Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XIX.
ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT."—Jtfertm.
ATLANTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY, MAY 8,18671
NUMBER 19.
ttlffhli) ^ntflligmcrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, May 8, I860.
They are Coatlac, Father Abraham.
Ii is stated in a radical paper that Jndge Kel-
Ly, B. Butler, Senators Nye and Pomeroy, and
other celebrities, whose names are familiar to the
country, have made arrangements to follow in
the footsteps of Henry Wilson, and aid that phi
lanthropic and truly Christian man in building
up a Republican party at the South. Congress
has passed certain laws by which the South is to
bo reconstructed Military commanders have
been appointed to sec that no obstructions are
cast in the way of the work contemplated, and
to promptly rebuke, and, i' may lie, punish all
who attr jipt anything of the sort. The people
of the South of course accept the condition as
the only escafie left them from the social and po
litical death with which they are threaten*^.
They offer no factious opposition to that which
is deemed inevitable, but generally are disposed
to go along and make the liest of the situation
that circumstances will allow. But just at the
very moment when these encouraging sigus be
gin to appear, it seems that the country is to be
invaded by hordes of political missionaries,
whose sole and only object is to divide and dis
tract our people, and to build up two antagonis
tic parties, the natural tendencies of which will
be to lead to a war ol races.
We respectfully submit that these men mean
mischief; that their efforts at speech-making
cannot, in any possible view, result in good, and
must be productive of barm, und harm only;
and that tlu-y will do more to prevent the work
of reconstruction than all the unregeneratc rebels
in the Territories.
We always contend lor the largest liberty—tor
the freedom of speech, of the press, of thought,
of expression—hut we think it would not be a
bad idea lor the authorities into whose charge
the supervision ol the work of reconstruction
lias been more particularly committed, to suggest
to these ranting and restless agitators that their
services on the slump could be dispensed with
in the South at this positive juncture, and that
they might better serve themselves, their coun
try, and perhaps their God, by subsiding, for a
hriel season at least, into the valley and shadow
of retiracy. If there ever was a period iu our
history when brawling demagogues and blatant
politicians should keep silence, it is right now.
In this connection we copy au article below,
from the New York Express:
DESPERATE and DKYII.ISH.
Some of the Radicals in the South arc en
deavoring not only to win over the negroes to
the Republican party, but to excite their passions
against the white people ot the South, by ap
pealing to negro cupidity. The mode of address
is to tell the freedmen that the lands of their old
masters belong lo them—that these lands ought
to he confiscated by the Government and divided
among them, and that the condition of the two
races should ho altogether changed! This
monstrous doctrine of confiscation and of war
between the two races, finds numerous advocates
among the extreme Radicals North and South.
It is pushed right anil left, and its effect is both
injurious upon business, crops, people, States,
Country, everybody and everything.
Such missions as have been undertaken by
Senator Wilson, and arranged by Kelley, of Pa.,
aud other Radicals, are calculated to produce
the worst feeling and the greatest possible mis
chief. The avowed object is partisanship, not
ltie good ot the negro, morally or socially, hut
simply to make a Radical politician out ot him.
To do this, the old planters, and old merchants,
and traders of the Sortli, and the people them
selves, are to he painted in all the deformities of
oppressors. The uegro is to bo taught to hate,
the while man with whom he and his ancestors
have lived ou terms ot good will tor inauy gene
rations. With all his ignorance and unfitness
tor the use of the ballot, or for holding office un
der it, he 19 to be thrust into places of great re
sponsibility. What care such men as Wilson, of
Massachusetts, Nye, of Nevada, and Kelley, ot
Pennsylvania, tor good government or the wel-
tare of the people in Georgia, the Carolinas, Vir
ginia, or any one of the Southern Slates ? They
have the purpose and power to destroy, but none
to build up. The negro being the more nume
rous. and tlm more ignorant parties, they can, as
they hope, appeal to them with effect, and it evil
cunt s to the State, or to society, or to the negro
— who, in the end, will lie made a great deal
worse by this intermeddling—they know they
will not suffer, in their persons or their property,
t>v it.
