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“ERROR CEA8ES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REAfDN IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT. "—Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24,1867.
NUMBER 17.
tifcrhlQ Jatflliflfnfrr.
ATLANTA, GEOE&IA,
Wednesday, April 24, 1866.
Headquarter* Third military District
We notice the following order of Major
General Pope in the Opinion of yesterday
morning:
Heaixji’artcru Tbiss Military District, )
Atlanta, Oa., April It, 1887. f
General Order No. 0.
The Headquarters of this Military District are
hereby transferred from Montgomery, Alabama,
to Atlanta, Georgia. John Pope,
Brevet Major General Commanding.
This change of “ Military Headquarters ” from
Montgomery to Atlanta, is gratifying to o t citi
zens, who will endeavor to make it agreeable to
the District Commander.
Government Secnrltla*.
A decline in Government securities has been
noticeable in the market reports several days.—
Some of the financial writers are disposed to at
tribute this tendency to a vague fear in the minds
of capitalists that repudiation is not among the
impossibilities of the future. The immense
amount of public indebtedness and the reckless
manner in which it is being increased by the
party in power, is calculated, perhaps, to give
color to this apprehension. The present decline,
however, is most likely the result of a return of
these securities in unusual quantities from abroad,
induced by the impression that a general Euro-
«ean war is imminent.
The Supreme Court.
Several of the run-mad Radical prints, like
the New York Herald, suggest that it will be
come necessary to squelch the Supreme Court,
lest it throw obstructions in the way of the party
ami prevent it from carrying out its destructive
programme. The Judiciary has ever been re
garded by thinking minds as the last hope and
refuge of the people, and it will be a darker and
more gloomy period than has yet marked the
history of the country, when that conservative
department of the government shall shrink and
cower from a stern and unyielding maintenance
of its duties and prerogatives, at the bidding of
party spirit, or under the threats and menaces of
the majority in the National Legislature.
Muvuuuuli—Culled State* District Court.
The United States District Court met at Sa
vannaii, on Monday, Judge Erskine presiding.
The Daily Republican says the following gentle
men were reinstated as Solicitors in the Court
on petition:
R. S. Lanier, Richard K. Hines, S. Yates Le
vy, Edward J. Hardin, Peter L. Strozier, Thos.
E. Lloyd William H. Hull, Henry Williams,
James A. Niabet, William Law, William Dough
erty, John M. B. Lovell, Henry R. Jackson, and
li. J. Moses.
The following were admitted on application:
Linton Stephens, Peter W. Alexander, Walter
8. Chisholm, George A. Mercer. Martin J. Ford,
J. R. Saussy, and John O. Ferrill.
The oath being administered and subscribed
liy the applicants, their names were entered up-
ou the record as practising attorneys in the
Courts of the United States.
Tennessee.
The convention to nominate a candidate lor
Governor in opposition to the present incum
bent, Brownlow, and to organize for a thorough
canvass of the State, assembled at Nashville on
the 16tli. It appears from a dispatch in the
Chattanooga Union of yesterday that the nomi
nation lias fallen upon a capable man, Hon. Em
erson Etheridge. The Union says: “ This
tearless Unionist has been unanimously nomina
ted by the conservative Union men of Tennessee,
as their standard bearer in the coming campaign.
Emerson Etheridge hac a record tor consistent
loyalty to the Union, which even the most vitu
perative Brownlowite cannot impugn. Previous
to the war, he was a Whig in politics, and repre*
seined the N inth District in Congress for three
terms. During the war he was an active and
tearless denouncer of the rebellion, and now all
good and true men of every political opinion,
who desire peace and harmony in the State,
should rally to his support.
“ The resolutions re affirm the devotion ot the
conservative Union men ot Tennessee to the
Uuiou and the Constitution. They favor the
extension of equal political rights to all men,
regardless of race or color. They favor the en
franchisement of the late rebels; take strong
ground against the repudiation of the national
debt; agaiut the Militia law, and favor the po
licy of the President
“ A committee was appointed to prepare an
address to the people.”
The unexpected defeat ot the Radical party at
the recent election in the Nutmeg State seems to
have alarmed the better portion of the Republi
can press, and to have impressed them with the
notion that it is the beginning ot a series of dis
asters which are to end in the complete and total
rout and ruin of the party. Believing that the
sole mission of radicalism is to oppress the peo
ple and ruin and destroy the government by
changing the spirit and genius ot its institutions,
we will be uncharitable enough to express a hope
that the forebodings of some of the more pru
dent of iu friends will be fully realized, and that
the party may be broken and scattered until it is
powerless for further mischief. Rising into al
most unlimited power on the excitements and
incidents of the war, it has absorbed in its ranks
some ot the worst elements that ever cursed the
political history of any country, and the patriotic
and thinking mind must hail even the slightest
indication of its decline and overthrow with feel
ings of satisfaction and delight
Among other papers which have taken the
alarm and are now engaged in warning the par
ty, is the Providence Journal, which is second to
none in New England in point of ability, circu
lation and influence. It attributes the result of
the election in Connecticut solely to the course
of the extremists, and characterizes the leaders
as ambitious and reckless men whom the party
cannot endure and live, and that their schemes
and tendencies are mischievous enough to ruin
any political organization that may favor them.
Foremost among these mischievous measures, it
says: “ we place the impeachment of the Presi
dent. This is known to be favored and even
determined upon in advance, by a small knot of
members of the House of Representatives, dis
tinguished for their activity and zeal in every
cause which they espouse. They regard the
President as in the way, and they are determined
to put him out of the way. They are calling
upon the Republican purty to assist them in
doing this, and to assume the responsibility
of the proceedings. It may be they will suc
ceed ; if we may judge from their language,
they certainly expect to succeed, but if they
do accomplish their purposes, it is easy enough
to see that the Republican Party is ru
ined. To put a President out of office lor mere
political considerations, under the guise of im
peachment, would be sure to alienate and disgust
the people of the country, and they would instinct
ively desert the party that should do it. If so sol
emn an act is ever performed.it must be only on the
clearest grounds of the public security, and the
most obvious proofs of treasonable intentions and
moral incapacity. Faults of personal character,
errors of judgment, differences with Congress,
either in opinion or in policy ; constructive mis
demeanors that have to be hunted up and made
sensational by partisan orators, will never an
swer. Any provisional administration that could
be created would be powerless and contemptible.
