrine. We have never doubted that
the rebel States (in the South) would concede
negro suffrage if it would restore their power, nor
ever doubted that the Democratic party would
adopt it for the same reason. We are opposed
to restoring either to power by an extraordinary
means, and are, therefore opposed to forcing ne
gro suffrage on the South, when the only effect
of it will be to increa -e the number of their rep
resentatives and furnish new material for the play
of demagogues.
The Cincinnati journal mistakes the whole
case when it supposes and assumes that the South
is ready to gulp any and every' measure radical
ism may propose as the price of “restoration.”
The South is uot ready' to do anything of the
kind, and is not likely to be for some time to
come. It occurs to us that a journal like the
Gazette might be a little better informed in re
gard to some things.
A New Senator for New Jersey.—Gov.
Ward, of New Jersey', lias appointed Mr. Fred
erick T. Frelinghuysen to represent that State in
the United States Senate, iu the place of Senator
Wright, lately deceased,
Won at Last.
Byrne Moulton leaned ont of the window and
listened. No sound save the steady break of the
sea upon Dumfries rock broke the silence of the
night.
“Strange,” she muttered. “I would have stak
ed my life upon the fulfillment of his promise.”
She stepped into the light, and drawing a
watch from her belt, looked at it. Tlie hands
pointed to eight. Her eyes showed that there
was a frown somewhere, though it was not upon
her face. Nothing could have been more fault
lessly beautiful than that was always. She stood
a moment irresolute, then stepping across the
room touched the bell.
A servant answered the summons immediately.
“Tell Captain Dunn to bring up the skiff. I
am going across the bay,” she said.
At this instant quick steps sounded upon the
walk, and a second aftewards Burt Atherton ap
peared in the door.
“I hope you have not incommoded yourself,”
Byrne said, haughtily.
“My horse threw me, and I lay stunned for
half an hour. That is my only excuse.”
He watched her face as he spoke, to see if she
really cared whether he had been killed or not.
Tlie slightest perceptible change crept into it,
and the haughtiness was quite gone from her
voice as she answered him.
“I am very sorry'. You are suffering now, I
fear. You will not think of going to-night.”
“I promised Arthur I would bring you.”
“But if it is necessary I can go alone. Indeed
I had intended to do so before you came.”
“Perhaps you had rather,” Burt said, his voice
changing, as a jealous pang shot through his
heart.
“It is quite immaterial to me,” she answered
coolly.
She knew well that there was little danger of his
remaining at home, for no slave was ever more
surely in the power of liis master than was Burt
Atherton in the power of Byrne Moulton. He
had intended quite another thing when he first
sought her presence, but his sober purposes had
all vanished before her beautiful, fascinating
face.
Just a year before his cherished friend, Arthur
Falmouth had worshipped at the same shrine,
had thrown down gladly all the wealth of his
proud young heart at By'rne Moulton’s feet, only
to have it spurned from her like a worthless
thing. In the agony ot his first knowledge he
had cursed her most bitterly, but after a six
months’ absence in foreign lands, he had return
ed sick and dying, his phy'sicians said, aud—love
will stoop to such humiliations! He had begged
Burt Atherton to find her out, and beseeching
her forgiveness for his cruel words, ask her to
come and let him look upon her face once more
before he died.
Burt Atherton had vowed vengeance against the
woman who could so trifle with one of the no
blest of hearts, but he had forgotten that weeks
ago; and, but for his promise, it is doubtful
whether he would have been the means iu tlie
slightest degree of a meeting between her and
her old lover again. Not that he had much to
fear from a dying man! But somehow there
was a different look in her eyes than he had ever
seen before. Could it be that she had loved Ar
thur Falmouth V He would not believe it.
The moonlight shone lull upon them as they
glided over the water. How radiantly beautiful
Byrne looked. Burt felt her presence like an in
spiration. He could not remember how cruel she
had been ; she could not believe it of her, and at
any rate, cruel or not cruel, all he asked was to
win her for his own. He believed she would yet,
be his. Surely she must love him. Had not her
eyes said it a hundred times ? There had never
been half tears in them for him, as there was
now ; but she was doubtless thinking of Arthur,
and repentant for her sin in the matter, if there
had been any. How glad he should be to keep
all tears away from her eyes forever *.