It is ditfleulfto conceive of a more pernicious
purpose, or more calculated, according to the
measure of this influence, to produce worse re
sults. But our hope is, that the negro will see
ins own interests and kuow his own friends,—
When the war closed the false expectations of
sectional men North, made his condition a great
ileal worse than it is to-day. He expected a di
vision ot lands, houses, everything. To him
Ircedoni meant Ireedom from labor. In this ex
pectation he refused in a majority ol oases to
work. The experience ol 1365-66 satisfied him
A>t his error, and this spring he is working either
for wages or tor a division of profits, and just
when his prospects are brightening, when recon
struction is accepted as a necessity, when schools
are opening, when all sigus indicate pleasanter
nuil more prosperous relations lietweeu the two
races iu the future, these political marplots are
setting forth upon their selfish and partisan mis
sions. We believe that iu many ot the States,
certainly in parts of the States, the negroes will
be iu sympathy with the white people. i\ e
have seen abundant evidence ot this, and it is
because ot this sympathy and good will that
these wretched interlopers are now seeking to
break up these relations. No true triend of
peace, public order, or ttie future good of the
eouutry, will countenance this designed mischief
General Koueau.
It is stated iu some ot the papers that an effort
is beiug made to induce the President to remove
General Phil. Sheridan from the command ot the
Fifth Military District, aud to appoint General
Rosseau iu his pl»cc. It is also stated that the
President seriously contemplates making the
eliange. But though no doubt it would be a
ni,»st excellent one, we do not think it will he
made at present. General bheridan’s appoint
ment was evideutly au unfortunate one. He if
the wrong man in the wrong place, and it may
la* that the appointing power at the national
capital meditates the change to which some of
the papers troin that direction refer.
Singular Di ke,—A singular duel has recent
ly taken place at Berlin lielween a journeyman
silversmith aud another artisan. The arms se
lected wen* a bottle of sulphuric acid. The ar
rangement was that whichever of the two adver
saries threw the lowest with dice should swallow
the fatal phial. Chance favored the silversmith,
w tio immediately poured out a glass of liquor
aud Lauded it lo his adversary, who unhesita
tingly drank off the liquid, hut to the astonish
ment ol his antagonist, instead of tailing sense
less, smacked his lips and risked for another
glass. The seconds had acted on the sensible
idea ot substituting arrack tor this corrosive fluid,
file affair terminated iu a reconciliation.
Tbe Scene In the Supreme Court.
The National Intelligencer, of the 27th, has an
interesting editorial in reference to the scene in
the Supreme Court on the occasion of the argu
ment of the Georgia Injunction case. It says :
“ A few moments alter the opening of the court,
the Attorney General arose, and in impressive,
earnest phrase commented on the momentous
importance of the ease, and then passed to a dis
section of the nature of the laws complained of,
and of the character and grounds for an appeal
to an equity court. We publish the argument
elsewhere, and it speaks (or itself as an eminent
ly lawyer-like, exhaustive, and able presentation
of bis side of tbe question. Argued on purely
I technical grounds, lie studiously avoided tbe
! solemn question of the constitutionality of these
laws, while insisting, with a force and adroitness
which cannot well lie surpassed, that the case
was one of which the court had no jurisdiction.
The reply of Mr. O’Couor met, it seemed to us,
fully the technical objections ot the Attorney
General; hut it did more. It showed that the
Supreme Court is the only tribunal to which
States, as civil corporations, can appeal when
their rights and franchises are invaded ; tha* by
tlie very terms of the Constitution, the court is
bound to protect them in their constitutional
rights. Individuals, when wronged, may appeal
to the common-law courts. Ordinary corpora
tions may appeal to the State tribunals. But
sovereign States, which have agreed that the
Supreme Court shall lx? their tribunal ol arbitra
tion, are in the position of nations which might
agree upon an international high court of ap
peals, coming, with no loss of dignity, to the
tribunal which they have clothed with the au
thority, to ask that justice might he done. The
objection against political decisions was very
forcibly and eloquently disposed of, and the sol
emn function of a court to pronounce the law,
leaving it to tlie Executive to refuse to enforce it,
or obey, was most impressively expounded.
Waalifn^ion OiiMlp.
The Washington correspondent ot tlie Charles
ton Courier wrote oil the 25th that the President-,
and indeed ull the members of liis Cabinet, ex
press their gratification at the fact, now fixed,
that the ten excluded Southern Slates are now
hastening to re-organize under the laws, harsh
as they are, ot Congress. They are hopeful that
the representation ot these States iu Congress
will favorably affect the temper and policy ot
the Radical party, aud that it may soon lead to
financial, commercial and political reforms.