A President so removed would be regarded as a
victim of legislative injustice and oppression,
and the party that should sauction it would be
swept from power in a whirlwind of indignation.**
In tiiis connection, it is worthy of note that
while all the leading and more influential Re
publican journals of the North and West are de
nouncing the impeachment scheme of Ashley
and Butler, and the confiscation and plunder
programme of Thad. Stevens, the organs of the
loyal leaguers, and the quasi radical sheets pub
lished at different points in the South are urging
thede measures, and threatening the people with
their adoption, thus illustrating that the worst
enemies of the South are of its own household,
and the greatest obstacles against which it now
lias to contend are furnished by men born and
nurtured on its own soil. Let the people note
and avoid all such.
PaimuMr* (tor th* military District*.
The Washington correspondent of the New
Y ork Herald says that five paymasters have been
appointed for the new military districts, who
will be charged with the duty of disbursing all
moneys for the expense of officers employed urn
der the five military governors.
The following are the names and district of
the appointees:
First District, headquarters Richmond, Va.,
Paymaster T. H. Stanton.
Second District, headquarters Columbia, S. C.,
Paymaster J. W. Nichols.
Third District, headquarters Atlanta, Ga., Pay
master E. D. Judd.
Fourth District, headquarters Vicksburg, Mias.,
Paymaster P. P. Q. Hall.
Fifth District, headquarters New Orleans, La.,
Paymaster Nicholas Vedder.
Gerritt Smith.—This gentleman, one amoDg
the earliest abolitionists, and a persistent anti-
slavery man tor a quarter of a century, strenu
ously opposes confiscation, and denounces it as
a proposition to plunder a prostrate people. His
position and views on the subject are a striking
commentary on the course ot those Southern-
bom men who are continually shaking confisca
tion over the heads of the people. No one
thinks of offering any factious opposition to the
operation of the military bill, but, in order to
convince the country of their sincerity and ready
acquiescence in the peculiar condition of affairs,
it is hardly necessary for the Southern peopie to
eat humble pie three times a day, with the gaunt
ami grim spectre oi confiscation presiding at the
table. _
Thu Bridge at dridgeport.—The CUatla
nooga Union of Wednesday says So fiercely
did the wiud blow on the Tennessee river day
I h lore yesterday, aud also part of Monday, that
no cars could be transferred at Bridgeport. On
Saturday, however, sixty-four cars were trans
it m-d each wav, and arrangements have now
tieen made to transfer seventy cars per day —
I'his is reallv a large number, but will probably
be exceeded in a few days more. TV ork on the
bridge at Bridgeport is progressing rapidly.
The Grasshopper Invasion.—The grass
hopper invasion of Kansas and Western Mis
souri, ltu-i fall, will be remembered. The St. Jo
seph (Mo) He mid now says the tanners in tluu
city are living in dread of a return, or rather a
recurrence of the invasion. They are dispirited,
dare not trade, incur any expense, or act upon
the idea that they are thi« fall to reap the re
ward of their spring labors. This fear actually
has a very depressing influence upon business.
The Signs of the Times.
According to the Richmond Times one ot the
most distressing features of the day “is the ex
travagance of the people. Although it is patent
to every one in possession ot any degree of in
telligence that there is impending a most crush
ing financial trouble, and despite the fact that
poverty has been made the general lot of the
population of the South, on every side we be
hold the evidences ot a fearful carelessness and
a wanton disregard of the infallible indications
intended to warn us and to check the mad dis
position to riot in luxury and tolly.
“ Women array themselves in the costliest
robes, and adorn themselves with the glittering
gew-gaws of fashion, who in their homes are
half ted and suffering from the pinchings ot
hunger.
“ Men who cannot pay their board bills and
are often obliged to turn otf their tailors and
washerwomen without pay, sport themselves in
proud elegance, too lazy to work and too unprin
cipled to spend only that which is their own.
“ When these things exist, what have we to
expect ? Can honesty and virtue flourish ? Can
women cherish their chastity and keep it as un
sullied as the “ icicle that hangs on Dian’s tem
ple?” Can men avoid the dishonor ot defalca
tion or escape the temptation to crime which
their blind selt-indulgence is sure to create ?
“ The present state of society in America is
quite as corrupt as that which existed, immedi
ately after the discovery 7 of this continent, in
Spain and in France, and the countries of Eu
rope. No purification can be anticipated until
extravagance is checked, and the people return
to the old-fashioned customs which were wont
to prevail prior to the demoralization provoked
by the war in this country.
Everything pleads for this reform. Society,
religion, the political welfare, each is seriously
affected. Passion has run riot long enough. It
is high time that the second sober thought should
stay its career.”
(• » Western Man.
Most of onr Western exchanges contain the
following fetter addressed by Ex-Governor
Brown, ot this State, to a citizen of New A1
bany, Indiana. In transferring it to the columns
of the Intelligencer, wc have to express our
regret at the manner in which Governor Brown
has been “assailed” by many Southern papers,
and his “motives impugned.” That this distin
guished gentleman, who has done the State so
much service, was governed by a conscientious
conviction of duty, we are sure, and that be
knew and understood the “political situation” of
the South, when he wrote the letter that has
been so bitterly, and so ^currilously assailed in
many quarters, no sane man will question. Ac
cording to his knowlededge and his understand
ing, then, is it proper that be should be denied
the privilege of communing with his fellow
citizens, or that, when he does so, he should be
subject to such assaults as those to which we have
referred above ? Surely not! Let those rather
who do not see in Governor Brown’s letter
aught to approve, expose cither its fallacies, or
its want of patriotism ; its errors or its deficiency
in logic; but in doing so, let them preserve their
own self-respect, at least, by avoiding a resort to
personal reflections and scurrilous abuse, a course
by no means maintaining the dignity of the
press. The presses which have so committed
themselves should remember that there is no ar
gument in abuse, no logic in scurrility; and that
no weapons in political warfare are so impotent
as they. The time indeed has come—it is upon
us so that no man can escape from it—when
temper must yjeld to a wise policy ; when unity
ot action shall mark the course of our people
when angry controversy must cease; or the
South will become a mere dependence upon the
North, and her people left with liberty alone—to
obey the laws prescribed for their government.—
Governor Brown’s views may not be accepta
bla to many, but they are entitled to at least as
much respectful consideration as the opinions of
any press that has thought proper to denounce
them :
Atlanta* March 23,1867.
