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ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
Wednesday, April 17, 1866.
TennenM.
Not withstanding the somewhat unfavorable
character ol the spring thus far, the crop pros-
l>ect in Tennessee is good—better perhaps than
for several years past. It is true that many of
the farms on the rivers were damaged by the late
high waters, but these constitute a very small
proportion of the lanos of that productive re
gion, and the loss will Ik* more than overcome
by the renewed energy and industry which the
people are devoting to their agricultural inter
ests—at last, the only safe and reliable source of
a large and enduring prosperity. In all the
country South of the Tennessee River, the fields
are green w ith the growing wheat, and expe
rienced farmers give it as Iheiropinion that with
out any casualties between this time and harvest,
the yield will be heavier to the acre than for
some years past.
The political condition in Tennessee, how
ever, does not appear to be quite so hopeful—
don’t bloom out quite so promisingly. It is said
when the wicked rule the people mourn.—
Whether this will apply to our neighbors up the
road just now, is not for us to say. But if they’
are not mourning at this precise time, it seems
to us that they are gradually approaching a con
dition when the cause for lamentation will not
be wauling.
For twenty-five years the negro filled a prom
inent place in the political history of the coun-
tiy, and the struggle which ended in his freedom
cost the lives of more persons than were ever
sacrificed in the liberation of any race licfore.
He has had the ballot placed iu his band, and is
henceforth to be a greater oUecl of the atten
tions of politicians than cvc^^Our friends in
Tennessee, at this time, are engaged in the busi
ness of quarreling ns to who shall vote him, and
“radical niggers” and “copperhead niggers,”
are said to lie coming terms of quite familiar
usage. 11 mny Ik; humiliating, it may be a source
of great mortification to people of delicate sensi
bilities. But those who enfranchised the freetl-
mati certainly lmd no right to expect that they
would be allowed to use him for their own espe
cial purpose; and if they had no other intention
than that, and were actuated by no higher mo
tives, then tiieir efforts in his behalf are solely
without merit, and will ultimately prove mis
chievous.
Wc have heard it suggested that Georgia is
slowly, but surely drilling into the same condi
tion as Tennessee. We hope not, lor a more
unpleasant state of affairs, in a political sense,
than now exists there, is difficult to conceive of.
In fact, we think that, just now, a residence in
the third military district is decidedly preferable
Senator AVilxon, of lUaMMackunettM.
Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, delivered
speech at Petersburg, Virginia, on Thursday
night of last week. We have given it a hatsy
perusal as we find it reported in several of our
exchanges, aud must say that the speaker took
pretty wide and free range in his remarks
much so, perhaps, as though he had been ad
dressing a Boston audience. It is said Senator
Wilson contemplates making the tour of the
Southern States, with the view of addressing the
people at various points upon the political situa
tiou of the country, ami especially in regard to
what is expected of the people of this section iu
the work of reconstruction. That the honorable
gentleman can travel over the Soul h and speak
whenever ami wherever he may feel so inclined
tree from rudeness or interruption, everybody' in
this direction knows; and wc trust his trip will
haye this effect at least, if no other, to remove
the ill-grouuded opinion that prevails so exten
sively at the North, that men from that section
are not safe in either person or property in the
States lately hi armed hostility' to the government
We have only room tor a short extract from
Senator Wilson’s remarks at Petersburg. The
gentleman said:
You made a mistake in consulting with Demo
crats; the more you consult with them the more
exacting will the majority in Congress become,
The South cannot count on any aid from them
aud the looking to them lor assistance will be the
cause of their defeat.
Congress has prescribed the terms of recon
structlon. These were not intended to degrade
or humiliate any man. I would cut off my right
baud before 1 would vote with any such motive
The intention of Congress was to settle the whole
controversy on a permanent and solid basis.—
Unless it was settled right it would never be set
tied; and to be settled right it must be settled on
a basis of justice and humanity.
You are asked to adopt the Constitutional
Amendment. And what does that provide V It
declares, first, who shall be citizens of the 8tntes
aud by it every colored man in America is to
day, as much a citizen as the President of the
United States.
2. That no Slnte shall pass any law abridging
the privileges of any citizen. By this is meant
that every citizen, black or white. North or
South,naturalized or native, shall have equal pro
tection under the law, and no State shall have
power to take this from him, and Congress is
clothed with power to enforce this provision, and
the means to do it; and thus is the question set
tled forever. It is not proposed as a measure of
degradation, but a means of lifting aud protect
iug the poor and dependent.
8. Persons who, having taken an oath to sup
port the Constitution, afterwards engaged in
rebellion, shall not Ik* permitted to hold office,
but this can be repealed by a two-thirds vote of
Congress, with regard to classes or persons af-
lected by it. 1 say- when this question is settled,
as 1 believe it will In* very- shortly, these disabili
ties will rapidly disappear. I have fought for
thirty years to emancipate the black man, and
have seen his rights planted on a basis solid and
enduring. No one can take them from him.
While I have fought for them, I tell you frankly
1 have no heart to take rights lrom any of mv
fellow-citizens. 1 trust that these disabilities
w ill vanish in a few months. 1 want to see all
tree and protected in their civil rights. I am in
lavor of schools, and the education of the blacks
as well as the whiles —of internal improvements
aud manufactures on all your great streams;
animated by these sentiments, I do not want to
see any individual, however he may have acted,
disfranchised, humiliated or degraded. In this
spirit I mean to act, 1 have never failed, siuce
the close of the war, when called upon, except
iu a siugle instance, to give my’name aud influ
ence to aid those who stood in need of it. And
the men of my State—Abolitionists as you call
them—are among the foremost in asking pardon
and forgiveness, aud in blotting out the memo
ries ot the great struggle.
I see around me everywhere evidences of the
final triumph ot the cause. Less than two months
a>ro the reconstruction bill was passed, and from
all parts of the country intelligence is coming up
that the people will accept it. and will form con
stitutions iu accordance with its provisions, as
well as do all other tilings required of them, and
I believe that by the -ith of March next the ten
excluded States will be represented in Congress.
\ ou are to discuss this question among your
selves, and iu doing this there is one thing you
ought to learu, aud that is, that you have aiwavs
been too intolerant iu matters ot political opin-
iou. A ou have different churches, and different
forms of religious Indict, and you tolerate them,
but in differences of opinion oil political matters
you have been exceedingly intolerant, w hich I
regard as a lault, and I trust this is also to pass
away forever, and that men of all creeds and
shades of opinion will be permitted to come
among you and discuss with the same lreedom
on political subjects, as on any other poiut of
controversy. I told you I was a Radical Repub- ;
bean, but I am not here to-night to address a
Republican meeting, but am speaking to men
who differ with me, and I thank you for your!
kiudness in listening to me
Entertainment to General Pope.
The “ Daily Opinion ” of yesterday morning
says of the “complimentary banquet” to Gene
ral PorE, given at the National Hotel the previ
ous night:
“ The energetic action of a number of our
citizens, directed to appropriately receive Major
General Pope, commander of the Third Military
District, resulted in one of the most agreeable
re-unions it has ever been our good fortune to
witness. The arrangements of the hosts of the
National were complete—the capacious dining
room was filled with a large number of promi
nent citizens, and the entire proceedings were
characterised by frequent expressions of good
feeling and patriotic sentiments. The late hour
at which the festivities closed compels an abbre
viation of what was said and done; only the
leading leatures of the occasion can receive at
tention.