The same writer slates that the President said
it was necessary to tame down the military com
manders who govern the Provisional States iu
their several military districts. Their wings
must he cut a little, lest they take too high a
flight. A law in itself arbitrary, mortifying and
vindictive, should be so constiued and adminis
tered as to impose as little hardship upon those
subjected to it as possible.
The Executive Government will give close at
tention to tiiis subject, and probably the action
of General Sheridan will be restrained. As to
some other of the Generals, little complaint is
made from any quarter a- to their acts. The
wisest regulations may sometimes he inconve
nient to a low individuals in a community,
though beneficial to the mass.
Tlie President has signified his desire to visit
Boston on the 17th ot June, the anniversary of
the battle of Bunker Hill. lie would also take
a trip Southward in May, if possible. Hedoubts,
however, whether he can be relieved from his.
duties here loug enough for either trip.
Good Suggestion.
It strike's us there is a good deal of good sense
in the suggestions of tlie communication below,
whieli we find in the Mobile Tribune ot thc28th
Mr. Editor—Mail}’ uppeals are being made at
the North and elsewhere, tor help for the desti
tute South. The statements of our deep poverty
are not exaggerated; nor will the help be too
alniudant. But, alter all, even proper help oft-
times becomes a bonus fur laziness, and offers a
premium lor incipient mendicancy.
The real want ot the South lies deeper. We
need U/ljor tor our various classes. Many of our
newspapers reiterate the idea that the South
needs factories. But the only kind of factory
which seems to present ilselt before their vision
is a great cotton concern, costing some hundred
thousand dollars or more. And they constantly
urge the establishment ot these, in the face of
the fact that such establishments have been al
most always iu the South, the ruin of the origi
nal stockholders.
\V e need, in my judgment, the ten thousand
and one little industrial enterprises, requiring hut
little original outlay, and capable ot being in
creased ou demand. Unfortunately our people
have but limited ideas of tlie propriety ot be
ginning business on a halt dollar, and adding
tlie next half dollar to the capital. They must
have a $50,000 concern, and either make a for
tune at once, or go to the dogs.
In this city are multitudes ot little boys aud
girls who would rejoice in being made of value
to themselves, to their tamilies, and to society,
by having something to do. They are ready to
enter with alacrity upon any systematic labor
which gives promise of pay. Cannot some of
our citizens establish iu this city some one or
two ot the industrial pursuits adapted to the
young, ami thereby give employment to them,
to help them up out of poverty, aud to keep
them, perhaps, from lulure crime?
Tlie Second Dint Met.
General Sickles has issued a circular explana
tory of Order No. 10, previously published. We
make an extract from the circular, as follows:
Although some of the former political relations
of the inhabitants are in abeyance, their private
relations, their persons and property, and their
remedies for wrongs remain as heretofore, within
the cognizance of the local tribunals, and subject
to the laws of the provisional government Hith
erto iu force, except so far as such laws are iu
conflict with the Constitution and laws ot the
United States, or with the regulations prescribed
by the Commanding General.
Amongst the consequences necessarily inci
dent to the military authority established by
Congress, and indispensable to the objects for
which tlie authority is established, is the ap
pointment and control of the civil agents by
whom, and tlie measures by which tbe govern
ment itt? interim is to be conducted. In the ex
ercise of this authority, such regulations and ap- !
pointments will be announced from time to time j . . ... .
as may become necessary; and so far as these j u P° n *^ e high judicial tribunal the highest un-
regulations concern the ordinary civil relations j der tlie Constitution in this country, and one of
ot the inhabitants, they will be administered by the three co-ordinate departments of the general
the courts and by the proper civil officers iu tbe I a-overument—we are not prepared to say. Per-
usual course ot procedure.
«.
Our Inexhaustible Resource*.
The Boston Courier throws out this uote of
warning .-
haps they will avail naught, as we are Inclined
at present to believe. Nevertheless, they em
brace sound political tenets, which, we predict,
ere many years shall pass, will he invoked by
We understand that while there is no doubt of j more than one Northern State to arrest eongres-
the fact that there is a redundancy of paper s jonal usurpation upon their rights with what
money, our Banks are really in a very tight place i . , .
tor want ot currency. It is a curious fact that \ **<*** tirne nD, y 0411 te!1 -
while the aggregate deposits of the Boston Banks
Scan. Mao.—It is whispered abroad that the
sudden illness of the Empress Eugenie was
caused by a pamphlet sent to her, aud into
Frauce, by Gonzalez Cravo, the Spanish Minister
ot the Interior. This pamphlet, it is said, was
ru II of spiteful revelations concerniug the early
Lfe of the present Etnpivss of tlie French ; aud
was sent out in retaliation for some wicked
pamphlets about Queen Isabella, which have
lately appeared in FranCe.
