Newspaper Page Text
j§ f. 6
nr» 1 !
t '^vV
•ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, G A., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, ist>7.
NUMBER 13.
Ulrrkli) Jutflliflfuffr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, March 27, 1866.
Tbe Mew*papcr.
The following appeared as a leading editorial
article in the Savannah Ilf publican of the 8th
instant. The picture which the article itself
draws of the “ X&tJtpajier" and what is univer
sally demanded by an unreasonable public of
the “ Editor,” is admirable; but an interest other
wise is attached to it in the fact that it appears
Our Financial Situation—A !tle«kBge from
the Premdeut Wanted.
The New York Herald of the loth inst., uuder
| the above heading, contains a lengthy leader, in
which it represents the “ financial situation ” as
alarming, and requiring the special care and at-
I tentiou of the President, from whom it invokes
' a special message to Congress on that important
theme. The question of the national finances
j it says, “is looming up already above other ques-
j tions, and in a short time it must become the
1 paramount and absorbing one.” Whatever may ,
j he the vagaries, or the unreliability of the Herald
in political matterg, it must be admitted that its
■ Editor-In-Chief is skilled in finance and keeps
to have been written by one of the unfortunate I weU posted in regard to lhe “situation” in that j
fraternity of Editors, from his Editorial Room j reS p CC t | though he may^be delinquent or deccp- ;
tive in all others. It is evident that he now ;
sees a financial storm brewing, and lie does not
From the New York Time.-. The Future Relations outlie White and The Southwestern Relief Commission,! How to Rcneli the Supreme Court.
A flairs In Georgia. colored Waves In the Southern Slates. Louisville, Kentucky. The New York Sunday NeiCS thinks there is a
Macon, Ga., Monday, March 11, 1867. ! Special attention is directed 4o the article fol- | As a matter ot interest, that our people may , constitutional wav of reaching the Military Rule
With the exception of Mr. Joseph E. Brown, lowing, copied from the ChMlsston Mercury.— see what their friends in portions ol Kentucky ! bill, and points it out thus through the agenev of
ke j The views and suggestions selfforth will not fail ; are doing for the indigent poor ot
establishment of military la-.-, in the Southern
States, have not, in one imporj-ntrespeet, chang
ed the relative conditions of, i«it white and color
in “ Chatham County Jail,” for the too free use,
it was charged, of more than “ two prepositions
and a conjunction,” to-vrit, of libelous words.
The reader, therefore, in his sympathy with one
so unpleasantly circumstanced, will not be sur
prised at his respectfully suggesting “ the pro
priety ot some grand jury presenting the English
language at once, and thus, while vindicating
■ tlie virtue and integrity’ of all men, render this
free Republic a healthy, virtuous asylum for the
deaf and dumb ot all nations.” Badinage aside,
the article is well written, correctly and forcibly
presenting what is moat unreasonably demanded
ot that important institution known as the
“ Newspaper,” and of its Editors, in this great
“ American Republic.” Says the Republican :
hesitate, in the article to which we refer, with ,
his usual arrogance, to advise President Johnson
what he ought to do. In doing so he says: “It \
we mistake not the political agitation arising j
| out ot slavery, the negro, and the war, lias near- j
I ]y run its course. At all events, Mr. Johnson i
[ can make nothing out of that. It has passed {
j beyond him. All lie has to do in this matter is |
! to faithfully execute the laws which have been |
I passed in a constitutional manner, however much j
he may diller with those who made them. But i
on the new and great question ot our financial j
affairs, upon which parties will be formed here- |
: after, it is both his duty and policy to lay down
“ A public iiterary urn ol a thousand brains is j p^tform of sound principles and to point out
he orack-s have hitherto observed a sphyux-like \
silence on the great question now presented to
the people for immediate solution, and, therefore,
the Wait-and-see-ites seem still to be the most
numerous of the three divisions of popular sen
timent to which 1 alluded in my last from tins
place. Governor Jenkins hits gone to Washing- j
ton within the last few days, and a« it is said by | P fl races, for, whether the blarks be slave or free,
those who profess to know that the object of his they must lie dependent on, -.nd influenced by,
journey is to see “what is best to be done,” it is t| ie superior intelligence ot tqe whites amongst
probable that nothing will he done until lie re- ! whom they work and live. Apprehensions have
turns and announces the result of his observa- been eutertained by many incl of prudence and
tions. In the meantime, however, efforts are | sagac-itv that a conflict tor supremacy between
m l ie here and there to bring the people together | tlie whites and the blacks xvus imminent ; bin
to consult and take action favorable to the vol- j sober consideration and qoict^reflection would
untarv adoption of the course prescribed by the seem to point to but one conclusion—that the
.Sherman bill; but the efforts are feeble,and only I two races have many interests-in common, and
trail to demonstrate that lhe people have not j that, while the Southern negro cannot prosper
yet made up their minds, partly trorn a npt tin- without the aid of Southerners, those who were
natural unwillingness to precipitate what they j formerly slaveholders will find their return to
it grand thing; beautiful in its hall-hidden mem
ories—potential in its resurrected spirits. It is,
however, of the past withal—a history, not an
action—an echo in the corridors of time, not a
living voice. But that ubiquitous thing that
may be seen now in the by-way, caring tenderly
for age and poverty, then scaling the garrets of
crowded cities, and thrusting hopeful words into
the heart of unrequited merit, anon throttling
an Agamemnon for some damned feudal deed,
and again like the column of fire in the Jewish
camp, guiding the public to grander and onward j
•realms of thought. Tuf. Newspaper—is the |
eloquence of Now and Here—the great practical )
fact of to-day—the Philosophy of to-morrow, j
It will he the Slate seal ot our time, and ages to j
come will mark our century with its name.— j
What the orator was to the nations of antiquity j
swaying their destinies, firing their passions and \
moderating their range, stimulating to action or :
restraining from rashness—guiding present gen
erations along the dark, untrodden path of the
future by footprints on the sands of time—that
is the Xeirspa/irr to modern Europe and America.
“ It is one of those rare things that project and
accomplish by its o\\ n volition. That daily
breath, that beggarly slip, purchased for a five-
p*nce is kindlier in its might than the old solemn,
sealed de6re.es of council that proved the bound-
tile way of safety for the country.” The Presi
dent is doubtless thankful to Mr. Bennett tor his
advice; more so perhaps than he has ever been
before, for all who know the proprietor of lhe
Herald are aware, as we said before, that he is
skilled in financial matters and doubtless dreads
the storm which he sees is rapidly approaching!
Commending Pbf.sident Johnson for his
“strong common sense and honest purpose,”
Mr. Bennett urges upon him “ earnest applica
tion” that he “mat-*master the subject," and
then recommends him to “lay before the people
and Congress such a comprehensive and states
manlike message as will arouse public attention,
inspire confidence, and lead to a solution of tbe
difficulties that surround us.” This is what,
says the Herald, “ the country wants just now
I and the opportunity is a splendid one for Mr.