Dear Sir—Your communication came to hand
yesterday, and I have read with pleasure the kind
expressions it contains. I have been bitterly as
sailed by many Southern presses, and my motives
impugned, on account of my letter on the 23d
ultimo. I acted from a conscientious conviction
of duty. I knew the situation, and had no doubt
that it was the best for both North and South
that this vexed question be forever settled, and
as speedily as possible. We, as the conquered,
can expect no better terms than those contained
in the Sherman bill. Your people, as the con
querors, can never have a high state of prosperi
ty while this section is prostrate and her interests
paralyzed. Under existing circumstances, the
welfare of the whole country will be best promo
ted by the prompt acceptance ot the terms on
our pari, in good faith, and a faithful adherence
to the pledges contained in the act on your pari.
We must accept the act as a final settlement, and
you must then admit us to representation; and
we must all shake hands over past differences.—
Let the old family of sister States again assemble
around the common council board. Let each
drop a tear over the follies and misfortunes of
the past, and let all resolve in future that all dis
tracting sectional agitations shall be banished
from the hall of legislation, and tiiat the promo
tion ot the best interests of the whole country,
and all its parts, shall be our highest ambition,
and we will then see returning prosperity and
happiness in every part of our vast territory.—
This is now my most ardent wish. If I can be in
strumental in producing this result, I am content
that others hold the offices and enjoy the honors.
I shall do all I can to encourage loyalty and obedi
ence to the constituted authorities. As a private
citizen (for I expect no public position), I shall
contribute my humble part to uphold the flag, sus
tain the credit and maintain the honor of the gov
ernment against every assault, in every emergen
cy. I was a secessionist, and, if you please, a bold,
ardent rebel. I conscientiously believed that we
had the right peaceably to secede. The people of
your section denied this right. We appealed to
the arbitrament of the sword—no other tribunal
having jurisdiction of the case. The decision
was in your favor. We are bound by it. I con
sider the judgment conclusive and the settlement
final. I took my parole as a military commander,
and the amnesty oath in good faith. I have done
no act in violation of either, nor do I ever intend
to in future. The Government of the United
States is now my government—its flag is now
my flag. I chose both after the surrender in
F reference to any other government or flag, and
am determined, come what may, to act faith
fully and defend both. With this'fixed purpose,
it is natural that I should desire the stability of
the government and the prosperity of the whole
country as the greatest earthly blessing.
In reply to your comments upon parties I
have only to say that I shall sympathise aud en
courage our people to act in future with the
party, no matter by what name it may be called,
which has most ability to build up and restore
prosperity to the land of my birth and the home
of my manhood, and shows the greatest disposi
tion to respect onr rights as the broken section
of the Union. I do not intend to be bound by
past predilection or prejudices. We have entered
upon a new era, and I expect to take a practical
view of each question as it is presented. This I
believe to be the intention of a majority ot our
people. After we are restored to the Union, we
intend to discharge our obligations in good faith,
and we shall expect equal rights and equal pro
tection. Very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant, Joseph E. Brown.
The Confederate Dead.
The Rome Commercial thos refers to an ap
proaching anniversary, in which all must feel a
sad and tearful interest:
The twenty-sixth day of April, the mournful
anniversary, is drawing nigh, when the people
of the South will go lorth to weep above the
graves of their dead heroes, and to crown their
undying memories with flowers. Our citizens
will not forget this sacred duty, while they cher
ish a feeling of venerating honor for the’ dead,
and for the cause in which they perished.
Let there be no extensive demonstration. Our
crushed hearts and hopes leave us no relish for
such displays, and surrounding circnmstances
peremptorily torbid them. Then silently gau -
er around the grassy mounds that cover their
honored remains; and while the meanderings oi
memory carry von back to the fields of Uieir
glory, humbly offer your gratitude to the Great
Ruler and Disposer of nations, that amid your
present heavy grief there comes, ever and anon,
one cheering thought, telling yon that there,
moulderipg beneath your feet, are those who did
their all to save you—even yon, weeping moth
ers and lathers, heart-broken wives and daugh
ters. Oh! we doubt not, but that even now, as
you contemplate gathering there to sadly com
memorate this mournful day, the spirits ot those
dear ones are calling:
•• Come to our quiet, lonelv grave*.
There kneel in humble prayer:
And we will steal Irom Heaven above
To meet and bless thee there." ,
^ j After Funds.—The Radicals of Tennessee
The Beecher.—Henry Ward Beecher has j have agents traveling in the North ami West so-
been nominated as a candidate lor the New York j liciting lands with which to prosecute the can-
Senslble Letter Irom a Freedman.
The Richmond Dispatch publishes the follow
ing sensible letter from one ot the most respet-
able freedmen in the City of Richmond:
To the Richmond Dispatch :
Messrs. Editors—Will you be so kind as to
allow me to speak a few words through your
paper about our condition, present and future V
Being myself a freedman, I can speak from
self-experience that we can live heiebetter with
out the aid of any such men as Honnicntt& Co.,
for if they could support us after he has led us
astray, and give us all we need, then it would do
well for us to go with him to the ballot-box and
cast our votes for him and his men. But, brother
freedmen, I hope that we are not blind to our in
terests. We have got to live in the South with
this very people that he is trying to make us
turn our backs upon—the only friends we have
to depend upon—for the times and crisis call for
the truest men your State can afford—men who
will labor hard and honest to bring about an
early peace between the two races. And where
can the men be found ? No where elsg but right
in your own State. Let ns look to ourselves,
that we lose not the things we have by allowing
onr friends from ths other side of the lines to tell
us here to go where they are not willing for us
to be, in their own State. But I say that we
have to live here with the people ot the South,
not in war, as some have said, but in peace and
prosperity. Then let us arise like men of sound
judgment and stand by our peopie. They won’t
hart us, bat they will respect us if we respect
them. Bat we most remember that in the midst
of arms the law is silent. But we must remem
ber that these things cannot last always, and Mr.