“ After an agreeable meeting iu the parlors, at
10 o’clock the distinguished guests and company
repaired to the supper tables, which were speed
ily filled. Major General Pope was supported
right and left by Colonel C. C. Sibley and tx-
Governor Brown ; and at the same table were
seated General Dunn, District Attorney Fitch,
Hon. O. A. Cochrane, aud a number of promi
nent officers ami civilians. After the seats were
filled the following bill ol fare was discussed.”
As the Intelligencer was not represented
at the “banquet” referred to in the foregoing,
it, of course, is debarred the gratification of re
porting “proceedings.” It takes pleasure, how
ever, in transferring from the 11 Opinion" to its
columns the resfionse of General Poi*e to the
first regular toast, pronounced at the banquet,
to-wit:
“1. Our Pope: May lie lie as infallible as
the law has made him powerful.”
To which, “beiDg urgently' called upon,” Major
General Pope responded as follows:
“ Mr. President and Gentlemen—I thank
you very much for the cordial welcome you have
given me, and for the kind and altogether Catho
lic toast which has just been read.
I confess that when I came to this State, ou a
duty as dist.astelul and embarrassing to me as it
could possibly have been disagreeable to you, I
expected to have been received with inditlerence,
at least, if not, indeed, with positive dislike.—
The kind and friendly welcome, and the assu
rances of hearty co-operation in the discharge of
the duty imposed upon me, which I have received
at your hands, have been as unexpected as they
arc grateful, aud encourage the hope that my mis
sion among you will be both brief and satisfac
tory.
I am sure it is not necessary to tell most, if, in
deed, any of those here present, that the legisla
tion of Congress, which I have been sent here to
execute, was conceived iu no spirit of hostility or
bitterness to the Southern people, but as the
speediest and most satisfactory means of restor
ing the Southern States to the Union. It is based
upon the theory that the political issues which
brought about the late war are dead, and should
be buried as soon and as deep as possible.
Any policy of inaction, at this day, based upon
the recollection or revival ol these issuses, can
only lead to the destruction of those in whose in
terest it is inaugurated.
It is the destiny' of our people to live together
under one government, and the speediest and
most satisfactory means by which political equal
ity can be restored, are provided iu these acts of
Congress.
No method better, more lenient, or more con
ducive to the public good, is likely' again to be
proposed. It is easy to “go farther and fare
worse,” but it is scarcely' wisdom to abandon
what we can have lor that which, in the nature
of tilings, must he beyond our reach. These
measures are proposed by Congress as a final
settlement oi our difficulties.
It accepted in the spirit, and with the sincerity
which prompted them, our troubles will be at an
end. If rejected by r the vote ot the people of
these Southern States, an issue is left open which
every day will make more difficult to settle. It
is with no common satisfaction, therefore, that 1
find iu your assurance of hearty co-operation in
executing these acts of Congress, good grounds
for belief that the questions which have perplex
ed aud annoyed us so long, are about to be
solved. The restoration of these Southern States
to the Union cannot give the Southern people
more satisfaction than it will give to the country
generally; and we may hope, tlieu, to see a re
vival of that prosperity and progress which have
marked our history from the beginning of our
national life to the beginning of tlie late civil
war.
It is not unlikely that you expect from me
some indication ot the course I intend to pursue
in the execution of my. office; but, whilst it
would be manifestly improper for me, under the
circumstances, to gratify your wishes, it is much
to lie doubted whether, with every inclination,
it would be possible for me to do so.
The acts of Congress prescribe my duties, and
the means by' which they are to be performed,
but the manner in which these means are to be
used depends so much upon circumstances which
may arise fromtlay to day, and conditions which
are liable to constant change, that I could hardly
be expected to lay down any rule ot action now
which might not be so tar departed from, and so
frequently, that it would rather mislead than
guide you.
It will be sufficient for me to say, generally,
that it is my purpose that the military forces un
der mv command shall appear as little as possi
ble in your civil affairs, and that I myself shall
appear iu them only so far as the law requires
Ot coursa spon the people themselves must de
pend how much or how little they see or feel
the military authority which has been placed
over them.
I shall endeavor—and, I trust, with success—
to discharge my duties amongst you with strict
fidelity to the law, with fairness, aud with due
regard to the rights of all, so that when we come
to part we may take leave of each other, if not
with concurrence of opinion, at least with feel
ings of mutual kindness and respect.
1 beg that you will again accept my thanks for
the kindly feeling you have manifested toward
me, and tny cordial good wishes tor your welfare
and prosperity.”
We congratulate the people of the Third Mil
itary District at having, in its Commander, an
Officer, whose views as expressed in the fore
going address, and in his “General Orders’’ as tar
is they have reached us, are so reflective of gen
erous sympathy with onr people. While reso
lutely bent upon executing the law throughout
his military command, that he will do so “with
firmness, and with due regard to the rights of
all,” that when the day of parting comes, “we
may take leave of each other, if not with concur
rence ot opinion, at least with feelings of mutual
kiudness and respect,” are sentiments illustrative
at once ot the character of a gallant soldier,
and of a considerate and accomplished gentle-
an. There will be no strife, we feel sure, be
tween the people of Georgia and General
Pope while the work ot reconstruction is pro
gressing in our State.
Female Scfrage.—The freed men having
been enfranchised, the friends of ptvgrets at the
North seem to Ik* gathering themselves together
lor a grand rush in favor ol female suffrage, and
the evidences are not wanted to lead to the con
clusion that lie fore many more seasons shall come
and go, it will hare all the politicians by the ears.
It has been agitated in Congress and the ques
tion has met with favor iu several of the State
Legislatures. Even that slow coach, John Bull,
talks complacently about it, and the London
Times, the organ of popular opinion in Great
Britain, has the subject under favorable eonsid-
The Way of the Transgressor.—Old man
Butler, he of Bermuda Hundred, the Dutch
ap Canal and tlie Hatteras Slashes, continues
to Ik* ^he recipient of innumerable attentions
j and flutering notices. The following is among
j the latest we have met with :
General B. F. Buttler got into the Pennsyl-
j vania avenue cais in Washington a few d^ys
j since. The ear was quite full. As soon as iie
! entered one ot the passengers stood up and
said: “Ladies and gentlemen, put your hands
j on your poeketbooks, Ben. Butler is in the car.”
: Butler got out at the next crossing.
When Gen. Butler visited Albany, lately, a
: member ot the Assembly introduced a resolu-
; tion commencing : “Whereas, the notorious
1 Gen. Butler is on a visit to this city, therefore,
: resol veal, that the Capitol police be instructed to
AddreM of Governor Jenkins.
Washington City, D. C., )
April 10,1867. )
To the People of Georgia:
During the civil waf you were distinctly in
formed, by legislative resolves, and by Executive
proclamations, emanating from the U nited States
Government, that it was waged against you, not
vindictive]}-, not for the purpose ol conquest, but
solely for the maintenance of the Union. The
theory announced was that, by her ordinance of
secession, Georgia had not placed herself, nor
could in any way place herself, without its pale,
but that at whatever cost of blood and treasure,
the resistance of her people to the authority of
the United States must be suppressed.