Johnson.” Well said, Mr. Bennett! So far so
j good. But. let us see if there he not “ a cat in
the nieai tub” somewhere; in other words, let
j us see if llie Herald lias not “some axe to
! grind,” while he is urgiug the President to^sucli
j prompt and patriotic action !
i Says I lie Herald: “ One of (lie most urgent
measures in the way ot economy, as well as for
the general interests of the industrious classes,
would be the repeal of the National Bank act.
| The national banks are draw ing twenty millions
seas.
“Take the Tribune, or Herald, the London
Time*, the Parisian La Presse, the Belgium La
Hard, and you have the lever for which Archi
medes prayed. Since the days of the Church
there is no miracle to compare with the press.—
It is a wonder which association has stripped of
its awe—a common place fertile iu prodigies.”
“ Men live uo longer by bread alone, nor even
with Faith therewith, but upon Bread, Faith and
the Mousing Paper. But the lives of the men
who turiiish this monster with food are neither
pleasant nor painless."
“Homer mav nod, but no editor is permitted
1 lint Homeric franchise. Beeelier may he bald
and llal in to-day’s sermon ; and the glitter of last
Sunday’s paradox gilds the barrenness. But no
such tempering ot mercy to the editor. The
dash of yesterday’s columns will not excuse the
slips of this morning’s leader. Bulwer may is
sue a later story inferior to ‘ My Novel,’ but the
Cast on’s and Kienzi shall plead extenuation and
further reverence. But there is no allowance
for an editor who, in some luxurious weakness
ot the flesh, a toddy or siesta, permits his pen to
glide into a reputable decrepitude or an intem
perate expression.”
“ Even an unpleasant truth too bluntly chfon-
iclcd, may cost him his liberty, eveu as too much
candor to a congregation may cost a clergyman
his salary—if n<’t his salvation. If, as Horne
Touke sax'. he was ‘made the victim in a court
oi law: ol two prepositions and n conjuclion,’
wlia’can be expected by the luckless devil, who
leasts upmi the freedom of an entire sentence!
n tairlv bewilders us to think how mauv indict
ments there must be in a pocket dictionary. We
respectfully suggest the propriety ot some grand
jury presenting the English Language at once,
and thus, while vindicating ‘the virtue and in
tegrity’ of all men, render this tree Republic a
healthy, virtuous asylum for the deaf and dumb
of all Nations. Verily, the Press, like all other
great powers, insists upon sacrificing iis slaves.”
Tlic Operatlou of the Bill.
The New York Times, alluding to the orders
issued by General Schofield, commander of the
First Military District, a copy of which appeared
in our columns yesterday morning, says: “ The
key-note to lhe execution of the law is already
struck by General Schofield in Virginia. Iu as
suming command ot the First District, with
headquarters at Richmond, that officer notifies all
civil authorities under the provisional State gov
ernment to continue in their duties till he may
otherw ise order. In iiiis way he wisely avoids
that peril of anarchy which was feared by some
statesmen as the inevitable issue ot the bill. lie
proposes to exercise military power “ only so tar
as necessary to accomplish the objects for which
it \x is conferred.” Other commanders will take j
the same ground—save, perhaps, in exceptional
quarters like Texas, or at some unusual epoch
like that ot a turbulent election. In this way
the denied revolution in the feeling of Southern
s «-irtx" x\ ill be accomplished, ami none the less
< fiectuallv for being smooth and noiseless." .
Imporlnnt Commercial Decision.
A decision very important to Northern credi
tors ot Southern debtors, has just been rendered
hx Judge Duval, of the Western District of
Texas. Northern creditors, in many Instances,
fiml their Southern debtors willing to pay the
principal of debts due before the war, but un
willing to pay the interest accruing during the
point at issue was, that all commer-
iurse bet xven the belligerents was sus-
xvar, aud the payment of
ents in one belligerent sec-
tlier xvas prohibited,
principal being prohibited,
ate the interest during the
Duval decided that au un-
the part of certain States of
irii v ot the people compris-
>f their constitutional olx-
; a separate and independent
tgh it resulted in war. did not
ot affairs analogus to those
.veen txvo distinct nations. If
prevent the collection of the
lebts due to people of the
ites residing in what are known a?
s. then he xxas at a loss to know why
iuunvsi should not be allowed. His opinion is,
that the war lately existing between the two
sections of the United Stales did not slop the
running of interest on contracts su!*sisUng be
tween ibe people ol these sections prior to the
war.
aries of nations and stayed fleets upon the high a ycar lroin the profitfl of Uicir circulation, all
ot which the government could save and apply
to t he liquidation of the debt. To accomplish
this, it is only necessary to withdraw the national
bank currency, and in place of that, issue legal
tenders. Three hundred millions of the interest
bearing bonds deposited by the banks for their
circulation, could be bought up by these legal
tenders and canceled. Instead of the banks re
ceiving the profits on a circulating medium to
which they have no right, the government and
people would receive them. That is all the
difference. We should, at the same time, have
a better and a uniform currency. We call upon
the President, therefore, to take up this impor
tant matter, also, in the message we recommend
him to issue.”
There it is—the “cat in the meal tub!” the
“ axe to grind! ” It is‘lie National Banks Me:
Bennett is alter, and the “ National Bank Act"
Mr. Bennett would have repealed. He wants to
have a better currency than iVv give, and a more
uniform one. Well, xv«-*liink the currency, as a
paper one, the yffT’which, uuder the present
condition of tac country, we could have, and as
a unifo-iA circulating medium, even in prosper
ous times, we can imagine no better. But the
'‘National Banks” must beware of the Herald
It. is evidently preparing for a grand onslaught
upon them, and for a thorough up-setting of the
whole system.
A Picture Well and Trntlifully Drawn.
The Washington City National Intelligencer
says : “ Mr. Sumner never will get over the nerv
ousness of a puritanical training. The high re
sponsibilities ot a long public career in an un
surpassed national convulsion ought to have libe
ralized him. But he is the same Charles Sum
ner that lie xvas iourteen years ago, more arro
gant, perhaps, but with no more faith in ideas,
save xvhen backed by coercive legislation. His
professions ought to commit him to the largest
toleration. But lie is constitutionally incapable
of seeing aught but one side, and his education,
scholarly as it is, has only confirmed the taint.