Hunnicutt will leave os to sip up the poison that
he has caused to flow from every comer where
he has been among the most ignorant, by telling
them not to vote with rebels. But, sirs, I would
rather trust them—I mean the rebels, so-called
—with our whole cause a thousand times than
to trust Mr. Hunnicutt once. Our people are
poor; they have nothing; and Mr. Haanicutt
will squeeze the eagle on a five-cent piece till it
squeal like two pigs under a gate, before he will
give it to one of us.
But I must dose. Fellow-freedmen, let us
stand by the South as long as she stands, and let
us help to raise her up; and when she rises, we
will rise with her; and if she fall, we will fall
with her; for she is our home, and there is no
place like home.
|lly to remove his
‘ jurisdiction of
»n al property
likewise suspended
i except in cases
money, accruing
The telegraph announced on the 15th that
General Sickles, commanding in the Second
Military District, had issued an order staying the
collection of civil debts. The Charleston papers
of the day following contain a copy of the order
at length. It is said to give great satisfaction.
We copy so much as is necessaiy to a general
nnderstanding of the fetter- and spirit of the
order:
I. Imprisonment for debt is prohibited, unless
the defendant in execution shall be convicted of
a fraudulent concealment or, disposition of his
property, with intent to hinder, delay and pre
vent the creditor in the recovery of his debt or
demand. And the proceedings now established
in North and South Carolina, respectively, for 1
the trial and determination of such questions
may be adopted.
iL Judgments or decrees, for the payment of
money, on causes ot action aii- iri£between the
10th of December, 1860, and 'the 15th of May,
1865, shail not be enforced b_n execution against
the property or the person c.f the defendant.—
Proceedings in such causes of action, now pend
ing, shall be stayed; and no suit or process shall
be hereafter instituted, or commenced, tor any
such causes of action.
III. Sheriffs, Coroners, anti Constables, are
hereby directed to suspend Idr twelve calendar
months, the sale of all property, upon .execution*'
or process, on liabilities contracted prior to the
19th of December, 1860, unless upon the written
consent of the defendants, except in cases where
the plaintiff, or in his absence; his agent or attor
ney, shall, upon oath, with corroborative testi
mony, allege and prove that Ike defendant is re
moving, or intends frauduP
property beyond the terri
the Court. The sale ot real
by foreclosure of mortgage i
for twelve calendar montl
where the payment of interesi
since the 15th day ot May, 1865, shall not have
been made before the day of sale.
IV. Judgments or decrees entered or enrolled
on causes of action arising subsequent to the 15th
of May, 1865, may be enforced by execution
against the properly of the defendant; and in
the application of the money arising under such
executions regard shall be had to the priority ot
liens, unless in cases where the good faith oi any
lien shall be drawn in question. In such cases
the usual mode of proceeding adopted in North
and South Carolina, respectively, to determine
that question, shall be adopted.
V. All proceedings for the recovery ot money
under contracts, whether under seal or by parole,
the consideration for which was the purchase of
negroes, are suspended. Judgments or decrees
entered or enrolled for such cause of action, shall
not be enforced.
VI. All advances ot moneys, subsistence, im
plements and fertilizers, loaned, used, employed
or required tor the purpose of aiding the agricul
tural pursuits of the people, shall be protected.
And the existing laws which have provided the
most efficient remedies in such cases for the lender
will be supported and enforced. Wages for la
bor performed in the production of the crop
shall be a lien on the crop, and payment of the
amount due for such wages shall be enforced by
the like remedies provided to secure advances of
money and other means for the cultivation of the
soil.
VIL In all sales of property under execution or
by order of any court, thertf shall be reserved out
of the property ot any defendant, who has a fami
ly dependent upon his or her labor, a dwelling
house and appurtenances and twenty acres of
land for the use and occupation of the family of
the defendant: and necessary articles of fur
niture, apparel, subsistence; implements of trade,
husbandry or oilier employments, of the value
of five hundred dollars. The' homestead ex
emption shall inure only to the benefit of fami
lies—that is to say; to parent or parents and
child or children. In other cases, the exemption
shall extend only to clothing, implements of
trade or other employment usually followed by
the defendant, of the value of one hudred dol
lars. The exemption hereby made shall not be
waived or defeated by the act of the defendant.
The exempted property ot the defendant shall
be ascertained by the Sheriff, or other officer
enforcing the execution, who shall specifically
describe the same and make a report thereof
in each case to the court. »
State Convention, by the Republicans of Brook
lyn. There is no doubt about the gentleman
being more appropriately qualified for the ros
trum than the pulpit.
▼ass in that State. They are moustroos patriots
Southern Conflscator*.
The Raleigh Standard (Holden’s organ) is
rather in favor of confiscation. It says:
“Mi. Stevens has solemnly declared that he
will devote his remaining strength to the work
of confiscation. His influence in Congress is
well known. The great body of the Northern
people, and many of our owrftpeople, feel that it
would be an act of gross and crying injustice to
free the slaves and give them no lands; and
that, to say the least, it would be better that the
large bodies of land held by Southern rebels be
cut up into small farms for the poor whites and
the colored people. Revolutions never go back
wards, and this revolution has not yet run its
course.”
These are the opinions of one wlio professes
be a Southerner. The opinions of Northern
men of the correctness of his ideas are shown
by the following extract from an editorial of the
New York Times, tt> which we call the especial
attention of our readers:
The effect ot writing of this character can
not but be mischievous. It introduces a new
element of uncertainty into the Soutb, intensi
fies its industrial paralysis, and heightens the
distrust which already deters capitalists from
embarking in its enterprises. It shows that, in
the opinion of politicians who claim. a peculiar
right to manage affairs, and a peculiar influence
over Congressional action, a sweeping measure
confiscation is in itself righteous, and should
be pressed upon the coqntry.