With these ideas in your minds (actuated by
wliat considerations it matters not,) in April,
I860, you, in good faith, eeased that resistance,
laid down your arms, and made fall submission.
From these premises it is undeniable that you
bad a right "to expect, as it is notoriously true
vou did expect, speedy restoration to the position
In the Union from which you bad essayed to
withdraw—your status unchanged, save in the
abolition ot slavery, to which, with amazing
equanimity, you assented, by word and by act.
To this work of restoration, tlie President ot
the United States, in tbe recess of the Congress,
faithful to the theory promulgated as above sta
ted, addressed himself with ranch of circumstan
lial detail and elaborate machinery, but in
spirit of uuaflected kindness.
Ilia prescribed programme you strictly pursued
—all that was antagonistic to the United States
Government you expunged from your records
all that was required to put you again in proper
relation with that Government, you did. When
next the Congress assembled, your State Gov
ernment (which had been temporarily suspended)
was in full operation—Senators and Represents
lives, regularly elected and duly commissioned
presented themselves in the halls of Congress
and were refused admission. Yet the postal
revenue and judicial systems of the Fe leral
Government were extended over Georgia as over
Massachusetts and Ohio. Direct taxes assessed
against the several States ot the Uniou, by acts
previously passed, were collected from you. An
amendment of the Federal Constitution, proposed
by the Congress in tbe prescribed forms, was
presented to your Legislature for ratification or
rejection, as to those of New York and Pennsyl
vania. This you ratified, and your ratification
was accepted. Your State Government moved
ou uninterrupted in its proper sphere, its Legis
lative and Executive Departments holding com
munication with departments of the Federal
Government, as iu the palmy, peaceful days of
the Republic. Thus one long session of the
Congress transpired, causing no new regret, save
your coutinued exclusion from the national
counsels. This you bore—if not uncomplainingly,
at least, submissively—patiently awaiting tile
prevalence of counsels moie liberal, more just.
But during the first session of the Thirty-Ninth
Congress another amendment was proposed to
the Constitution, and presented to your Legisla
ture for consideration and ratification or rejection.
This was considered in the interval between the
first and second sessions of the Thirty-Ninth
Congress, and, in terms entirely respectful but
quite distinct, rejected. Other States (now and
always participant in Federal legislation, whose
status, as members of the Uniou, has never been
questioned) likewise rejected it and are unmo
lested. Against Georgia, and other States simi
larly situated, the rejection seems to have stimu
lated the ire of the national legislators. After
having treated Georgia as a State so far as coin
cided with their convenience or their interest—
after having tolerated her government, recon
structed under Federal Executive auspices during
a period of eighteen months, the Thirty-Ninth
Congress, just at its close, enacted a law provid
ing for the reconstruction of your State govern
ment, iu accordance with their will aud pleasure,
irrespective of your own; and, ad interim, for
your military government. The Fortieth Con
gress, taking up the role, immediately upon the
expiration of its predecessor, lias enacted a law
supplementary to the former, placing the whole
machinery of reconstruction iu the hands of the
military governor previously provided for. Con
struing the two acts together, that official is
clothed with dictatorial powers over you, and
sustained by as many bayonets as may be neces
sary to the end iu view. They prescribe, as
indispensable provisions in your contemplated
constitution, several articles which the enacting
power well knows you disapprove, and some of
which, as applicable to themselves, other States
now in full truition of the Union disapprove,
aud have recently rejected. Lastly, these enact
ments tor the purpose of this forced reconstruc
tion, extend the elective franchise to a large class
of persons on whom you have never bestowed
it, and to whom you, as well as other Statesnow
represented in Congress by tbe rejection ot the
last proposed constitutional amendment, have
retused to extend it.
These acts of Congress have been vetoed by
the President, but have been passed over his ve
to by two-thirds of each branch of the Congress.
I shall not swell this address by a thorough
analysis of these acts. They are fearfully fa
miliar to you. But I hesitate not to say to you
that they are palpably, unconstitutional and gre-
viously oppressive.
Such, fellow-citizens, is your present condi
tion, and the official relation I bear to you de
mands that I speak to you of it. The all-absorbing
question is, what shall Georgia do?
Tlie public disscussion seem to recognize only
two alternatives. First, prompt acquiescence in
the already rejected proposal for amendment of
the Federal Constitution, and in all the require
ments of the two acts ot Congress before men
tioned, together with the incorporation of them
all, by onr own acts, into our own constitution
and laws. Secondly, a firm but temperate refusal
of such acquiescence aud adoption; and a patient,
manly endurance of military government, until,
in the efflux of time, and on the subsistence of the
passions generated by civil war, better counsels
shall prevail at the Federal capital—we, mean
time, strictly observing law and order, and vigor
ously addressing ourselves to industrial pursuits.
As between these alternatives, I have no hesi
tation in advising the adoption of the latter, but
forbear at this time to assign any reasons for this
advice, because, fellow-citizens, I am far from
believing that these are the only alternatives. I
have strong faith that there remains to us an
available remedy. In the Federal Government
there are three departments. Two of them have
passed upon these measures, and are in direct
antagonism regarding their constitutionality.
But in that eveut, the Constitution gives to the
Legislative Department power to override the
Executive, and they have so done. There still
remains, however, the Judicial Department—the
great conservator of the supremacy of the Con
stitution—whose decrees, unlike the Executive
veto, cannot lie overridden by the Congress.
That department has not yet spoken. Should it
be found in accord with tlie Executive, this usur
pation will be arrested. Then, although for a
time, you may be denied representation In Con
gress, your State Government will remain intact,
and full restoration Mill not long be delayed.
Watching at home the progress of these meas
ures, I gave, as was my duty to you, earnest
consideration to the question whether or not we
had any remedy against them. I reached tlie
conclusion that a case could be made, giving
jurisdiction to the Supreme Court, wherein the
validity of these acts could be properly tested,
and whereby, if found invalid, they could be ar
rested. Unwilling to trust my own judgment
or that of any Southern jurist, so liable to be
swayed by t lie bias of Southern interest and
Southern feeling, immediately upon the passage
of the first act., I came here tor the sole purpose
of submitting my views to, and consulting with,
jurists able and pure, who would view the whole
subject from a different stand-point. I have
done so, aud, by such men, my proposed course
has been approved. Before you read this tlie
cause of Georgia will be in that august tribunal,
hitherto true to the Constitution—the bulwark oi
our Liberties. The great question ot relief from
that quarter will be speedily determined. Need
1 ask you to becalm aud quiet, committing your
selves hastily to no particular course of action?
Should we tail (as tail we may,) there will remain
nothing that I can do for you. Your destiny
will be in your own hands, and you must choose
between the alternatives first presented. In
making that choice, you have my counsel, per
haps erroneous, but certainly honest.
Charles J. Jenkins.
Georgia State Medical Association.
[omCIAL OUTLINE OF THE FSOCKEDIKSS.]
The Georgia State Medical Association con
vened in Griffin on the morning of the 10th of
April, 1867.