As, formerly, a slaveholder was, in his eye, the
embodiment of all that is vile, so now a “rebel ”
is the incarnation of all that is untrustworthy.—
He would ignore the Constitution and usurp
legislative powers, in order to stamp liis own
vagaries upon the future Commonwealths of the
South. A loudly-vaunting Republican, his only
idea ol libefty for others is that they shall think
as “ I” think. A leveler in theory, lie is a dicta
torial leader in the council. A red Republican
believe will be their ruin, partly from a lingerin'
hope that the courts will relieve them, and partly
from despair that anything they can say or do
will improve their condition. Iu all the confu
sion of thought and diversity ot sentiment which
the situation produces, on one subject there is an
overwhelming preponderance of opinion, namely,
that whatever course the State may pursue, all
must quietly and scrupulously ohej- the new form
of government, submit to all its regulations, bear
patiently all its hardships, and endeavor by peace
ful endurance to lighten the weight ol the burden
Among the many evils to which, it is predict
ed, the military despotism will give rise, that
xvhicli seems to be the most dreaded is the de
moralizing influence which the newly conferred
political poxver will have upon the negroes, first
in the destruction of all profitable labor, and then
in the antagonism, bad feeling and strife which
the attempted operation of social equality on the
one hand, and its resolute denial aud resistance
on the other, will almost inevitably create. Were
the negroes more enlightened, more accustomed
to the exercise and responsibilities of freedom,
and better trained to the duties of their condi
tion; and were the whites more free from the in
fluence of the habits, prejudices and social opin
ions in which they have been born and brought
up, there would be less ground for this apprehen
sion, and less reason to fear industrial or social
disturbance. But to one who lives in this coun
try, who knows the almost helpless ignorance,
childish w eakness and reckless improvidence of
the negro, and his utter unfitness for the discharge
ot the simplest duties of citizenship, it does not
appear to be unreasonable to fear that he will use
political power unwisely, aud that its possession
and exercise will unfit him tor the pursuit of that
honest, continuous industry by which aloDe be
can earn a livelihood and become a really useful
member of society. When he feels that he is
called to quit the plow to goto the meetings and
exercise a right which is denied to his employer,
he is not likely to return to the plow as content
ed as xvhen he left it, or as docile in liis recognition
of liis social inferiority to his employer, on which
the employer will insist more jealously than when
the lines of demarcation were more clearly drawn.
But if the negro’s instinct and the white man’s
sensitiveness do not produce this jealousy and
social disturbance, tbe influence of had and de
signing men, who for their own selfish purposes
xvill seek to control the negro vote, will certainly
produce them. Already in Augusta, where a
municipal election is about to take place, unscru
pulous agitators are working actively to array
the blacks against the whites, to make the for
mer believe that the latter are their deadly ene
mies, and that there is no safety for them but in
using the power which Congress lias given them
to acquire control of the affairs of the State. A
meeting of colored people has been held there,
at xvhicli a Radical laxvyer xvas present and made
a most inflammatory harangue, the tendency of
which xvas to create a bitter antagonism between
the txvo races. Here is the justification of llie
fear which fills every mind that the voting negro
xvill become a tool in tbe hands of bad men and
a dangerous politician, a disobedient aud unpro
fitable laborer, aud animated by ignorant instinct
and xvicked counsel xvill endeavor violently to
break down those social barriers which separate
him from what lias hitherto been considered the
superior race. When it is remembered that the
voting negro population is fulfy equal in numbers
to the whites who are now permitted to vole in
Georgia, ttie apprehensions which are expressed
cannot be set down as croaking, nor can those
xvho are not immediately affected b}’ it look on
the working of the experiment without anxiety
as to the result.
The Freedmen’s Bureau can by a wise firm
and enlightened use ot its power to a great ex
tent allay those fears by tbe impartial enforce
ment of labor contracts, the suppression and
punishment of agrarian tendencies, the protec
tion of the white man against the negro, as
xvell as the negro against the white man, and
by persistent efforts to encourage and foster
good feeling and good will between the races.
Hitherto the bureau, as represented bv many of
its agents, lias pursued an opposite policy, and
lias seemed to take it for granted, in every case
brought to its attention, that the negro must be
right and the xvhite man must be wrong. If it
can administer its duties impartially, With a view
to social aud industrial conservatism, and ignor
ing parties and politics, it can do vast good ; but
if it cannot, aud if it assumes every white man
to be a rebel and a malefactor, and every negro
to be a “ suffering lox’alist,” it will do incalcula
ble evil.
The President’s veto message on the Military
bill, now that it has been read in full, lias given
enthusiasm to the gratitude xvhicli the people
have long lelt toward him lor his steady efforts
to shield them from the fate which has befallen
them. It is regarded by those who read and re
flect and know, as one ot tbe ablest expositions
ot constitutional law, and of the rights and du
ties ot democratic government xvhicli has ever
J^?en made ; xvhile those who only see in it an
earnest effort to protect their liberties, and an
unflinching adherence to what the President
believes to be his duty, loudly applaud their
defender, even though the defense was vain, and
express the warmest gratitude to their advocate,
ex-en though the verdict has been advetse. No
body entertains the least doubt that the Presi
dent xvill faithfully execute the law, however
much he may disapprove it, and the universal
desire Dot to embarrass him in the execution ot
iiis duty, gives strength to tiie determination to
in teaching, he is a most thorough-paced sristo- - vie ] d tlie , most implicit obedience to the rules
. ^ t \ and regulations winch will supersede the ludsr-
crat in practice. An eloquent oratorical protest- j mcuts courts and the mandates of the statute
ant against the lolly and horrors of war, he gives j book,
utterance to a vindictiveness and proscription in
peace utterly unbecoming a warrior, much less a
non-resistant.”
The picture is xvell and truthfully drawn. We
have not a word to add to this correct portrai
uire of one whose “puritanical training” has
made him xvliat he is.
General Pope.
General Pope, since liis campaigns in Virginia,
lias been on duty among the Indians. A co-
temporary thinks this in his favor, as he xvili
cotne among us with a mind comparatively tree
from party*or sectional prejudices and malice.
General Pope was born in Illinois about 1822,
but appointed a cadet from Kentucky ; graduated
The Selma Seeling.