The Standard mis-states the case, when itde
dares that ‘the great body of the Northern peo
ple’ favor the measure, and that the influence of
Mr. Stevens in Congress is a guarantee of its ul
timate adoption. The personal influence of Mr.
tevens we have no inclination to depreciate;
but the last two sessions have abundantly prov
ed that the influence, large as it is, does not ena
ble him to carry points at variance with the gen
eral sentiment of the party. We should be sorry
to lose him from the political arena, and are con
tent' that he shall ‘devote his remaining strength
the work of confiscation,’ because the failure
of his efforts in that regard does not admit ot
doubt The reception accorded to bis confisca
tion bill is evidence of this. It met no response
the House, and was postponed indefinitely by
its author, because an attempt to pass it wonld
have quickly ended in its rejection. With all
their radicalism, the majority of members are
not prepared to sustain a scheme that is repug
nant to the moral sense and the humanity of the
North. They know that the ‘great body of the
Northern people’ not only have no desire to
seize the lands ot the planters and divide them
among the freedmen, but wnald frown down such
project as barbarous, unjust and eminently im
politic.
The current opinioa at the North flows in a
direction widely different from that on which
the extremists of North Carolina base their cal
culations. Their reasoning is as nnsound as
their axiom. Revolutions do sometimes ‘go
backwards,' or, rather, their violence sometimes
produces a re-action which undoes the work and
permanently neutralizes their influence. The
more sensible of the radical journals, recogniz
ing the imminence of re-action as a consequence
of too violent proceedings, are earnest in their
condemnation ot the very measures on which
the Bolden friction build their hopes. The Chi
cago Tribune, than which the radicals have few
abler or more influential organs, condemns
confiscation and repudiates it in behalf of
the party. When Mr. Stevens introduced his
bQl, the Tribune denounced it as a libel upon the
Northern people, who want no measure of ven
geance, and will tolerate none of robbery. The
same journal denounces the recent propositions
of Mr. Sumner, and in effect declares that no
party could live after giving them its sanction.”
Stealing by System.—Recently there was
discovered and broken up at Norwalk, Con
necticut, a society that was formed for the pur
pose of carrying oat systematically the business
of stealing and secreting and selling the stolen
goods. The society was regularly organized
with president, secretary and treasurer, and was
composed mainly of clerks in all branches of
trade. A strict account was kept of the steal
ings uf-eacli member, and the value accredited
We commend to our readers a careful perusal
of the following editorial copied from the Na
tional Intelligencer, of the 10th iust. It is truth
ful and instructive:
Has a majority a right to deprive any portion
of the people of this country of the protection
ot law ? This momentous question is now be
fore the American people, aud on its proper an
swer depend the liberties of this nation. To the
descendants of Englishmen whose ancestors es
tablished the sacred supremacy of law by centu
ries of bloodshed and of civil strife, who wrested
from regal hands the great charter of English
liberty, and in a subsequent age vindicated the
sovereignty of the law in the blood of one ruler,
and by the expulsion of another, it may seem
strangethat such a question should be* asked.
For in EnglObd it is no longer a question. The
law .binds alike the king on his throne and the
peasant in his hut; and omnipotent as is the
Parliament, it cannot set aside certain principles
which are the very constitutional elements of
British freedom. •
So, too, we had supposed that in this country
there were certain political truths so universally
recognized, and sp deeply imbedded in the pop
ular thought, that a man might just as well as
sail the axioms of mathematics as to array him
self against them—the right of trial by jury; the
right of tree speech ; freedom from arrest, save
by judicial process, with the certainty of a spee
dy trial in the vicinage of the alleged offense;
immunity from search; independent ownership
ot property.
But in the days of the revolutionary struggle
au eminent Lord Chancellor of England said
that the revolting colonies would ere long lose
the. writ of habeas corpus and the jury trial, be
cause they did not know what these cost. They
were priceless privileges, lightly acquired by
them, to be as lightly lost; whereas Englishmen
had purchased them at too much cost ot treas
ure and of blood ever to part with them. In
solemn earnestness, and with a deep sense of the
national peril, we appeal to our countrymen to
know if this prophecy is to be fulfilled in this
generation.
The military bills -are utti rly irreconcilable
with the principles of a tree government. What
makes a despotism ? The arrest of free citizens
their imprisonment, and death; the sequestra
tiou of their property ? Not then alone, but the
fact that they are liable to arrest; that outrages
may be arbitrarily committed against which
they have no secure redress. There are thou
sands of men who plant and sow, who buy and
sell, who tend herds or make fabrics, in Turkey,
who are never seriously disturbed by the satraps
of the Sultan or the minions of a pasha. But
every man is liable to arbitrary interference, and
this.ls the curse which makes life and property
unsafe and free speech impossible. Yet, in free
America, in the midst ot a boasting Republic,
in the full blaze of the Christian civilization of
the nineteenth century, we have ordained a des
potism—a government which makes every citi
zen, from the Rio Grande to the Potomac, liable
to arrest, imprisonment, and fine, at the mere
will of a soldier. That tills is not marked by
the infamous abuses of despotic authority is
owing, not to the nature of the power conferred,
but the character of the men who wield it.
Is this principle of clothing with irresponsible
power, by act ot Congress, the commander of a
military district, erected by that Congress, to re
ceive the sanction of the American people? If
it is, what is to liiuiler that same Congress from
declaring any State government unrepublicun
in form and setting it aside, creating in its stead
a military district ?
Tlie only power possessed by Congress is that
conferred by the Constitution.' But that instru
ment gives flo more power over one State than
over another. It-has no more authority over
Virginia than over Pennsylvania; no more right
to control Georgia than Delaware. It is express
ly prohibited from suspending the writ of habeas
corpus “ unless when, in cases of rebellion and in
vasion, the public safety may require it.” There
is no rebellion; there is no invasion ; the public
safety does not require it.