The meeting'was called to order by the Presi
dent, Dr. A. Jleans, of Oxford, and the proceed
ings commenced with prayer from the Rev. Mr.
Gwinn, of Griffin; after which, Col. A. D. Nun-
nally, of Griffin, welcomed tlie members to tbe
city.
Upon the roll beiDg called the following mem
bers responded:
W M Chartres, Savannah.
J M Boring. Atlanta.
A W Gnggs, Weal Point.
N P Armstrong. Atlanta.
N B Drury, Gnffin.
E F Knott, Griffin.
J T Banks, Griffin.
G M McDowell, Barneaville. Jno L Moore, Griffin.
W C Asher, Atlanta. F M Darnall. Griffin.
C L Red wine, Atlanta. W F Westmoreland. Atlanta.
E L Connally, Albany. DeSanssure Ford. Augusta.
E J Roach, Atlanta. L J Dupree, Comilla.
W C Moore, Atlanta. J H M Barrett, Griffin.
Chas Pinckney, AUanta. J F Alexander, Atlanta.
J N Simmons, Atlanta.
The following were presented, vouched for,
and elected:
Ed S Ray, AUanta.
E Geddiugs, Augusta.
W T Holt, Macon.
F G Castlin, Macon.
J J Knott, Griffin.
Geo B Beecher, Griffin.
J A Davis, AUacla.
A Hunnicutt, Griffin.
J P Touchstone. Griffin.
Thos Mitchell. Griffin.
A Means, Oxford.
L H Orme, AUanta.
•R C Word. Atlanta.
T S Powell, Atlanta.
G G Crawford. AUanta.
John D Fish, Savannah.
J H Connallv, Griffin.
J D Yarber, Griffin.
W H Touchstone, Griffin.
E A Flewellen, Griffin.
M J Daniel, Griffin.
J G Thomas, Savannah.
K V Reid.
T D Heard, Griffin.
R P Myers, Savannah.
L L St’rozier, Albany.
The rules were suspended and the Mayor and
Aldermen, and the members of tbe press, were
invited to seats. The proceedings ot last meet
ing were read and adopted.
The meeting then adjourned until 21, p. m.
2* O’clock, P. M.
Meeting called to order by the President.—
Minutes read and adopted.
The election ot officers resulted as follows:
W M Chartres, of Savannah President,
T S Powell, of Atlanta 1st Vice President.
DeSaussure Ford, of Augueia. '2d Vice President.
L H Orme, of Atlanta Recording Secretary
R P Myers, of Savannah Corresponding Secretary.
John D Fish, of Savhnuah.-, Treasurer.
Drs. W. F. Westmoreland and J. T. Banks
were appointed a committee to conduct tile new
ly elected President to the Chair.
Tlie retiring President addressed the associa
tion on the subject of electricity in its connection
with physiology and pathology, and the invalua
ble contributions which it is destined to supply to
the resources of tbe medical profession.
Dr. Chartres, ot Savannah, his successor in of
fice, assumed the duties of his office in an appro
priate address.
The following resolutions were then intro
duced by Dr. L. H. Orme, of Atlanta, and after
some debate w r ere postponed until tlie morning
session:
Whereas, According to article 1, Code of
Ethics of the American Medical Association
“ every individual, on entering the profession, as
he becomes entitled to all Us privileges and im
munities, incurs an obligation to exert his best,
abilities to maintain its dignity and honor,” and
“ to exalt its standing;” and
Wiiereas, According to article 4, ot said Code
of Ethics, “a regular medical education fur
nislies the only presumptive evidence ot profes
sional abilities and acquirements, and ought to
be the only acknowledged right of an individual
to the exercise and honors of his profession;"
therefore—
Resolved, That while the tact is recognized that
there are iu our midst medical practitioners
worthy, talented and useful, who, from lack of
means or other cause, have tailed to obtain a di
ploma; yet as the earning ot the degree of doc
tor ot medicine furnishes the only presumptiv
evidence of a regular medical education, the
Georgia Medical Association, fully alive to the
honor, dignity, and true interests of the profes
sion, deems the admission, in future, of non
graduates to membership, a violation of tlie spirit
which governs the code of medical ethics.
Resolved, That hereafter, no individual shall be
entitled to membership in this Association who
has not received the degree of doctor of medi
cine from some medical school of known and ac
knowledged respectability, and as such recog
nized by the American Medical Association.
Resolved, That the portion of the constitution
which provides for the admission to membership
in the Georgia Medical Association of State li
centiates be stricken out.
The meeting then adjourned until 9 o’clock
April 11th.
April 11th, 9 o’clock, A. M.
The meeting was called to order by the Presi
dent, and the minutes read and adopted.
The resolutions offered hy Dr. Orme, on the
day previous, were taken up,, mid. after consider
able discussion, adopted.
Auxilary Societies made Reports.
Dr. R. O. Word, of Atlanta, read before the
Association au essay relating to the <lu(y of the
people to tbe Medical profession.
The balloting for the place of the next annual
meeting, resulted in the selection of Augusta.
Dr. W. F. Holt, of Macon, read before the
Association an able report ot a case pertaining
to obstetrics, in which operation was resorted to
&c. This resulted in much discussion, which
was participated in by several members.
Dr. A. W. Griggs, of West Point, was then
conducted to the stand, and entertained the As
sociation in au able and eminently creditable
manner on the subject of Electrical Force, as
connected with Intermitent Fevers.
By Dr. Banks, of Griffin—
Resolved, That we hereby tender a vote of
thanks to our late President, and request a copy
ot his Address for the Association.
Tlie meeting then adjourned to 3 o’clock, P. M
States vs. Territories.—Palmetto, the
Washington correspondent of the Charleston
Mercury writes :
It will be observed that Chief Justice Chase,
in assigning Justices of the Supreme Court to
tlie several judicial districts of the United States,
recognizes the existence of the unrepresented
States of the South as live States in the Union,
otherwise, how could he assign judges to hold
United States Courts therein? tor it is expressly
provided that such courts shall only be held in
States—not in Territories. In view of this noto
rious fact, is it not proper to appeal to that
high judicial tribunal to determine the question
as to whether Congress can place any State un
der military government, and regulate the elec
tive franchise therein in time of profound peace ? j
I hope the court will entertain the petitions of j
Mississippi and Georgia, but fear tbat on some '
technical point they will not be received.
A tew days, however, will doubtless suffice to '■
3 O’clock P. M.
Meeting called to order by the .President.—
Minutes read and adopted.
By Dr. Geo. M. McDowell—
Resovled, That a committee of three be ap
pointed by the President to prepare an address
to the public ou the true relation of charlatans
and their nostrums to legitimate medicine, to be
reported at next meeting.
Carried.
By Dr. W. F. Westmoreland, of Atlanta—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to
revise the Constitution and By-Laws, and report
at next meeting.
Carried.
By Dr. A. W. Griggs, of West Poiut—
Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed
to prepare a report of the Medical Topography of
the State of Georgia.
Carried.
By Dr. Griggs—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to
report the medical properties and uses of tbe va
rious unofficinal indigenous plants of tbe State
ot Georgia, as well as other States, with which
they are familiar.