The telegraph announced a lexv days ago the
j holding of a large and enthusiastic meeting at
j Selina, Alabama, at which resolutions were
i passed “ recognizing the right of Congress to
prescribe terms tor the rea-dmission ot the sece-
’ ded Slates, and urging a prompt acceptance of
. the terms offered.” The following,from the Selma
i M onger, explains:
The meeting xvas called by a single person,
acting for himself, and in his own interest alone,
j and xvas composed mainly of the recently en-
| franchised freedmeu of this vicinity. It was
attended by Colonel White. Judge Conolev, and
j many others, gentlemen ot ability, ot integrity,
I of courage, and ot character, and utterly incapa-
: hie of being influenced bv any selfish or unworthy
war. The
dal interc.
pended >1
debts due
lion to re
The payui
the effect
pr.xhibiti.il
successful
this Union
at West Point in the corps of Topographical _ . _
. , . , ... , . . . “ , considerations, xvhose object was sole!v to pre-
Ltigmccrs; breveted First Lieutenant ami Car- vent if demagogues from establishing
tain lor gallant conduct at Monterey and Buena > aa influence over tbe new voters of this section
Vista; Captain in 1859; Colonel in June. 1861; , which would be used to the injury ot the entire
Brigadier General ot volunteers Jiiix-, 1861: com- : community.
ring the
rum resident
ideals in tli
Jml
r -rt I
>r a i;
tug then., to get
ligations aud erec
government, allLo;
crea’.e a condition
existing iu war bet
the xva* does not
principal of the
United Stales re>:
loyal S; ite>. then i
r.d
tnanded in Mi ssouri in February, 1862 ; captured
Nexv Madrid and aided in the capture of Island
10 ; commanded the advance at Corinth ; placed
in command in Virginia; and conducted the
campaign against the Indians.
The Montgomery Mail says: General Pope
has always borne the reputation of a clever gen-
tlcman of conservative views, and we believe
that liis appointment to tlie military commando!
this District xvill be a source of great relief to
the people.
Tbe resolutions were not adopted as stated by
the. dispatch, but a substitute was agreed upon,
which declares that “ we accept the situation,
and request the proper authorities to call a con
vention of the people of the State to take action
under the Military bill.”
fortune impeded if, by any act of their oxvn or of
others, they are deprived of the labor which the
planters and farmers of the Senth require.
At the time when the xvholu slave population
of the South xvas suddenly erffaaeipated, and re
lieved Irom the wise restrictions' xvhicli hail for
merly held them in subjection* their passions had
been aroused, their fancies had been excited, and
they had been assured that “freedom” would, in
itself, give them everything laiat is required to
constitute perfect animal happiness. Disappoint
ment came upon them when they found that
freedom only meant that they xvere at liberty to
work for and support themselves, and to receive
the xvages of their own labor; and thousands
for a time vegetated in idleness, or existed by
pilfering and plunder. Still there was little riot
and no great disorder, and the Southern negroes,
although they may have refused to work, con
ducted themselves, with some exceptions, in a
peaceable manner. There was uo attempt at
revolt or insurrection; and the world cannot
shoxv another iustance in xvhicli four millions of
people of an inferior race have been released
from control, with so little disturbance of public
order or derangement of public tranquility. The
free colored men still refkined some leaven of
their old condition, and they had sense enough
to feel that any conflict between them and the
xvhites must infallibly end in their own extinction
as a people,
The tree negro has learned already that he
must work to live ; and he is beginning to
thoroughly understand that he can better rely
upon the counsel and aid of his former masters
than upon those of strangers to him, aliens in
birth, habit and thought.
The colored people in the South have now
every freedom that they cat. desire. They are
protected by the laxvs, they can follow any trade
lor which they are qualified; and there is for the
most part a good feeling towards them. They
know also that, if they are industrious, they
can save money, while, also, they support their
families. Any anarchy, or antagonism of races
in the South would destroy the colored people.
They require the white capital to establish, the
intelligence to plan, and , tlie will to direct.
They cannot stand alone, and, deprived of the
support of the xvhites, they must either starve or
relapse into a c ondition or barbarism.
Many of tlie negroes bare since the close of
the xvar saved considerable sums of money;
others have established themselves in business.
The savings of the one and the business of the
other depend absolutely and entirely upon the
continued peace and tranquility of the section
in which they live. Trouble and political agi
tation which should cause the ruin of the plant
er, would deprive the negro of his employment,
and. compel him to spend : his savings for the
absolute necessaries of life. Trouble and politi
cal agitation, which should drive trade away
from our cities and cause the merchants and
storekeepers to close their doors, would destroy
the occupations by which the city negroes were
gaining their livelihood. The Southern people
require the negroes, because negro labor is that
to which they are accustomed, aud because that
labor can be used with advantage where white
labor cannot be profitably employed. Thus, the
whites and the blacks are, to a certain degree,
dependent upon each other; but not iu the same
degree, because, while the white can live with
out the black, experience has shown that the
black cannot make any progress unless be can
command the experience or example of tbe
xvhite to direct him in all his undertakings.
Let our people bear these things carefully and
constantly in mind. They must remember that
every reasonable allowance must be made for the
colored people. They are but children, and it is
idle to expect from them the wisdom anil caution
of the mau of age. That our people xvill tor the
most part be just, temperate and considerate in all
their dealings with the colored people, the expe
rience of the past txvo years has proved; and, if
the colored people require to he taught or advised,
it is tar better that these things he done by oui>
own people than by others xvho have different
purposes to serve.
The Southerners demand aud require perlecl
tranquility, and the negroes must be taught that
this tranquility is just as essential to them and
their security. Northern men who have settled
in the South will lend their support to those xvho
are resolved to retain peace; and, if any attempt
be made to control the negroes for party or revo
lutionary purposes, every white man in the South
must try to convince, as he may and can, tlie ne
groes with whom lie is brought into contact that
ruin to them, and nothing less, would most infal
libly by sueli proceeding be caus d.
While the negroes were slaves they xvere care
fully watched and their every necessity provided
lor. Our duties have not ceased now that our
former slaves are free, and we owe it as a duty to
ourselves that, while any effort of ours can avert
it, the colored peopleshall not be allowed through
ignorance to imperil us, and at tlie same time de
stroy themselves.
Specie Payments.
The New York Tribune is for resuming specie
payments at once. It admits that the proceed
ing would not be free Irom inconvenience—but
says the editor:
Let us imagine the very worst that could come
to pass—that everybody should take to sueiug
and harassing ex'erybodj’—that all values should
shrink and shrivel—that traffic should be para
lyzed—that those xvho luffd national bank notes
should first run the banks tor greenbacks, and
then run the Treasury for gold— intact, suppose
even* one to act as insanely as possible—what
then? Who does not know that, in such a state
ot collapse, our imports would be nearly sus
pended, while our exports would be largely
swelled, so that specie woul 1 soon be pouring in
upon us from Europe in paxunent tor our cotton,
tobacco, cheese, butter, iard, Ac. And how
could we be forced again into suspension, with
gold and silver flowing in upon us from Europe
on the one hand, and from our oxvn mining re
gion on the oilier ?
At the very worst, we could but pay out our
last and stop. What then? Would the premi
um on gold shoot up into the thirties? No;
because there would be no real demand for gold.
Europe could not draw it Irom es; our oxvn
market would be deluged with the $107,000,000
drawn from our Treasury, added to that daily
pouring in from our mines and from Europe;
the very men who drew the gold out of our
poor ol the South, xve
to arrest serious consideration, as being exceed- 1 copy below a list of provisions aud articles fur-
ingly s.-nsible and well-timed! nished by the Southwestern Relief Commission,
The close of tlie xvar, emancipation and the of Louisville, Kentucky, to March 1,1867 :
Seven barrels cured mutton to Governor Pat
ton, Montgomery, Alabama.