But in no event is Congress authorized to rear
the military above the civil arm throughout the
nation, or to set aside the supremacy ot the civil
authority. Yet this has been done, and on a gi
gantic scale, and we are told that the will of the
majority is an ^1-sufficient vindication. But the
will of the majority cannot justly deprive a citi
zen of his right of speech, though holding him
responsible for his abuse of it. It cannot wrest
from him his property unless by due process of
law, and for an offense clearly deserving of pun
ishment. It cannot justly thrust him into prison,
and keep him there by a mere arbitrary exercise
of piower. And we solemly warn our country
men that be who seriously defends such Chings
is himself prepared lor a mastei, and is uphold
ing doctrine^ that strike at the very root of civil
and religious freedom. The liberties of the citi
zens are not held under tbe sanction of the Exe
cutive or by the permit of Congress. They can
not, therefore, be impaired by Executive fiat or
by legislative act They derive their inherent
vitality from the law of God, as enunciated in
the law of the land; and though it may exercise
the power, we utterly deny the right even ot a
majority to upset our Constitution and substitute
in its place a Congressional despotism.
there Tennessee Radicals, bat you never catch to him on the society book. Profit enough had
one of them wearing himartf out unless he can I been already secured to enable two families to
are money inth* operation. I visit the Paps Exposition.
The Food. Question.
The following remarks upon the food ques
tion, from a recent number of the Cincinnati
Gazette, will not fail to interest the reader:
An important feature in the general markets
at present—a very important one, indeed—is the
excitement in flour and grain, and the high
prices established. This is not the result ot
speculation, but of absolute scarcity. In regard
to wheat, it may be remarked tbat we are now
feeling the full effect of tbe failure of tbe last
crop. The consumption has now so far gained
upon the supply, as to render it difficult for mil
lers to meet even the diminished consumptive
demand for flour. This, of course, excites a
speculative movement, bat the effect of the latter
will be to cause farmers to harry to market
whatever remains of the crop, not only in this
section, bnt throughout the country. Meantime,
peop’e will be compelled to use a substitute for
wheat flour. Bread becomes a serious item in
household expenses when flour, at retail, reaches
$16 to $17 per barrel. Corn meal and potatoes
will of necessity take the place of flour to a
large extent. Tbe new crop of wheat will come
upon a market more bare than baa been experi
enced for a great many years.
This being the case,'it is particularly pleasant
to know tbat the growing wheat crop was never
more promising. In some sections tbe breadth
oi land planted was not as large as usual, owing
to the scarcity of seed, but there is nevertheless a
fair average of land under winter wheat, and if
the harvest turns out as well as it now promises,
we shall h&ve a fair yield. The crop is, of course,
still liable to suffer, bat suffice it for the present,
that the prospects are excellent, and the season
decidedly favorable. Let no.one suppose that we
are to haves continued scarcity of produce, with
the single exception, perhaps, of wheat. Present
ly there will be a rush to get stuff to market, and
people who operate upon the idea of a continued
scarcity, will be seriously hurt. There were good
crops of corn, oats, potatoes, and minor articles
of produce last year, and there is a large surplus
remaining in the country, which the high prices
prevailing, will bring ont.
There are plenty of cows, too, to give milk, and
milk means batter; there has been no hen cholera
that we have heard of, and hens have not quit
laying eggs. We shall, therefore, have plentyjqf
eggs after awhile. Grass is backward, but it is
now coming forward rapidly. This will facili
tate butter making. Sheep are plenty, and have
been as productive as usual. Good grass will
soon give ns plenty of mutton, anil spring lambs
will shortly begin to crowd our markets. In fine,
we are not going to have a famine, and people
who are calculating upon a continuance of famine
prices, had better begin to put their houses (finan
cially) in order.
Little Boy Shot in a Quarrel with a
Playmate.—The Memphis Post of the 15th
says : “We have received information of adiss-
tressing affair which occurred at Somerville,
Fayette county, on Saturday evening last—
A difficulty occurred between a little son of
Judge Reeves, of the Circuit Court, eleven years
old, and another lad of about the same age, son
of Dewit Moseby. Daring the altercation young
Moeeby drew a pistol and shot his antagonist,
inflicting a wound from which he has since
died. Young Reeves is represented to have
been an unusually bright boy. Both families
are plunged into profound sorrow by the occur
rence. When will parents learn to disconten-
ance die carrying of deadly weapons by their
children ?
General Bartow’* Farewell.
BY MISS DHU3ILLA WORTH.
Gen. Bartow, of Savannah, commanded troopB
in Virginia. Before leaving home he was im
pressed with tbe belief that he would never meet
his wife again. He was killed in making a
charge at Manassas against the old New York
Zouaves, aud thus his presentiment was verified.
Darling, come buckle on my eword,
The parting hour baa come,
I hear the shrill notes of the fife,
And spirit-stirring dram.
Be brave, my bright, my beautiful,
My first and only lore;
God asks of us the sacrifice,
Bnt we will meet above.
One kiss, my own true-hearted wife,
Then bid your Bartow go.
And seek amid war’s deadly strife,
To meerour tountry’s foe.
Look np, my love, and smile once-mora—
See yonder are my men.
They must not see me falter now.
Lest it dishearten them. _ ,
No tears I bnt like Andromica,
Go help to tend tbe loom,
Yet never, like her Hector, will
Your own true Bartow come.
Farewell, and when the battle’s o’er,
Pray look among the slain,
And you will see tne reason why
I cannot come again.
God shield thee from the coming woe,
Shall be my constant prayer,
Until He calls thee home above
I’ll leave thee fa His care.
The boys are watting—I must go,
Farewell, my own dear wife,
Thia is the last I’ll ever see
Of thee again in life.
Wendell Phillips Again,
Wendell Phillips, according to his friends, is
the soul of the Republican party, the man who
furnishes it with brains. His outgivings, there
fore, are entitled to some consideration. The
following is the latest:
Muscatine, Iowa, April 5,1866.
Lord John Russell, you remember, talked of
the Reform Bill of 1831 as a “ finality.” So
some men seem to fancy the Military bill a finali
ty. It is only a half-way house on the Congres
sional road from Lincoln and Stevens. The train
stops there to wood and water; gels rid of some
passengers and a large amount of baggage, to
go forward at an increased speed.
All our duty is to press constantly on the na
tion the absolute need of three thmgs:
1. The exercise of the whole police power of
the Government to hold the South quiet while the
seeds of Republicanism get planted.
2. The constitutional amendmsnt, securing
universal suffrage in spite of all State legislation.
3. A constitutional amendment authorizing
Congress to establish common schools in any
State destitute of them, at the State’s expense.
For these measures we must educate the pub
lic mind. These are the Soil in which the seeds
of good government and equal rights can alone
be trusted.