Carried.
The following resolutions were then intro
duced by Dr. Simmons, of Atlanta—
Resolved, That the members of the Associa
tion highly appreciate the cordial welcome they
have received on the part of the city authorities
of Griff, j, and that their thanks are due and are
hereby tendered to tlie citizens, and especially to
the ladies, for their kind offices in contributing
to the pleasures of this body during their session
in this city, furnishing such entertainments as
are ever agreeable, and which are esteemed as
evidences of kind feeling and good will to the
profession.
Resolved, That the thanks of this body are
tendered to the Trustees of the M. E. Church tor
the use of their lecture room for its deliberations.
Upon motion of Dr. Ray, of Atlanta, tbe
name of Dr. Fordj of Augusta, was placed upon
the Committee on Essays, instead of Dr. F. O.
Dannally, removed from the State.
By Dr. Banks—
Resolved, That the thanks of this Association
be tendered to the following railroads, which
have kindly made concessions in favor of mem
bers of said Association, viz: Georgia R. R., M
<fc W. R. R, Centarl R. R, W. & A. R. R. Bruns
wick K. R., Savannah & Gulf R R. Augusta &
Savannah R R.
Dr. Ford, of Augusta, appointed Chairman
Committee of Arrangements for next annual
meeting. The report ot the late Treasurer was
ordered spread upon the minutes.
The following resolution was then offered by
Dr. W. F. Westmoreland, of Atlanta—-
Resolved, That in the opinion of this Associa
tion there is no breach of the Code of Medical
Ethics which governs the profession, in physi
cians contracting with the owners or agents of
plantations for the treatment of freedmen in their
employ; provided, that in each city, county or
neghborhood uniformity of charges be observed,
and underbidding avoided.
Adopted.
Upon motion the late Treasurer was called
upon for a fall report.
Upon motion of Dr. Holt, of Macon, a vote of
thanks was tendered the Recording Secretary
and Treasurer for the prompt and efficient man
ner in which they had discharged their duties.
Upon motion of Dr. Geo. G. Crawford, of At-
| lanta, the proceedings of this meeting of the
Association were ordered to be published in its
General Order from General Pope.
We invite attention to the General Order from
General Rope, copied below, from the Mont
gomery Mail of the 11 :th
Heaimjuakters Third Military District, I
Montgomery, Ala., April S. 1SH7. )
General Orders, No 5.
L The following extract from the recent Acts
of Congress in relation to reconstruction in the
Southern States is published for the information
oi all concerned:
[Public No. 6.]
An act supplementary to “ An act entitled an act
to provide for the more efficient government of
the rebel States,” passed March 3d, 1867, and
to facilitate restoration.
Be it enacted. &c., that before the first day of
September, 1867, the commanding general in
each district (defined by an act entitled “ An act
to provide for the more efficient government of
the rebel States, passed March 2d, 1867,) shall
cause a registration to be made of the male citi
zens of the United Suites, twenty-one years of
age, and upwards, resident in each county or
parish in the State or States included in his dis
trict, which registration shall include only those
persons who are qualified to vote fordelegates bv
the act aforesaid* and who shall have taken ami
subscribed the following oath or affirmation;
“I, do solemnly swear or affirm, in the
presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen
of the State of ; that I have resided in
said State for next preceding this day,
and now reside in the county of , or the
parish of , in said State, as the ease may
be; that 1 am 21 years old, that 1 have not been
disfranchised for participation in any rebellion
or civil war against the United States, nor for
felony committed against tin* laws, of any State
or the United States; that I have never been a
member of any State Legislature, nor held any
executive or judicial office in any State, aud ai-
terwards engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the United States, or given aid or com
fort to the enemies thereof; that I have never
taken an oath as a member of Congress of the
United States, or as an officer of the United
States, or as a member jif any State Legislature,
or as an executive or judicial officer of any State,
to support the Constitution of the United States
aud afterwards engaged in insurrection or rebel
lion against tlie United States, or given aid or
comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faith
fully support the Constitution and obey the laws
of tlie United States, and will to the best of my
ability, encourage others so to do. So help me
God,”—which oath or affirmation may be ad
ministered by any registering officer.
See. 4. That the commanding general of each
district shall appoint as many boards of regis
tration as may lie necessary, Consisting of three
loyal officers or persons, to make and complete
the registration, superintend the election, and
make return to him ot the votes, list of voters
aud of the persons elected as delegates by a plu
rality of the x'oles cast at said election. * * *
II. In order to execute this provision of tlie
act referred to with as little delay as possible, the
commanding officers of tlie Districts of Ala
bama, Georgia and Florida, will proceed imme
diately to divide those States into convenient dis
tricts for registration, aided by such information
on the subject as they liave or can obtain. It is
suggested that the election districts in each State
which in I860 sent a member to the most numer
ous branch of the State Legislature, will lie found
a convenient division for registration.
It is desirable that in all cases the registers
shall be civilians where it is possible to obtain
such as come within the provisions of the act,
and are otherwise suitable persons; and that
military officers shall not be used for this pur
pose except in case oi actual necessity. The
compensation for registers will be fixed here
after, but the general rule will be observed of
graduating the compensation by the number of
recorded voters. To each list, of voters shall be
appended the oath of the register or registers
that the names have been faithfully recorded
aud represent actual legal voters, and that the
same man does not appear under 'different
names. The registers are specifically instructed
to see that all information concerning their polit
ical rights is given to all persons entitled to vote
under the Act of Congress ; and they are made
responsible that every such legal voter has the
opportunity to record his name.
III. As speedily as possible, the names of per
sons chosen for registers shall be communicated
to these headquarters, tor the approval of the
commanding general.
IV. The district commanders in each of the
States comprised in this military district are au
thorized to appoint one or more general super
visors of registration, whose busiuess it shall be
to visit tbe various points where registration is
being carried on; to inspect the operations of
the registers, and to assure themselves that every
man entitled to vote has the necessary informa
tion concerning his political rights, and the op
portunity to record his name.
V. A general inspector, either au officer of the
army or a civilian, will be appointed at these
headquarters, to see that, the provisions of this
order are fully and carefully executed.
\ I. District commanders may at their discre
tion appoint civil officers of the United States as
registers, with such additional compensation as
may seem reasonable and sufficient.
VII. The commanding officer of each district
will give public notice when and where the re
gisters will commence the registration, which
notice will be kept public by tlie registers in each
district during the whole time occupied in regis
tration.
VHI. Interference by violence, nr threats of
violence, or other oppressive means, to prevent
the registration of any voter is positively pro
hibited, and any person guilty of such interfer
ence shall be arrested and tried by the military
authorities. By command ot Brevet Major Gen
eral, John Pope.
Official:—J. F. Conyngbam,
1st Lieut. IT. S. Infantry, A. A. A. G.
Surratt's Prison Llli-An Interesting In
terview.