Seven barrels cured mutton to Mayor Williams,
of Atlanta, Georgia.
One car load shelled corn to Judges of Inferior
Court of Cobb county, Georgia; shipped to Ma
rietta, Georgia.
One car load xvhite shelled corn to Cartersville,
Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of
Cass county.
One car load white shelled corn to Rome,
Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of
Floyd county.
One tierce meat, 50 sacks shelled corn, 1 bar
rel bacon, 3 barrels kraut, 1 barrel beans, and 1
box clothing, to the Mayor ot Chattanooga,
Tennessee.
One hundred sacks white shelled com to Cal
houn, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior
Court of Gordon county.
Five barrels flour, 1 large box new tinware, 50
sacks shelled corn, 1 barrel mess pork, and 1 box
containing tea, garden seed, 12 pairs shoes, 12
pairs socks, 12 blankets, flannel, jeans, sundries,
&c., to the Mayor oi Columbus, Georgia.
Two boxes meat, 50 bags corn, and box con
taining coats, socks, shoes, garden seed, tea, Ac.,
for the Mayor of Decatur, Alabama.
Two barrels kraut, 1 box meal, and box con
taining linsey, yarn, socks, muslin, clothing, tea
garden seed, sundries, &c., &c., to the Mayor of
Milledgeville, Ga.
One tierce hams, and box con taining'20 dresses
for females, 10 pairs pants, 12 vests, shoes, cloth
ing, socks, tea, garden seed, sundries, &c., &c.,
to the Mayor of LaGrange, Georgia.
Fifty sacks shelled corn, 1 barrel bams and 1
barrel mess beef, to the Mayor of Huntsville,
Alabama.
Four barrels flour, 1 barrel sugar, 1 barrel vine
gar, 1 box canned truit, and box sundries. Ten
nessee Orphan Assylum at Clarksville, Tennes
see.
One car load shelled corn, and box containing
8 dozen hose, coats, pants, dresses, tea, garden
seed, &c., &c., to Madison, Georgia, for the
Judges of the Inferior Court of Morgan county,
One hundred and twenty-five sacks shelled
corn for the Judges of the Probate Court of Tal
ladega county, Alabama.
One car load shelled com to Washington,
Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of
Wilkes county.
Seven barrels cured m*at, 8 barrels potatoes,
and 100 sacks shelled com, to the Mayor of Co
lumbus, Georgia.
Five barrelsjttour, 166 sacks shelled com, and 1
box bacoD, to "Dalton, Georgia, ior the Judges of
the Inferior Court of Whitfield county.
One hundred and forty sacks shelled com for
Mayor of LaGrange, Georgia.
One hundred and forty sacks shelled corn for
Mayor of Milledgeville, Georgia.
One car load shelled corn to Franklin, Georgia,
for Judges of Inferior Court ot Heard county.
One hundred and txventy-five sacks com, 3
boxes boots and shoes and 1 barrel beef, to Rev.
Dr. Ilornady, Atlanta, Georgia.
One hundred and eighty-four sacks shelled
corn and 1 barrel meat, to Trenton, Georgia, for
Judge of Probate Court of DeKalb countyr Ala
bama.
One hundred and twenty-five sacks corn, 3
barrels flour and 3 barrels meat, to Greensboro’,
Georgia, for Judges of Inferior Court of Greene
county.
One car load com aud 5 barrels meat, to Ring-
gold, Georgia, for Judges of Inferior Court of
Catoosa couuty.
One hundred and sixty-five sacks corn and
meat, to Rev. Mr. Ilornady, Atlanta, Georgia.
One hundred and twenty-five sacks com, 5
plows and 5 poiuts, (extra,) to Mayor of Macon,
Georgia.
Three barrels flour, 3 barrels meat, 4 barrels
potatoes, 5 ploxvs anti points, and 127 sacks corn,
to Jonesboro, Georgia, for Judges Inferior. Court
of Fayette county.
Fix'e boxes clothing, &c., to Rev. Mr. Homadv,
Atlanta, Georgia.
One hundred aud fifteen sacks corn, to Cal
houn, Georgia, for Judges Inferior Court of Gor
don county.
One hundred and thirty-six sacks shelled corn
and 5 'ploxvs and points, to Palmetto, Georgia,
tor Judges Inferior Court of county.
One hundred and twenty-five sacks com and
5 plows and points, to Tunnel Hill Georgia, tor
Judges Inferior Court of Flox’d county.
One car load corn aud 5 plows and points, to
Tuscunibia, Alabama, for Judge of Probate of
Franklin county, Alabama.
One thousand two hundred and seventeen
sacks corn, 2 casks meat, 3 boxes clothing, and 5
barrels flour, &c., have been received, drayed
aud lbrxvarded tor other charitable organizations.
Samuel A. Miller, Gen. Ag’t.
Office at Board of Trade Rooms, Main, be-
txveen Fourth and Fifth.
Hass neetius of Freedmen,
The freedmen held a meeting at Savannah on
Monday, Some three thousand are reported by
the papeis of that city to have been present.—
The meeting xvas addressed by several colored
and white speakers. As an indication of the
progressive features of the times, xve copy the
resolutions, as adopted by the meeting, which is
said to have been quiet and orderly:
Whereas, Tlie Congress of the United States
has recently passed an act called the “ Sherman
Military Bill,” wherein it is enacted that all male
persons above the age of twenty-one years, with
out distinction of race or color, who have resided
ior one j’ear in the State, except such persons as
previous to the war took an oath to support the
Constitution and Government ot the United States
and subsequently swore allegiance to the so-called
Confederate Government, or have been convict
ed of felony, shall have tlie right to vote at any
election of delegates to State Conventions or city,
county, Stale or United States officers, which
may he held at any time hereafter; and,
Whereas, This act has caused a profound sensa
tion throughout the country, and will result in
great aud important changes in the political sta-
lus of a large portion of the Southern people;
therefore, we the people of Savannah in mass
meeting assembled to consider the situation of
the country, and being fully impressed with our
duties and responsibilities at the present crisis; do,
Peso lie, That we will accept the situation and
do all in our power to aid in the reconstruction
ot the country, iu the form and manner prescrib
ed by Congress.
Resolved, That while loyal men and no others
shall receive our support for public offices of
trust or profit, we will also endeavor as far as
possible to banish fmm the minds and hearts ol
the people all prejudices and animosities engen
dered by the late unhappy xvar, to the end that
peace, harmony and prosperity may again bless
every section of our common country.