But I think we must direct our care a little
farther ahead. Johnson is watched, and will be
impeached or crippled. The next important
question is, to whom shall the nation give the
helm for the next four years? If a Democrat
gets it we shall lose two-thirds of the war. If a
compromiser has it we shall lose one-half. With
Radicalism at the helm, we may save two-thirds
of what we have earned. In that next four
years the pressure from business men for the
Government to open, in some way and on some
conditions' the old channels of business, will be
irresistible. The Republican leaders, having
secured (if they do secure) a party triumph, by
keeping the South out of the Electoral College
of 1868, will give way. The next administration,
therefore, must be expected to settle this ques
tion. The bias of that man who occupies the
White House theu will lie of immense impor
tance.
Now the country is drifting into the Presiden
cy of Gen. Grant—a man of whose political
ideas (if he has any) no man can tell us anything.
The first assertion of his friends is, that he is a
safe man, because he has nq political ideas, and
will be in good hands. Alas! our present incu
bus was in good bands! Next time we want a
man with brains and a licaTt of his own, not one
who depends on being girded and guided
“ whither he will not.” Astounding madness!
Republicans tell us they must nominate Grant,
else the Democrats will! In these hours, when
the nation agonizes for existence, we take a man
for our leader so lacking in principle that he will
suit either party equally well! Two armies in
deadly fight, one deliberately chooses for its
leader such a perfect Swiss that the other will
clutch him if the first does not! Lincoln’s fear
of Kentucky did us infinite harm. I hope Grant’s
love for it will not be allowed to do us more.
Memphis, New Orleans and Baltimore are enough
to show liow Grant does bis military duty. Do
they encourage us to trust him with any civil
ones ? Wendell Phillips.
Meeting In Baker County.
The Albany News of the 16th contains the ac
count below of a meeting held in that place a
few days ago. It may weil be doubted whether
meetings of the kind are likely to result in any
thing beneficial. So far the indications are un
favorable :
At an early hour in the morniog the crowd
commenced gathering, and by ten o’clock the
streets were crowded. Almost every planter in
the community had furnished wagons and moles
to transport his hands to town. An unfortunate
misunderstanding occurred between the negroes
themselves. But about one o’clock they com
menced gathering at the Court House, and quite
a crowd came up, but not more that one-third of
the number in the city. The truth is they did
not understand nor did they care what was go
ing on. •
Speeches were made by C. Broadenax, Phil
Joiner, Peter Hines, Hill Johnson, and Geo.
Washington, colored, and by CoL D. P. Hill, P.
Strozier, and Gen. Morgan.
Two of the speeches were of the most malig
nant character, and resulted in no good, being
the recital of personal wrongs, revenge and spite.
The others were temperate, and though not in
accordance with our feelings, yet they were re
spectful in tone and dignified in manner.
Many were in error as to the object of the
meeting, and those who were the more dissatis
fied seemed to understand that the whites were
to meet the blacks in debate upon the question
of suffrage. Nothing was further from the de
sign of those who projected the meeting. '
we are told.
So
Tbe Bristow Murder.
A correspondent of the Savannah News <fc
gives the following particulars of the
murder of Mr. Joel C. Bristow, at Madison,
Florida, a notice ot which appeared in our col
umns a few days since:
On Wednesday, the 27th ult., Mr. Bristow bad
some difficulty "with one Frank W. Pope, his
pupil, and son of Dr. John H. Pope, about sev
enteen years of age, and chastised him, but not
much. At recess in the afternoon young Pope
went to several places in town, and tried to bor
row a pistol. After some time he succeeded in
obtaining one, pretending that he only wanted
to do some shooting, and no one suspected his
intention. He walked immediately to the Se
minary, entered tbe door with the pistol drawn,
and told Mr. Bristow to get down on his knees
and beg pardon, or he would make him fall. Mr.
Bristow advanced towards him, bolding a chair
between himself and the boy, who was shooting
all the while. He shot five times, three shots
taking effect in Mr. Bristow’s body. One merely
grazed tbe neck ; another went through the right
arm, just above the elbow; and the third en
tered the right abdomen, just above the groin,
whicli last was the fatal shot.
This happened between three and four o’clock
p. m., on the 27th ult. Mr. Bristow lived until
the next evening, about twenty minutes past one
o’clock. He was perfectly in his senses until tbe
last, and said that he was prepared and ready to
die. . He felt no jnessage for any one. He suf
fered a great deal.
Frank Pope has made his escape. We think
he went to Savannah. He left shortly after the
occurrence and went to parts unknown. How
he succeeded m getting oft' I have not been able
to learn—bnt he is gone.
A Colored 5L\n Appointed Register of
Voters.—Samuel J. B. Carter, colored, a teacta-
What General* Moody Buckner and
Wheeler Think of the Situation.
General J. B. Hood is now the head of a large
commercial house in this city. He received me
very cordially, and expressed his views in a very
candid and clear manner. If I do not mistake
the tenor of his conversation, he is in favor of a
cheerful and ready compliance on the part of
the South with the terms of the Sherman bill,
and the act supplementary thereto. He em
phatically declares that from the Potomac to
the Rio Grande, the people earnestly desire
peace, prosperity and unity, and that further re
sistance to the government never enters their
thoughts. At the same time he feels that the
South can never swallow the policy of the Radi
cals, which is so diametrically at variance with
the Constitution as interpreted by those who
framed it. He has never considered that the
South 8honid surrender any right under the Con
stitution excepting slavey, and that having once
more become good citizens under the Union,
they should be protected in their rights of pro
perty, and not be asked to become parties to tbe
disfranchisement of men they had selected to
represent them in the forum or the field.
While he is very glad that the South has not
had anything to do with giving the negro the
right of suffrage, he is in favor of gracefully
yielding to the demands of Congress, and giving
the negro the privilege oi voting, convinced as
he is that the negro’s interests are synonomous
with those of his old master, and that he will
vote the Conservative ticket throughout. The
only fear that he expresses is tbat Congress may
go further, and confiscate the property of par
ties who participated in the rebellion. He is
very firm in the belief that the negro will
vote with the Southern people, unless Con
gress, by promises of confiscating the pro
perty of rebels for the benefit of negroes, bids
higher than the South for the negro vote.—
The general believes that his people will gener
ally register and exercise the franchise privilege
under the law, and expresses the hope that the
people, North and South, will unite in a deter
mination to keep the radical majority strictly to
the landmarks of the Constitution and law. He
emphatically denies that any portion of the
Southern people, and especially the soldiers of
the Confederacy, are disloyal to the Gwernmcni
of the United States, or that they have not
accepted the verdict of lead and iron in goo l
faith.