A correspondent furnishes both the Baltimore
Sun and Philadelphia Ledger with an account
of an interview with John H. Surratt. He
found him occupying, temporarily, a small
octagon lodge used by the watchman of tbe
jail. Surratt was sitting reading. He rose and
greeted his visitor cordially, who thus describes
him :
He was dressed in a suit of dark mixed goods,
cut in the prevailing fashion ot a walking suit,
evidently new. Upon his head he wore a black
soft felt hat, also new. Iu stature I should judge
him to be five feet niue or ten inches high,
rather slender in form—almost delicate, perhaps
—and apparently twenty-eight years of age.
His hair is a very light auburn, nicely cut and
trimmed, parted behind and combed forward.
He wears a moustache and goatee, .rather more
positive in color than the hair on his head. The
rest of his lace was carefully shaved. Alto
gether his appearance was that of a well-dressed
and very presentable young man—and certainly
the last one that would be selected from a crowd
as a desperate character or a villain. He has a
very pleasant voice, in conversation uses good
language, understands hiuiselt perfectly, and
usually wears a smile upon his face.
_ The writer continues:
l ventured, to ask him a leading question in
regard to his escape to ami concealment in Can
ada, to which, with a smile ouly, he replied,
“I have nothing to say about that;” but lie
added, "there was no secrecy about my leaving
Canada, I went on board a steamer at midday,
wholly without disguise, and with hundreds of
people on and about the wharf. The steamer
had fully two hundred passengers, with whom
I associated with freely during the voyage.—
Nobody recognized me, though there were those
among the passengrs that I recognized.” He
could not say what steamer this was, nor from
wliat port it sailed, more than it was one of the
regular lines leaving a large city.
lie spoke of meeting St. Marie in France. He
claims that he recognized St. Marie first, and that
they traveled to Italy together. He manifests
no vindictiveness toward this witness for having
discovered him to the authorities, but considers
him a “treacherous” fellow, and thinks he was
mistaken in his character. Surratt stys that he
had information of St. Marie’s treachery before
it was fully accomplished, and was kept advised
lrom time to time of the steps taken to secure
his arrest. Had the actual arrest been delayed
one day longer, as Surratt, had reason to expect
it, would be, he would have been beyond the
reach of his pursuers, liis arrangements for de
sertion and flight being nearly perfected at the
time ol his arrest. He is careful to abstain from
saying what those arrangements were, who were
liis accomplices and informers, or where he was
to. find a place of refuge.
He has read with great apparent interest the
published accounts of his captures aud escapes,
and the official correspondence bearing on those
points, and takes great pleasure in criticising
them. The wonderful leap of the precipice in
Italy, of which so much has been said and written,
is a source ol great amusement to him. The
bight lrom which lie jumped, lie describes as
about equal to an ordinary second story window,
or say twelve feet. But lie tells a story of de
scending more dangerous declivities than this in
his flight.'. In <mc instance his only available
mode of-descent was to lie on his back and slide
down a steep and rocky declivity, full a hundred
feet in liigbt. Of scarcity of food, ignorance of
the country, and consequent danger of recapture
in exposing himself by asking information by
the way, ot the constant alarm and similar sub
jects, lie is iree and seemingly anxious to talk,
and always iu something ot a boastful vein, but
his lips are sealed in respect to. all matters bear
ing in the remotest degree upon the great crime
with which his name is associated, and of which
he stands charged.
Surratt’s prison hours are passed very comfort
ably. An entire corridor, full thirty feet in
length, and eight in breadth, with three large
cells, are placed entirely at his disposal. In this
corridor he is.excluded from the gaze of the com
mon prisoners and curious visitors, by a common
door or inner grating, whenever it. is not agreea
ble to him to seek ihe open air of the prison
court yard. At night only does he have occasion
to feel the rigors ot confinement, when lie is
locked iu the central of the three cells, a com
modious apartment at least ten feet square.—
True, The furniture is scant, consisting merely of
a stool and a mattress laid upon the stone floor,
though amply provided with coverings.
To while away the sometimes tedious hours of
the clay, he is provided with a plentiful assort
ment of books, embracing the field of literature
from divine truth to the silliest human trash.—
Comforts, even luxuries, for the toilet are abun
dant. The cuisine seems to be carefully looked
after by outside friends—no restriction is placed
on the amount or variety that is sent him.
In the frequent and protracted visits of his sis
ter, who calls at least each alternate clay and
spends the clay with him, cheering him by his
presence and ministering to his comfort, he finds
a constant source of pleasure. True, on these
occasions the keeper shares the apartment with
the brother and sister, but the surveillance he ex
ercises is merely a matter ot form.
uard strictly all portable property about the 1 enlighten us, on the preliminary question at ! or g* n > the Southern Medical and Surgical Journal,
Capitol, lock the desks.” Ac. The resolutions 1 least,
were laid on the table bv a vote ot 46 to 31.
Red River.—Tbe Louisiana papers call at
tention to the fact that one Lunched and fifty
. T , steamers lie rotting in the Red river, and de-
era tion. If anybody thinks this is not an age of; clare that unless New 0r]eans builds a roa(1 to
' Ykba Cryz.—A Vera Cruz dispatch ot tlie
Sth says the Imperialists of that city are general
ly arming themselves. Perez Gomez and Cue-
! vas have resigned, and are going to Havana.
\ Gen. Zaboadads in command.
Tlie siege is closely maintained. Tlie water ]
at Augusta, and all other journals in the State.
There being no other business, the meeting
adjourned to its next annual meeting, in Augusta,
c-n the second Wednesday in April, 1868.
L. B". Orme, Secretary.
Georgia State Medical Association.
The New York Tribune on the hate Con
necticut Election.
Mr. Greeley evidently is not favorably im
pressed with the signs in the political heavens,
and throws out a solid warning iu the article
below, which we copy from a late number of
that representative journal. Its toues are loud,
ringing and clear:
“The most dangerous enemies of the Repub
lican party are of its own household. The lrdure
violent of its 1 a Heal members are really more
inimical to its interest and usefulness than the
copperheads, who, during the war, burned in
effigy the Governor elect of Connecticut. The
Copperheads cau do the Republicans no harm.
But tlie extreme radicals injure the party by
affixing to it the stigma of their ulliaism, and
making it responsible for their malignancy.—
Their reckless displays of partisanship and hate
—their persistent endeavors to force tlie party
into positions in advance of those assumed by
its conventions, State or National—their propo
sals to confiscate and disfranchise, despite the
growing disposition of the South to accept the
proffered terms—their wanton assaults upon the
privileges of the Executive, and their anxiety to
impeach, with or without cause—their insolent
intolerance and ostracism, displayed whenever
other members of tlie party have dared to con
demn their spirit and resist their plans—these
are circumstances which, more than all else,
have served to weaken the party and impair its
prestige. It is no answer to say to tlie country
that, as an organization, the party is committed
to one of these extreme views. It is of slight
avail to remind the disaffected that on critical
occasions Messrs. Stevens and Sumner have
been thrown overboard, and that the Recon
struction law now being applied widely differs
lrom the measure they would have enacted. It
amounts to little to repeat that Butler has failed
to acquire power in the House, and that no mem
ber ot the Senate has less individual influence
than the oratorical Senator from Massachusetts.