He had ample time to '(link, for nothing was
said until they landed on the other side of the
bay, and were quite at Mr. Falmouth’s door.—
Then Burt asked Byrne if he should accompany
her into Arthur’s room.
“Certainly,” she answered, and they went in
together.
In a long room ornamented with rare paint
ings, and costly, fragrant flowers, sitting before
an open fire, was Arthur Falmouth, the one they
sought. He rose feebly as they entered, and giv
ing his hand silently to each, sank again into his
chair, and covered his face.
Burt went back into the far end of the room
and left them alone.
It was hard telling what Byrne’s thoughts
were. Evidently her intentions had changed
since looking upon her old lover’s form. Her
face was a puzzle. Burt could see it from where
he sat, and the look upon it made him tremble,
although he could not analyze it.
She went up to Arthur, and laid her hand softly
upon his forehead.
“Did he tell you I begged forgiveness, Byrne ?”
said he, dropping his hands. “I was hasty, but
a dying man sees with different eyes.”
“It is I who should beg that. I did not know
you were so ill,” Byrne answered, her eyes grow
ing humid.
“Dou’t look at me in that way !” He put up
his hands deprecatingly. “It is too much like
the old times. I thought I could keep cool—but,
oh, Byrne! how I have loved you.”
She put her hand in his without answering a
word. He clutched it tightly.
“Just for one moment no one shall dare to
come between us.”
“You may be glad you are dying,” she whis
pered. “I wish I was so near my end.”
“You! Oh, Byrne! the world must be very
beautiful to you.”
“It is not. I have found nothing but bitter
ness—nothing.” She was weeping. '“Let me
come and see you to-morrow. I will tell you, at
any rate.”
“Will you come again ?” his eyes growing lus
trous.
“I will be here to-morrow by nine o’clock.—
She bent down and touched his forehead with
her lips, and glided out of the room.
Burt Atherton’s face was almost as white as
the invalid’s, when he came out after her.
She did not notice it; her thoughts were evi
dently not of him.
“Do you remember that I am here ?” he asked,
when they were half over the water.
“What did you say?” she asked, dreamily. “I
had forgotten where I was.”
“I was well aware of that. I think Arthur
grows worse rapidly.”
He meant to try her.
“Do you?” she asked quickly. “I had not
thought to find him so weak.”
She was all attention now.
“He will hardly last out the autumn, his ph} -
sicians say.”
“Hush!” Her voice was sharp with pain. “I
will not hear it.”
How the woman had changed in two hours !
“ Then you love him ? ”
“ Who says I love him ? ” She turned upon
him quickly.
“ I ask, do you ? ”
“Don’t talk to me to-night. I am not my
self.”
He left her with an aching heart. Something
told him that his fate was sealed.
The next morning, Byrne, true to her promise,
was at Mr. Falmouth’s at an early hour; but her
courage almost failed her when she came into
Arthur’s presence.
“Iam afraid I can never tell you,” she said,
trembling. Then, before he had time to answer
her, she hurried on:
“You never knew anything of my early his
tory, but”—her face was crimson—“ I'was picked
up, when an infant, in the streets of New York.
When my adopted father died, he told me of my
proud origin; and then,foi the first time, I knew
what my fate would be. But my face was beau
tiful, and my purse was full. Little danger but
the world would acknowledge me. I was glad
of even that. A wife I could never be, but love
I must have; and I determined, coolly and de
liberately, to win hearts, and then throw them
away, as I did yours. Wliat else could I do,
when I might never look into any man’s eyes
and say, ‘ I love you ? ’ ”
“ Say it to me, Byrne.” His eyes were bla
zing. “ Say it! I think it would make me live
again.”
Byrne looked at him steadily.
“ It is well we are not both blind. I can think
for you, too,” she said, at last.
“You shall be my wife, to-day,” he broke in.
“ Don’t tremble so. You are tired. I should
not have told you, if you hjtd not loved me so;
and, if I had dared—surely ’there is no harm in
saying it now—I should have loved you. Never
mind, now: I am glad you know the truth. We
shall part happier.”
“ We shallnever part, Byrne.”
The first thing Burt Atherton heard of Byrne,
was her marriage with Arthur Falmouth; and,
in a year, the man whom all considered dying,
was nearly recovered.
When is the best time to read the book of na
ture? When autumn turns the leaves.