What is the difference between a housewife
and an editor ? One seta articles lo rights, and
the other writes artieles to set.
are thirty seven millions and their circulation
twenty four millions of dollars, there are many
ot them that c&nuot conveniently pay out legal
tender notes for a check ot twenty thousand
dollars. Where is all the paper money that has
done us such a mischief ? Is this exhausted too,
like so many other of our •■inexhaustible re
sources ? ”
Taxation.
Iu the “Clarendon papers,” so-called, the fol
lowing instance is narrated:
“At Henly, upon the Thames, a woman, speak
ing against taxation imposed by Parliament, was
ordered by a committee to have her tongue fas
tened by a nail to the body of a tree by the way
side on market day, which was accordingly
It is really a serious matter, that our Banks done, and a paper, in great letters, setting form
with such heavy liabilities have so small an the heinoasness of her crime, fixed to her back.”
Kmdd exc : han r ,or ,bem Well it is for the tax payers of this generation
U should awaken tlie most proiound appreaen- , . , .. J . . ... .
sions among prudent men, and they must see i time that the progress of civilization has
that the end cannot he fkr off. How long can it taught tbe law-making power to tolerate more
The Georgia Injunction Caae—Arsnnent
of Mr. Charles O’Connor.
Mr. O’Connor’s argument in the “Georgia In
junction Case,” before tlie Supreme Court of the
United States, is being extensively published
throughout the North, and will be in most of the
Southern papers. It is certainly one that fully
sustains the reputation ot that gentleman ns a
■profound lawyer and patriotic gentleman. On
the present occasion we design only to call the
attention of onr readers to the concluding por
tion of his argument, embracing as it does, what
we have been taught to believe was the nature
of the government under which we, the people
of the States, lived from the day of its formation
until the Southern States seceded front the
“ Union.” Says Mr. O’Conuor:
If the Court please, the great advantage of our
system of government is that it divides into three
great co-ordinate and independent departments,
the whole function of governing the country,
aud that it makes them perfectly independent of
each other. The object of their independence
is that they shall mutually check and con
trol each other, not by the exercise of vio
lence of any description* in the performance of
anything that would amount to insult, hut by
each duly performing its own part and ma
king its function felt to the extent of its con
stitutional power and office. This is the great
bulwark contrived by the wisdom ot ancient
times and carried into execution practically by
the firm hands of the fathers of this Republic,
which constitutes, in point ot fact, the only safe
guard of private right aud public liberty. It is
the only safeguard that could be contrived.
None other is effectual; none other would pro
tect the rights of minorities or the rights of indi
viduals. lake all human institutions, this must
be, of course, imperfect. They have authority
to check each other, hut will they, as a matter of
course? There is no certainty that they will.
Aud if any one will reflect for a moment upon
the action ot these departments, I think it will
be seen that nothing more was accomplished by
this division into three departments than this,
anti il is so expressed by many writers upon the
subject: No one of these departments can tram
ple down the Constitution and overthrow public
liberty ; it requires the joint action of two.
Scarcely a case can lie imagined iu which the
joint ac ion of two ot them would not utterly
neutralize and make void any attempt on the
part of the third to protect public liberty or pri
vate right.
In this case, if Congress and tlie President
were of one accord, if lie were half as anxious
and willing to have this reconstruction scheme
which abolishes the States carried into execution
as Congress is, he could, of course, by the means
to which L have referred, if this tribunal should
interfere, set its injunctions audits writs of man
damus at defiance, and prevent their execution,
freely, without obstruction from this department
He could concur with Congress and execute the
acts. Now, under our system, there is, as has
been intimated from thebeqeh ol this court upon
a former occasion, a danger that one department
may of itself alone, and by its own power, usurp
all the powers ot government aud execute its
will, thus defeating the whole scheme of this di
vision of powers, without the calamity occurring
of a President beiug fouud ready to acquiesce in
their mandate. They have but to pass an unlaw
ful act, and threaten the President with the im
peachment of one of the oilier bodies and the
condemnation of another if he does not execute
it, and, perhaps, nine men out of ten iu that office
would immediately yield to their power, particu
larly as it is not his special function to decide
what is or what is not constitutional. Thus, iu.
that giveu case, by the action of one single de
partment—that, as it maybe called, small ma
jority of one out of three—the constitution may
be set at naught and public liberty destroyed,
unless there be some mode of invoking the aid
ol the third department—the Judiciary.