It affords no assurance of safety to point to the
utter want of influence of revolutionists of the
Ashley school, and their signal tailure to obtain
the sanction of the party as such to their
mischievous schemes. The facts are notoriously
as we state them. And yet the other facts re
main—that the party has again and again per
mitted itself to be led into false positions by the
forbearance which it has shown toward these ul-
traists. They have been suffered to talk as for
the party, in its name to promulgate anarchical
ideas, and to denouq^e and excommunicate all
wBo protested against their violence aud arro
gance. Here has been one of the grave errors ot
the party. It has tacitly allowed its duly sanc
tioned measures and principles to be set aside,
and has submitted good-naturedly to pretensions
and propositions which should have been on the
instant scouted and resented.
“This infirmity during the last two sessions
has engendered a fear that the party mav vet be |
committed to the principles and plans of* the ex-
Tbe Two Murder* In Bryan County.
The Savannah News <& Herald, of the 11th,
has the following particulars of two horrible
murders recently committed in Bryan county: .
About three weeks ago two horrible murders
were committed in Bryan county, on the Gulf
Railroad, between Stations No. 2 and 3, but ow
ing to the impenetrable mystery with which both
cases are shrouded, we are unable to give any in
formation regarding the cause ot the dastardly
acts. The first of the victims was a gentleman
named Hope, who had been in the county but
two or three weeks previous to 11 is death, having
arrived from Florida tor the purpose of inducing
freedmen to emigrate to that Stale. But little
was known ol them beyond that lie bore an un
enviable reputation, having, it is said, rendered
himselt very obnoxious to the citizens and freed
men. He was found dead in the woods, having
been shot in the abdomen by two charges troni
a shot gun.
The other unfort unate victim was a man named
Riles, well known in Bryan and McIntosh
counties. He was murdered about a week pre
vious to Mr. Hope, and but a short distance from
the scene of tlie murder of the latter. Outlie
day ot iiis death tlie deceased had sold a wagon
to a man for the sum of twenty-five dollars," re
ceiving in payment iberelor, a check on a well
known firm in this city. He had tlie check
cashed at a store, spending ten dollars of the
amount for groceries and retaining tlie remain
ing fifteen dollars, with which he started home,
lie was accompanied homeward by a negro
named Tony Axon, who parted with him when
about two miles from his place of residence.—
Nothing was heard of him lor three days, when
a search was instituted, and his body was found
in tlie woods in a state of decomposition, and
badly mutilated by buzzards. The money was
gone, but the groceries were left. There were
no signs which indicated that a scuffle had en
sued.
The affair lias created great excitement in the
county, as nothing can be learned regarding the
murderers. This is evidently one of the results of
allowing negroes to buy and carry guns. There
are but lew negroes in Bryan county who are
not the possessors of fire-arms.
Supreme Court to be Disregarded.
The New York Times openly proclaims the
intentions of the Republicans to disregard the
decision of the Supreme Court should it be
against them on the reconstruction bills, and to
go into open rebellion against the law as pro
nnunced by that body. It says, in referring to
tlie movements of Southern Governors to test
the constitutionality of their laws:
Its (South’s) pride may lie gratified by a legal
assault upon the policy of Congress, but only in
corrigible tools can suppose that policy will be
materially hindered, or ou any pending question
reversed, by an appeal to the courts. The refu
sal of Judge Martin, of the Superior Court of
Baltimore, to grant tlie injunction, prayed for by
the Maryland Radicals, to prevent the meeting
of the State Convention, proceeds on the hypo
thesis that the Convention is a political body of
which the State Legislature had proper and ex
clusive cognizance.
By a parity of reason, and with tlie precedent
of the decision in the “Dorr rebellion” case to
sustain it, the SupremeDC'ourt may not unreas
onably be expected to disclaim jurisdiction in the
premises. At any rate, the fact is incontcstihle,
that Congress has absolute mastery over the
subject. By no appeal to tbe courts, by no quib-
j ble ol lawyers, by no combinations or effrontery
of .1- /■ . J
tremists. So long as Butler and Stevens and j of Soulbern politicians, can this fact be over-
Sumner are permitted to talk as leaders, although
unable to command the party vote, so long will
there be misgiving in tbe minds of a large class
of moderate adherents of the Republican party.
They see that the extremists in Congress are
come. A denial of it theoretically will not af
fect it practically- And the supremacy of Con
gress will continue, despite petitions for injunc
tions or averments of unconstitutionality. Its
power to carry out its will is already assured
priests of a wing of the party of which Wendell Neither the President nor the lawyers can com-
Phillips is the prophet. They know that he fur- ! pel its admission of Southern representatives its
nishes the extremists with ideas, dictates their ! acknowledgment nf Krara Era._Y* .
. From the Richmond Enquirer.
Tbe Virginia Coa) Explosion.
Most of our readers are familiar with the coal
dug from the Coal Hill pits in Chesterfield coun
ty, about twenty-two miles from Richmond bv
road, and thirtv-one by rail. These mines, which
have been wdrked for many years, consist at pre
sent of three pits, known respectively as’ihe
Bright Hope, Raccoon and Hall’s pits, and from
these pits were raised last year about 900,000
bushels of coal.
Tlie Bright Hope mine was the scene ot a ter
rific explosion on Wednesday last, which, with
out a moment’s warning, hurled nearly a hun
dred human beings into eternity! Wliat was
tbe cause of the disaster must ever remain an im
penetrable secret, for the lips of all who might
have explained the mystery, are closed by the
death which spared none to tell the tale. It is
supposed, however, to have been caused by the
neglect of a drunken gas-man to discharge the
duties of his office, which are to examine, with
one of Davy’s safety lamps, the condition of the
air, ami attend to the proper ventilation of the
pits, this ventilation being kept up by means of
doors opening into various portions of the pit,
the purification of the air iu this being addition
ally secured by a powerful wind-fan driven by
. the pit engine.
There are, however, many otlier causes which
may produce an explosion in tlie mines, one of
these being a tumble, or (as it is technically
termed by the miners,) a fall, which occurs when
a portion ot the roof tailing in, admits into the
pit the impure gases which may have accumula
ted above, aud which, taking fire from the lights
used by the workmen, is sometimes the cause of
au explosion.
The pit lias two shafts (used respectively for
ascending and descending) running 850 feet be
neath the surface of the earth, but so powerful
was tlie explosion that the overseers on the plat
form at the entrance to the shaft were greatly
jarred, and so terrific the heat of burning gas
that tlie rope to the bucket in which two or three
poor fellows were at the time ascending to light,
aud life, was instantaneously severed as though
by a knife, and the uuliappy men with lightning-
like rapidity were hurled back to an awful, but
happily, a speedy death.
The number of operatives in the employ of
the Clover Ilill Company is nearly two hundred,
and a little village, with a population ol about
one thousand, has sprung up in the vicinity of
the pits; and when the tidings of the disaster,
which had killed some seventy men, spread
through the village, the excitement, suspense
and gloomy agony were intense.
The mouth of the pit was soon surrounded by
some hundreds of persons, and the shrieks, moans
and lamentations of the female friends of the
victims were indeed harrowing. Stern men,
who had faced the horrors of many a battle field,
were unable to bear the heartrending scene, and’
weeping like children, turned away utterly un
manned.
The following letter, which was received on
yesterday, will enable our readers faintly to im
agine the extent ot the horrors of the catas
trophe :
Clover Hill, April 4.