Resolved, That it is the duty of the colored peo
ple to receive instruction, advice and assistance
from all loy r al persons who are willing to impart
the same, but especially those who have proved
themselves the true and tried friends of their
race. And that we will, believing it to be the
Treasury would be glad to put it back and take j of every good citizen, to encourage in every
greenbacks in lieu ol it- We should soon have | ble manner any person or persons establish-
two specie dollars comiDg into the Treasury for j U g an d conducting schools to educate, elevate
every’ one running out. ! a[ld enlignten them, and we pledge to such insti-
the Supreme Court:
1. By the writ of quo warranto.
2. By the xviit of prohibition.
3. By tlie xvrit of habeas corpus.
4. By the xvrit of certiorari.
I. The common law xvrit of quo irarranto
is in the nature ot a writ of right of the sover
eign against persons who claim or usurp any
office, franchise, liberty or privilege belonging to
the sovereign, to inquire by xvliat authority they
support their claim, or order that its right may
be determined. (Selwyn’s Nisi Prius.)
Noxv, as tbe people are the sovereign iu this
country,-tlie proceedings under this xvrit can
properly be had in the name ot the people ot the
United States, by the Attorney General against
the President (who, as lhe cliief executive, is
required to administer the new laxv) and those
acting under his authority by virtue of tlie act of
Congress. Proceedings can also be commenced
in the name of the people ot any one ot the
affected States, by the Attorney General of such
State, against any person xvho claims or at
tempts to usurp the noxv existing State govern
ment.
II. The writ of prohibition is issued to forbid
or prohibit a court or party, to xvlioin it is di-
rected^ from proceedings in a suit or matter de
pending before such court, upon (lie suggestion
that the cognizance of such suit or matter does
not belong to it.
The proceeding by prohibition can be taken
by^uy person whose right to life, liberty or pro
perty, is beiug tried or adjudicated upon by any
martial proceedings whatever. (3 Term, 382; 2
Cowper, 427 ; 3 East, 472.)
III. By habeas corpus, by tbe poxvers of which
aDy person who is restrained of his liberty, un
der color ot martial law, can have liis case
brought before aud reviexved by tlie Justices ol
the Supreme Court.
IV. The writ of certiorari xvould compel a
military tribunal to give a certified record of any
ot its proceedings, in which the life, liberty or
propert3 r oF a citizen might be imperiled, to the
Supreme Court, in order that the xvhole matter
can be reviewed aud passed upon by that court.
The proceedings under the txvo first mention
cd writs are regulated in tbe United States courts
by the common law practice, as it is used in the
Court of King’s Bench in England; and the
writs are empowered to be issued by the United
States judiciary laxv of 1789, xvhicli enacts that
“ all the before mentioned courts (in xvhicli is in
cluded tbe Supreme Court of the United States,)
shall have power to issue xvrits of scire facias,
habeas corpus, aud all other writs not specially
provided tor by statute, which may be necessary
for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions
and agreeable to tlie principles and usages ot
laws.” (Brightly’s U. S. Dig., 301, aud authori
ties therein cited.)
The threats of the Radicals that tlie Supreme
Court will be “ reconstructed ” in the event ot a
decision that is unfavorable to them, should have
no terrors to those xvho fill our highest judicial
stations, whose imperative duty it is that they
should obey their oaths of office, and shall be
true to the great charter of our liberties, xvhich
is their only guidance.
“The Comiiis Han.’’
We are indebted to the New York correspon
dent of the Charleston Courier tor the folloxving
sketch of the “coming man,” xvho is to play the
role ot Cffisar or Napoleon, and trample the Re
public under his iron heel, and rear an Empire
on its ruins:
Congressman Brooks, of this city, in his recent
speech in the House on the impeachment ques
tion, took occasion to predict that alter the Radi
cals shall have reduced our political system to
chaos and anarchy, some Caesar or Napoleon
will arise and trample the Republic under his
iron heel. A very natural curiosity exists as to
the identical individual who is to rear an Empire
on the ruins of our institutions. Who is the
“coming man ?” Of course he must be alive and
aspiring at the present moment, and there are
numerous placemen, politicians, aud “uncondi
tional loyalists” who xvould like to know him, so
as to attach themselves in time to the tail of his
kite. Of course he must have a combination of
all those rare qualities, which insured success to
Caesar and the two BoDapartes. It is patent that
Grant does not asxver the requirements. He is
by no means a great man, though circumstances
towards the close of the xvar made him a suc-
cesstul soldier. Neither do Sherman, Stanton,
Thad. Stevens, or Ben. Wade come up to tbe
mark. Sherman is eccentric, and does not pos
sess the confidence of his brother officers. Stan
ton is a man of mighty power, but thoroughly
hated all over the country. The others make
up in violence and malignity what they lack in
ability. A Western friend of mine imagines he
sees the “coming man” in General John A. Lo
an, now the leading Radical in the great State
of Illinois. Logan has all tlie “points” for a
first class American Caesar. He is politic when
it suits tbe times; he is violent when fury rules
the hour. He is a splendid soldier. He is the
most impassioned orator in the Northwest. He
has great mental strength, unflagging energy and
unbounded ambition. He lias just entered Con
gress as tlie Representative at large of the State
ot Illinois. Before the war, when Democracy
xvas in the ascendant, be was an ardent Democrat,
and quite as pro-slax’ery as Dickinson, Butler,or
Forney. He jumped in xvitli the tide and led
a Union regiment to the xvar. Just now, he is
playing the role of Jacobin. He has been mak
ing speeches in Connecticut for the Radical ticket,
and has been advocating the enfranchisement of
negroes (in Tie South only) tlie disfranchisement
of whites, the confiscation of “rebel” property,
the smashing ot the Supreme Court, the impeach
ment of President Johnson, and the immediate
hanging ot Jefferson Davis. He is working like
a beaver for the Radical nomination for the Pres
idency, and lie may lie Mr. Brooks’ future Em
peror. Who knows. I beg all politicians and
‘unconditional loyalists” to watcli Jack Logan,
aud it possible, get on to tlie tail of Ids kite. He
will have Dukes and Counts, and Knights to
make, aud who but the faithful xvill be blessed ?
We believe the government might salely
resume to-morrow—that its reserve ot specie is
sufficient—that, even should it prove otherwise,
and the Treasury forced to suspend again—there
would be no panic, and that the premium on
gold would henceforth be nominal ouly.