Iii this very case, perhaps the only case wor
thy of notice in which there has l»een an at
tempt to trample upon the Constitution since it
was founded, we have precisely that predica
ment of things, a Congress alone, of its own au
thority, putting its heel, through the instrumen
tality of a President threateued with impeach
ment, upon ten States of this Union and crush
ing out their existence, without, as I 3ay, the aid
ot the President. Looking into the Constitution
you find the remedy. Looking into the Consti
tution you find it there declared that it allows
such a course of proceeding that a third depart
ment can step in and can save the President
from being thus, contrary to his judgment and
to his will, made the instrument of this single,
Usurping, domineering, law less department. The
great and striking case in which any such thing
as this might have been anticipated, is precisely
the case where the power of a great majority is
called upon to crush some minor force in the
Republic—some State or Stales in a leeble con
dition. Those States being forbidden by the
Constitution to have any other allies or fricuds,
are allowed to come into the Supreme Court of
the United Stales, aud before the life is crushed
out of them, through the instrumentality of the
equity process, which the court is entitled to by
its nature and foundation, and by the law ot the
parent, country, which we have inherited, pro
tect themselves to this extent, give to the Presi
dent a perfect immunity, a perfect defense, iu
ease he chooses to act virtuously, according to
the belief of his mind and judgment, according
to. his .conscientious views of the right of the
ease; affording him a complete protection against
anv action ot this Congressional body against
him through its court of impeachment, unless
they should adopt measures so monstrous and
revolutionary that, as a matter of course, they
would, in some manner, be deprived of the pow
ers which they would claim tor a purpose so
tiujust.
N<»\v, if your Honors please, it is from these
views of the subject that we contend, that the
State of Georgia properly conies here for this
remedy liy which to perpetuate her own exis-
pince as a State; that it she is entitled to this
process hy law, your Honors have no functions
lo perform hut lo say so, and to give it to her.
If the Executive contends with it; if the fear of
a condemnation in the coma tor the trial of im
peachments should be too strong and so great
{which I cannot suppose in the case of this emi
nent citizen) that lie would not dare to stand
upon the vindication which your judgment af
fords h'm, very well, so be it. Your Honors will
have done your duty. You will have done all
that was in the power of the court. You will
have done all, in tact, that a court could or ever
ought to do in such a case, or in any case. You
will have pronounced what tlie law is, leaving
the Executive to obey it or not, as he sees fit.
Yon have no power to coerce him, and it he
should uot yield obedience to the judgment
which you pronounce, then the scheme of this
division of powers would have been disappoint
ed. There would be the willing opposition of
two departments defeating the negative voice ot
the third, and the Constitution would have per
ished by the hands that were elected to sup
port it.
W hat effect the foregoing pleadings will have
be, with business so dull as it is, before the de-
powits must be drawn ilmruT Must they not he
used iu payment ot debts or expenses? How
much longer can the bubble be kept up ?
than it did, in the days ol ■‘Clarendon,” liberty
of speech, else how many tongues would be nailed
to trees on market days, tbe Lord only knowetb.
There is indeed some consolation in the reflection
1 ue VS ukat C rop.—The accounts from eve- j that while the people are oppressed by heavy
ry wheat-growing State m the L diod, are of the ; , .. . ... . . . ,
most cheering character. If present anticipa- I !axfttiOE ’ they are at liberty to comp-ain of it
tions are realized, it will be the largest ever 1 without suffering such, penalty as was exacted
grown on the continent. | of the poor woman at “Henly upon the Thames.”
From the Colnmbns Sim and Times.
Georgia Baptist Convention.
THIRD DAT.
Columbus, April 29.
Saturday night a mass meeting was held for
Domestic Missions. Addresses delivered by va
rious gentlemen, and about $400 collected.
The* Educational Sermon was preached in the
Baptist Church Sunday morning by Rev. J. H.