GENERAL BUCKNER.
This gentleman’s views are somewhat pecu
liar. He has always argued, and stili insists,
that when any people are oppressed they should
resist, and, if necessary, use force for a redress
of grievances. He considers that the rebellion
was begun at Washington, when encroachments •
were made upon the Constitution, and efforts
made ;o oppress the South. He declares that
he entered the service to resist usurpation, and
he still adheres to the idea that the rebellion wns
justifiable; yet he is for cheerfully accepting the
results, and gracefully yielding to such demands
as the conquerors make, provided the manhood
of the people are not jeopardized. The general,
in course of conversation, remarked : “ I think
that the endurance ot wrong that we cannot,
avoid is very different from making ourselves
parties with others to effect wrongs. To apply
tbat toQhe present emergency—Congress has de
prived us of our constitutional rights; we ought
to endure it as a patient people, and bide a time
when conservatism will restore us to our former
condition of things.”
On the question oi negro suffrage, the Genera!
said the South mu9t cheerfully accept it, anti
use the negro at the polls, teaching them their
interests are identical with those of the whites ;
that they must consolidate the people and send
to the State Convention men who truly express
the sentiment ot the people, which is opposed
to disfranchising such men as Lee, Beauregard,
and Johnston, who were elevated to the posi
tions they filled by the voice ot the people. If
men of this class are to be disfranchised, the
South should not be parties to it, but let the re
sponsibility rest upon Congress. In answer to
the question whether he thought the negro vote
would be thrown for the conservatives, he adds :
“ We can divide the vote in the cities, but in the
country we can vote the negro easily.” He ex
pressed his desire to see the South filled up by
industrious laborers and capitalists from the
North; but he feared iu a few years this might
result disastrously, for his experience showed
that the Northern men after a few years’ resi
dence, became even more ultra Southern than
the natives of the soil, and tiie Southern people
might have difficulty in holding them in check.
He believed most of the people would register
and exercise the franchise, but they never would
vote if it involved the disfranchisement of their
leaders. Let the Radicals take the responsibility of
that. Before the Southern people become parties to
so great a wrong they should still remain out and
suffer. “ By admitting the Constitutional amend- .
ment,” he said, “ as proposed, and sending Radi
cals to Congress from these States, we would be
tying the hands of the Northern Conservatives
and lending ourselves to the overthrow of the
constitutional government of our fathers, acts
which we cannot consistently consent to.”
GENABAL WHEELER.
I called also upon Major General Wheeler, the
celebrated cavalry raider. The General, to use
his own words, is “ in favor of peace, security
and the unity of the government.” He declared
he was no politician, but the war having ended
disastrously to the Soutb, they should accept the
verdict in good faith, and extending the hand
of fellowship, unite with all true patriots to main
tain the Federal Union and perpetuate its glory.
I was very much pleased with the spirit manifest
ed by the little sabeeur, who is evidently sincere
in the views he advanced. He declares that
ever since his parole be has eschewed politics
and turned his attention to business, and that
every Southerner should endeavor to advance
the material interests of his country in prefer
ence to quarreling with the victor for the purpose
of seeming better terms.
Secret Political Societies.
The article below in reference to secret politi
cal organizations, strong, forcible and pointed, is
from the Federal Union of the 16th:
When men join a secret political society, they
give up their own judgment, their freedom of
thought, and action, their conscience, and often
their son], into the keeping of others. When
they enter the door of one of these dens of in
famy and mischief, they have to leave their free
dom, their love, their duty to their friends, and
their God, behind; for those who are active in
getting up these secret combinations for political
purposes, have no use for a man unless they can
control him body and soul. Many an honest
man has been enticed and decoyed into one of
these societies, bnt very few have come out hon
est. The whole object and design ot these as
sociations, is to cheat and deceive, to entrap and
lead astray, tbe simple and unsuspecting. We
have been told that wicked and designing men
are trying in many places to entice colored men
to join one of these societies or leagues so that
they can control their votes. Why not let them •
alone, and let them vote as they choose. Be
cause, if let alone, they may not vote to suit
them, and they wish to bind them by an oath or
obligation. Bnt let onr colored friends remem
ber that he that is bound to a society or league,
is no longer a free man, but a slave to the mas
ters of the league. Why do they keep every
thing secret and in the dark ? The Bible answers
that question: “They love darkness rather than
light, becanse their deeds are evil.” “They dare
not come to the light lest their deeds should be
reproved.” We advise every man, white or
black, who desires to act honestly, and be re
spected, to shun these political leagues as be
would shnn one of the traps of Satan ; and mark
those who have sold themselves to a league, they
will not do to trust. They are bound hand and
foot, and can not act honestly, if they would.—
They are blind leaders of the blind, and will all
fall into the ditch.
Tk« Lower MI**l**!ppL
The New Orleans correspondent of the Charles
ton Courier sends his paper an unfavorable ac
count of matters along the lower Mississippi.
He says:
More disastrous news comes in every day
about tbe levees. The bottom lands now are
generally given np, and it will be vears before
the richest of them are reclaimed. Neither this
State nor individuals can afford to rebuild, and
the hopes of appropriations by Congress are as
faint and few as those of the millenium. With
out Government aid we can do nothing. Plant-
era who began the spring with the fairest hopes
are rained, and the factors have exhausted them
selves in loans. If a man were to go on Caron-
er has been appointed Register of Voters in delet street to-day and offer the best crop in seed
T ’ . .. . M.i.iarv ! ever planted, for a tooth-pick, he would be re-
Jackson county, Alabama, under tlm Mmtary u a lunatic. White men down here are
Reconstruction Bill, at the request ot several j looked upon as very “unsartin,” and niggers
prominent white citizen of Stevenson. ' can’t be counted on.