Mule Thieves.—A Mississippi paper states
that a fexv days since tlie plantation of Colonel
The Cotton Sfinxeks South.—The Rich
mond Era miner, regarding manufactures in
North Caorlina, says:
“The State is wide awake. Fayetteville has
alwa3's been a manufacturing town, and before
the war there were over a dozen cotton factories
there and in that vicinity. At Raleigh a factory
is to be built for the manufacture of xvoolen and
Breck. about fourteen miles above Canton, was cotton goods ot a fine qualitx - . At Charlotte is j flay last,
visited bv a party of nude thieves, and twelve : tbe Rock IslamUIaoufacturing Company, whose
- ' . . ; factory turns out the best cloths and cassimeres.
nuiics and txvo horses—bis entire equine force j^ipjgh Sentinel has seen samples of these,
and declares that they are superior to imported.
This mill runs 2,500 spindles, turns out 2,500
yards of cloth a week, consumes 3,000 pounds of
wool weekly, or from 120,000 to 160,000 a year.
The old North State, too, has various factories
scattered here and there throughout her terri
tory.”
Fatal Accident.—The Opelika Recorder of
the 16th sa3’s: On Monday evening last, as Mr.
T. Y. Griggs, of this place, an employee of the
Montgomery and West Point Railroad, was rid
ing on a hand-car, near Loachapoka, he acci
dentally fell off, in front of the car, when he was
run over and fatallj injured. He was brought to
his residence in tins place on the 10 o'clock Ex
press train at night, and after suffering most ex-
crutiating pain, died on Tuesday evening last.—
Several years ago, Mr. Griggs was conductor on
the branch road from this place to Columbus.—
The Confederate Debt.
The National Republican, of 3'esterday, has
an editorial to prove that, if tlie Southern States
are, according to Stevens’ theory and assertion,
conquered provinces,” the United States, as
the conqeror, is bound, by the law ot nations,
to pay the entire Confederate debt. The Re
publican. sa3’s;
But it has been suggested that this point lias
been guarded by having the late rebels repudiate
those Confederate debts. A very little reflec
tion, however, will show tiiat repudiation does
not remove nor cancel tlie liability, at least, for
tiie deb's held in Europe. We must extend our
views across the Atlantic for tiie data for resolv
ing this point. Take tlie case of Admiral Wal
lace and iiis associates, who hoid millions of
Confederate bonds, as an example. They are
subjects of Great Britain, aud by tlie laws of
nations are entitled to call upon their Govern
ment to protect and enforce their legal rights as
agaiDSt the United States. Suppose the British
Government, shall entertain their appeal and
demand the payment of those bonds on the
ground that they were created by a de facto
Government and issued to Britirii subjects, and
that the United States merely occupies tlie
position of conqueror of that Government, xvliat
answer can we make to the demand ? Is it not
obvious that xve can make no substantial answer
whatever if the Stevens’ theory be sound ?
Ue xvas buried with Masonic honors, on \V ednes- • Government of the United States, and pledge
tutions our hearty co-operation and support.
Resolved, That xve are the friends of laxv and
order, and counsel cheerful obedience to consti
tuted authority. That we possess in the ballot
box a constitutional and effectual remedy for op
pression, unjust legislation and corrupt adminis
tration, and will guard with the utmost care the
sacred rights and inestimable privileges of every
American citizen.
Resolved, Tnat xve invite labor and capital in
all parts of the world to come to our assistance
in the great work of developing the immense re- j
sources of our State—pledging them a cordial j tions. In view of this startling and alarroin^
welcome, and our hearty co-operation and pro- | condition of affairs, xve hail the passage of tiie
lection ; condemning all legislation tending to ; Bankrupt act as a positive blessing, aud regard
discourage their introduction. ; it as tbe oni3’ sensible piece of legislation enact-
Resol.zed, That our faith in the future prosperi- ; ed b3’ the late Congress. Thousands xvill be
tv and stabilitx’ ot this great Republic is unsha- compelled to avail themselves of its provisions,
ken, and that we to-day swear anew to support and to commence tlie struggle ot iite anexv.
South Carolina.—The Chester Standard, of
Thursday, says:
More than oue thousand writs and acceptances
were served and received in this District during
the last week. Ver3* few of our citizens escaped
these interesting mementoes ot former transac-
xvent a wax-under their care aud guardianship.
Pursuit xvas made, and two of the mules found
on tlie piaee of Win. Tucker.
Tlie plantation of Mr. Atkinson, near Battle
Springs, was also visited, and some five or six
j of the quadrupeds above mentioned were taken.
Stonewall Jackson.—Efforts are being made
by the lacuiiy aud alumni of the Virginia Mili
tary Institute to erect a memorial chapel to com
memorate the services ot Stonewall Jackson, and
in memory of Crutchfield, Patton aud others of
the alumni, who fell during the recent struggle.
Agents are now engaged in various portions of
the country soliciting subscriptions for this pur
pose.
ourselves to maintain the honor of the dear old
flag.
Conservative CoNVENTlON.—The conserva
tive mc-miiers of the Tennessee Legislature have
issued a call for a ConveulioD, to be held in the
Cit3' of Nashville, on the 16th day of April, j thousand wises were recorded by the Clerk
The Greenville Mountaineer sa3*s:
Last Saturday was return day fnrtiiis District,
and perhaps nevei before has anything like so
large a number of writs been returned as now
crowd tbe docket for a hearing at this court. It |
really seems as if a panic li.-ul seize-1 upon al
most even' creditor in the Distiici. Over one
... .....
1867, to nominate a candidate for Governor, j doubt, however, whether man3' of the debtors
We recognize among the .signers, the names of; will suffer from the consequences of this almost
some of the best men in the State. (indiscriminate and unreasonable method of suing.
Graut and Leo after the Surrender.*
Generals Grant, Ord aud Sheridan, with three
or four staff officers each, xvent up to the court
house, and of our staff there went three, a senior
aid, the chief of staff and the adjutant general.
Tue town consisted ot about five houses, a tavern
and a court house, all on one street, and that was
boarded up at one end to keep the cows out. On
the right hand as xve went in xvas the principal
residence, owned by Mr. McLean, and to his
house General Grant was directed to meet Gene
ral Lee. At the fence the xvhole party dismount
ed, and walking over a. narrow grass plat to the
house, noticed General Lee’s horse nibbling
there, iu charge of an orderly, who was holding
Iiis oxvn as xvell. General Grant entered the
house with one or two of liis staff, and the rest
of us sat down on the piazza and waited. Mr.