Cutlibert, D. D., of Augusta, from Esther, 4—14.
“ And who knowetli whether thou art come to
tlie kingdom for such a time as this?” The ser
mon was chaste, elegant, and very eloquent, and
was delivered most gracefully.
Convention opened with prayer this morning
by Rev. N. E. Baily.
Minutes read and approved.
The following report was read:
The committee to which was referred the re
ports of the President aud Board of Trustees of
Mercer University, have carefully considered the
reports submitted, and highly commend the lec
tores recently introduced aud the energy and
zeal exhibited hy the Faculty and Board to pro
mote the prosperity of the institution.
Your committee would desire that the Board
should make an effort to place the institution
above contingencies ami restore to it the losses
sustained hy the failure of the Confederacy.
To accomplish this' object the committee
would suggest that the Board of Trustees ap
point at once an agent to solicit an additional
endowment of the University of one hundred
thousand dollars, iu shares ot ten dollars each.
G. T. Wilber, Chairman.
Messrs. W ellborn, Hiliyer, Mel], Butler, Tucker
Campbell, and others, spoke concerniug the ne
cessity of the institution to the denomination.
The speeches developed the fact that before the
war Mercer University was the best endowed
college in the State. During the twenty years
of its existence it had graduated over one hun
dred and twenty ministers. Over one-fifth of
the present Convention were among the alumni
of the institution. It has lost $100,000 by the
late war. The plan proposed would identify
the whole denomination with the college, and
almost every one could give ten dollars, and the
$100,000 would he raised within a year. Mr.
Campbell endeavored lo have shares increased
without success. United action was only re
quired.
On motion of Mr. Stout, Mr. Butler was re
quested to lead in prayer. Afterwards the report
was adopted, and a large number of shares,
about 150, were taken.
A number of resolutions in regard to Agents,
was referred to the Board of Trustees.
The Report on Missions was read hy Dr.
Brantly. The Foreign Board is embarrassed by
a debt of $6,000, which must be paid. The Do
mestic Mission work is going on well, and nearly
$40,000 had been received.
The following resolutions were introduced by
the committee:
Resolved, That we recognize the claims of the
heathen world upon us lor the gospel, and that
we will address ourselves to the work of meeting
the demand, with renewed energy.
Resolved, That Rev. J. H. Campbell be recog
nized as our State Evangelist, and that we com
mend him to the liberality ot the churches.
Resolved, That we recommend to our churches
the observance of a part ot the first Lord’s Day
in each month as a time of prayer for the spread
of the gospel in all lands, and that collections be
made on these occasions for the cause of mis
sions.
Mr. Campbell spoke concerning his labors
with this Association for forty-five years. Mr.
Irwin spoke urging the last resolution. Messrs.
Wellborn, DeVotie and Cuthbert spoke in favor
ol Foreign Missions. A collection was taken up
by Mr. DeVotie, amounting to $148.
The report was adopted.
The Committee on Education, through E. A.
Steed, Chairman, reported the institutions under
charge ot the Convention, in a prosperous condi
tion. The Hearn school is doing good, and Mer
cer University has an able Faculty and a goodly
number of students. It is the duty of all as citi
zens and Christians to not only enlist energies in
favor ot high schools, colleges, and universities,
but in favor of common schools. The denomi
nation should look to the religious future of the
country, and to diffuse Christianity more rapidly
tlie people should be educated. Report adopted.
The Committee, on Nominations, through H.
Buchanan, Chairman, named Rev. J. J. Brantly
to preach the Introductory Sermon at tlie ensu
ing Convention, alternate, Rev. S. Landrum;
Rev. E. A. Steed to preach the Educational Ser
mon, Rev. S. P. Callaway, alternate. Report
adopted.
The following was read by Rev. H. H. Tucker,
and adopted by the Convention :
The Committee to whom was referred the sub
ject ot extending theological instruction to
brethren in the ministry whose education is de
tective, and who from advanced years or other
causes are unable to pursue the regular course of
Our established schools, beg leave to report, that
in their opinion great good can he accomplished
by the adoption ot the following plan:
Let as many brethren as possible, of the class
referred to, repair lo Penfield and remain one
month; beginning on the 15th of November
next. Brethren II. H. Tucker and John J.