D. S. Wooldridge, Esq. :
Dear Sir—When the pit bottom was reached
last evening, it was ascertained that the lumber
house in the pit, which contained some powder,
was on lire. 1 endeavored to get the men to put.
it out, which, no doubt, could have been done:
but the men feared the danger ot another explo
sion, and were unwilling to work. The pit has
been again examined this morning, and the fin
is so small that it could be managed if the men
were willing to risk the danger. Under all tlie
circumstances, I have determined to save the pit
by closing both shafts. We are now engaged in
this work.
All of the men, about seventy in number, and
all the mules that were in the pit, are, of course,
lost. The bodies cannot be recovered until the
fire is extinguished and the pit is re-opened.
Very respectfully, J. H. Cox.
Of. the victims of the explosion, some twenty
or twenty-five were whites, the remainder being
negroes.
LATER PARTICULARS.
The Richmond Enquirer ot the 6th contains
the narrative of one who visited tlie scene of dis
aster, from which we make the following ex
tracts, containing later and more reliable infor
mation regarding this terrible affair:
At four o’clock ou the morning ot the 3d,
Thomas Marshall, Jr., a gasman, descended the
shaft to examine the pit; at the usual hour the
hands went to work, aud at 11 o’clock Mr. John
Weale, gasman, went down to relieve Marshall,
who announced that all was right. It is the duty
of the relief to go down an hour or two belore
the time of the other gasman expires, in order
that he may be made thoroughly acquainted with
the condition of affairs. If the examination be
thorough, so perfect is the system of ventilation,
that no danger can possibly result, as tbe safetv
lamp would warn the bearer of a dauger, which
an old miner can almost detect by the smell, and
when the presence of such gas is detected, it is
the duty of the gasman to warn, and, if neces
sary, to withdraw tlie hands from the dangerous
locality.
No alarm had been lately given in regard to
any part of the pit. But a few days prior to tlie
accident, a door, or “stopping,” which, wheu
closed, drove a current of air into “upshots” 8
and 9, situated on the main northern level, about
half a mile from the shaft, had been removed,
but Mr. Marshall, Sr., on being apprised of the
fact, ordered it.to be replaced, alleging that al
though those upshots might he ventilated while
the fan was running during the day, there might
he an accumulation of gas at night. (These “up
shots” are inclined planes in the mine where the-
vein of coal is being dug out from below.)
Thomas Marshall, Jr., acknowledges that he-
did not, on the morning of the 3d, visit, as was
his duty, these upshots, and it is probable that
Weale, relying upon Marshall's statement, also
omitted to do so. At all events, the hands who
lelt. the mines concur in the avowal that the air
current in the main passages was almost strong
enough to blow out their lights, and one of them
had just parted lrom Weale, who was on the
way to the shaft to get his dinner, and who, on
being asked “how’s times?” replied “all right.”
Such was the condition of affairs when at 2:30
the explosion occurred, a column of gas, smoke
and dust rushing up to the top of tlie shaft, tlie
lamp and shoe of William B. Robertson, the
banksman who stood at the foot of the shaft,
being hurled to the summit by the force of the
concussion. The ropes which supported tlie as
cending buckets were severed, and it is supposed
that they, in their recoil, broke through the
boarding which severed the sink (a pit some for
ty feet below the main level to collect the drip
pings) and hurled those who were near the shaft
into ils depths.
I11 the course of some two or three minutes
another light explosion occurred, which was
followed ten minutes after by a third, it being
ascertained after tlie second explosion that the
pit was on fire.
The news flew like wild-fire, and in a short
time hundredsof people, almost frantic witli ex
citement, were crowded around the scene of
disaster. Wives shrieked in agony, and found
brief relief in hysteric fits from the agony which
was too insupportable to bear ; tlie wailings of
tlie children, who pale and awe-struck, clutched
tlie dresses of their widowed mothers, was pitiful
enough to have moved a heart of stone.
EFFORTS TO SAVE SURVIVORS.
The men who had so narrowly escaped death
were, of course, and naturally somewhat demor
alized, hut there were some gallant fellows who,
with a bravery above all praise, determined on
an effort to save their comrades, or die in the at
tempt.
The rope to the North shaft having been sever
ed, it was necessary to use that from the South
shaft, and some time was lost in the exchange.
The telegraphic wire (a wire not electric, but
which, extending to the bottom of the shaft, is
used for signalizing,) being broken, it was neces
sary to piece out another, and this being at length
accomplished, through the exertions oi Captain
James P. Cox, Mr. Owens, Thomas Marshall, Sr.,
John Straugban and James Duncan, descended,
but after going down seven hundred and fifty
feet, found the telegraph wire too short. The-
dust and smoke and heat were almost stifling,
and the danger might well have dauDted the hero,
who would have led a forlorn hope without u
tremor.
At the top of their voices they shouted, but
their voices echoed only through 1he shaft, and
no response being elicited, they were compelled
to ascend, and the wire being spliced, they again
descended, and reaching the foot of the shaft,
endeavored to explore the pit, but in vain. The
debris of timber and earth so completely choked
up the mine that it was impossible to proceed
more than twenty or thirty feet, and it was dis
covered that the powder house was on fire. Un
der such circumstances, nothing hut a retreat
was left them; hut before retiring they united
tlmir voices in a common shout, hoping that it
might reach the ear of some poor sufferer, and
assure him that triends were near. The -;hout
reverberated in hollow echoes through the reces
ses of the dark abyss, hut no answering signal
was borne to their straining ears, ami slowly and
sadly they sought the upper air.
The next morning another party, consisting of
*!? a ^n°Se 0 L t n h th C0ndIti0Di ^ if ,ws im P° 3ed !
1 ' _ „ r j the coal was on fire; and the oldest miners agree-
West vs. the East.—The New York r™,' '"S tha ‘ not a human being could have survived
’ J uries j the explosion more than a tew moments, and rh ft
i every one in the mine must be beyond the roach
Steady and rapid
Our Western
diluted expression. It is remembered, too, that
what they urge to-daar he urged months-ago; and
it ia argued, not unnaturally, that the revolution
ary programme of his Anti-Slavery Standard,
will, by-aDd-by, be the Congressional programme
of those who follow him. The conservatism of
tbe country shrinks from the prospect, and
pauses when asked to vote for the nominees of a
*— , „—~.j United States Troops.—There are seventy- ,
progress in more than one particular sense, let > the head of Red river navigation, she must “go l has been cut oft, and the last bollock in the city two companies of United States troops at differ- party which lias any affiliation with the apostles
Itim wait awhile and see. Roll on the car. J under” commercially. ~ i was killed on the 31st of March. j ent points in Texas. of revolution.”
says :
“Manufactures are makinn
progress in the Western Stales. __
exchanges bring us announcements of over j
seventy establishments either opening or soon
to be in operation in Michigan, Illinois and I
Vi isconsm alone.” <
of human aid, it was decided to close the pit,
and, although Mr. James H. Cox offered a reward
of $500 for the extinguishment of the lire, it was
thought that, with the men and means at his
command, it was impossible, and the pit wa$
ordered to be closed.