McLean xvas out there, too, but so much excited
by his appreciation of passing events that he did
not know where his pump xvas, or whether he
had an3’, or if not, couldn’t tell us whether there
was a spring. In a moment Colonel Babcock
came out, smiling, whirled his hat around his
head once, and beckoned Generals Ord and Sher
idan to come in. They walked the floor 9ilentlx r
as people do who have the first peep at a bab3\
and alter awhile General Lee came out and sig
naled to his orderly to bridle his horse. While
this was being done he stood on the lowest step
of the piazza (xve had all risen respectfully as he
passed down) and looking over into the valley
towards his army, smote his hands together seve
ral times in an absent sort of way, utterly un
conscious of the people about him, and seem
ing to see nothing till his horse was led in
front of him. As he stood there he appeared to
be about sixty years of age, a tall, soldierly figure
of a man, with a full giay beard, a new suit of
gray clothes, a high, gra3 r felt hat, with a cord,
long buck-skin gauntlets, high riding-boots and
a beautiful sworu. He was all that our fancy had
painted him, and he had the sympathy of us all
as he rode away. Just as he gathered up his
bridle, General Grant went down the steps, and
passing in front of his horse, touched his hat to
General Lee, who made a similar salute, and then
left the yard and returned to his own lines with
his orderly and single stall officer who had ac
companied him to the interview, and who was
said to have been Colonel Marshall, his chief of
staff, a quiet looking man in spectacles, looking
more like one of thought than action. General
Grant presented something of a contrast to Gen
eral Lee, in the way of uniform, not only in col
or, but in style and general effect. He had on a
sugar loaf hat, almost peculiar to himself, a frock
coat, unbuttoned and splashed with mud, a dark
vest, dark blue pantaloons, tucked into top boots,
muddy also, and no sword. His countenance
was not relaxed at all, and not a muscle of his
face told tales of his thoughts. If he was very
much pleased by the surrender of Lee, nothing
iu his air or manner indicated it. The joyful
occasion didn’t seem to awaken in him a respon
sive echo, and he went aud mounted his horse
and rode away silently, to send off a dispatch
which should electrify the North, and set all the
church bells ringing on this happy Sunday eve
ning.
* With General Sheridan iu General Lee’s last Cam
paign, by a Staff Officer.
Florida News.
We transfer the following correspondence to
our columns, from the Savannah*News and Her
ald :
^ Jacksonville, Fla., March 17, 18C7.
The force of tbe battle-axe has at last been
felt in this toxvn. Yesterday Colonel Sprague
arrived here from St. Augustine, and through
Colonel Mahoney, of the Freedmen’s Bureau, in
formed the citizens that the toxvn was, from this
date, virtually under martial law. The Sergeant
of the corporation was instructed to inform the
Mayor of the fact, and also to state, at the elec
tion advertised to take place the first of April
for municipal officers, negroes were to be allow
ed to vote.
Our people are not prepared for this sudden
change, but as it is the will of Sherman & Co.,
against the’wz populi of the Southern States,
they bow an humble obedience.
It is with regret that I inform your readers of
the withdrawal of Dr. Steele from the editorial
department of tlie Florida Union. The loss of
this polished gentleman and accomplished scho
lar will be seriously felt by his world of friends,
who so much admired the bold and independent
course be has pursued since the close of the late
unhappy war, iu defense of that which he be
lieved to be due from a nation of pcoplo who
boast of one ot the best governments under the
sun. Dr. Steels xvas educated in the school tlia-
taught States’ rights principles, and for a numt
her of years has been a decided advocate of
Democratic doctrines. The Doctor was bitterly
opposed to the Sherman Military bill, and could
not consent to support a measure that brought
his oxvu head to the block, and at the same time
disfranchised so large a number ot his most
cherished friends, consequently he withdraws
from tlie Florida Union, aud wishes our common
country well.
The murderer of Mrs. Rushing, wife of the
Rev. Mr. Rushing, of whom I made mention iu
my las’, has been caught. After being captured
he confessed his guilt, but the impudence he dis
played about the matter was provoking. -On
the way to prison he attempted to escape, when
lie was shot and killed.
The negro, Weaver, xvho made an assault upon
Mr. Jiio. Burwell, ot Selma, Alabama, with a
pair of brass knuckles aud broke his jaw in
three places, was tried before our Circuit Court,
found guilty and sentenced to be imprisoned for
six months. C. E. 6.
llow to HUk the Cows.
Tlie first process in the operation of milking
is, to make the cow’s acquaintance; give her to
understand that the milker approaches her with
none other than friendly intentions; for, if he
swears, scolds, or kicks her, she will give the
milker the benefit ot ber heels, which, in my
opinion, he is justly entitled to.
Before commencing to milk the coxv, she should
be fed, or have some kind of fodder; in the en
joyment of tlie mastication of the same, her
attention is withdraxvn from tlie milker’s opera
tions, and the milk is not “ held up,” as the say
ing is, but is yielded freely.
The milker should not sit off at a distance, like
a coward, but his Iett arm should come iu con
tact with the leg of the cow, so that she cannot
kick. Before commencing to milk, the teats are
to be washed in cold water iu warm weather,
and warm water in winter.
The best milker is a merciful man. The udder
aud teats are highly organized and very sensi
tive, and these tacts should be taken into con
sideration, especially when milking a young
cow, for the teats are sometimes excessivefy
tender, and the hard tugging aud squeezing
which many poor sensitive creatures have i<>
endure, at the bands of some thoughtless, barri-
tisted man, are really distressing to witness.
A better milker than even a merciful man is a
woman. Tlie principal part of the milking in
private establishments, in foreign countries, is
done by xvoinen ; and, in the United States, there
are thousands of capable women out of employ
ment, who might be advantageously emplo3 r ed
iu private dair3’ establishments as milkmaids.
An indolent person—slow coach—should
never be suffered to touch a cow’s teat; the
pr jeess, to say the least of it, is painful; there
fore, the best milker is the one xvho can abstract
the milk in tlie quickest time.
Finally, milk the cow dr3*. Tlie last of the
milk is the most valuable, yet Mr. Hurry-up
cannot find time to attend to this matter, conse
quently he loses the best ol the milk and actually
ruins the cow as a milker.—Dr. Dadd.
California.—A New York paper notices the
arrival at that port of a lieav3* cargo of grain
aud flour from California, and sa3's:
Heretofore xve have looked for gold dust and
silver bars Irom the State of California, latterly
the quantity and quality ot her wines have been
noticeable, but within tlie past ‘wo months she
has sent us xvbeat and flour in such bulk as to
attract attentiou and merit comment. By the
arrival of the steamer this week 2,000 barrels,
2,016 sacks and 4,022 packages ol flour were
added to tlie stock in market, while by sailing
vessel which arrived on the same da}" xvere re
ceived 17,405 sacks of wheat.
Although this flour is not as desirable for fami
ly use as some of our Eastern brands, it is excel
lent iu quality aud pays a very fair piofit. Old
merchants who, in 1849, paid trorn $100 to $250
a barrel in San Francisco for Eastern flour, may
well open their eyes at a profit ot a dollar a bar
rel on a similar article raised at the other end ot
the same route.
Illinois.—Tlie State of Illinois has now a
laxv authorizing tiie jury xvliich convicts a cul
prit of leiuuious homicide to decide whether the
penalty shall be death, imprisonment for life, or
imprisonment for a term of years.