Brantly, have agreed to act as instructors, and it
is believed that brother J. H. Cuthbert, ot Au
gusta, will assist them. The committee have
reasons for the time and place named, but it is
ueedless to encumber this report with a lengthy
statement of them. Suffice it to say that board
can be had at Penfield as cheap as any other
convenient point, and as two of the brethren
who act as instructors will reside there, they will
be at no expense for board or for traveling, and
and thus the plan be more economical than any.
Besides which the library and other facilities of
the University will be at our command. The
instructors will make no charge for their services.
The Committee earnestly recommend that breth
ren whose education is limited avail themselves
ot this opportunity lor instruction.
J. W. Pullum, Chairman.
Dr. Tucker enforced the resolution by pertiuent
remarks.
The following were named as delegates to the
Southern Baptist Convention to meet on May
9th:
P. H. Melt, C. D. Kimbrew, T. B. Wilson, 14. M. Lan
drum, M. Edwards, J. H. Kilpatrick, H. A. Tapper, T B
West, J. W. Caston, J. Fuignum, A. C. Edwaras, G R
Georgia, we shall welcome them to onr State
and to our private hospitalities.
Resolved, That we are also gratified to learn of
the appointment of the Rev. John E. Amos as
Associate Agent, believing as we do that he will
execute his trust with fidelity and energy.
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions he
forwarded, through Mr. Amos, to Mr. Peabody
to the Hou. Robt C. Wintlirop and to Rev. Dr.
Sears.
The resolutions were adopted.
The following, oflered by Dr. Cuthbert, was
adopted:
That we recommend to our brethren ol the
ministry to aid by counsel aud instruction, as far
as may be practicable, all colored ministers,-
licentiates, and ordained ministers wiio may
desire to receive instruction at their hands.
The report of the Finance Committee was
adopted.
The following is the summary:
Domestic Missions, aud received by R. Holman.$6,099 IS
”—’ 149 00
98 00
16 00
S 00
45 00
5 00
10 00
13 00
35 00
39 45
Foreign Missions
Indian Missions
General Purposes
Indigent Ministers
J. H. Campbell
west, j. w. caston, J. ruignum, a. v. Edwards, ii K
McCall, H. Bunn, F. D. Wimberly, D. Shaver, J.'I. Whit
aker, J. H. Campbell, J. B. Robinson, F. M. Daniel, J. H.
Hall, S. P, Callaway, A. R. Callaway, W. T. Brantly, J.
H. Devotie, E. W. Warren, M. J. Wellborn, H. H. Tucker,
W. C. Gray, P. B. Robinson, J. H. Cuthbert,. S. S. Searcy,
S. Landrum, L. Joiner, B. M. Callaway, J. W. Collins, J.
J. Brantly. L. C. Tebean, T. Lamer, J. H. B. Underwood,
A. Gray toe, W. L. Mansfield, B. F. Tharpe, G. W. Given,
W. C. Wilkes, D. G. Daniel, S. G. Hiliyer, D. A. Yason,
J. G. Gibson, C. M. Irwin, L. R. L. Jennings, S. Boykin,
T. B. Cooper, W. N. Chandoin, T. H. Ivey, J. J. Toon, N
P. Hotchkiss, H. C. Hornady, W. H. Strickland, B. S.
Sbeats, G. T. Willburn, J. M. Davis, R. A. Steed, J. Mar-
tain, S. F. Dagg, J. B. Twitty, W. A. Hornady, G. C.
Connor, D. K. Butler, W. H. Robert.
It was also resolved that delegates present fill
vacancies.
The Committee on Deceased Ministers, through
Rev. E. Warren, Chairman, reported the deaths,
during the past year, of Rev. Radford Gunn, of
the Georgia Association, Rev. John H. Clarke,
of the Rehoboth Association, Rev. J. P. Leverett,
of the ML Yernon Association, Rev. Charles W.
Stevens, of the Washington Association, and
Rev. S. G. Daniel, ot the Bethel Association.
Appropriate mention was made of each.
The (Committee urge upon churches the sus
taining of pastors, so that they may give them
selves wholly to the Lord.
The report was adopted Convention adjourn
ed to 3 p.m.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Prayer by Rev. S. E. Brooks.
The following, read by Dr. Tucker, was
adopted:
Whereas, It has pleased God to raise up a mu
nificent friend to tbe South, in tiffs her hour of
deep distress, in the person ot Mr. George Pea
body, who has made a donation of two millions
(2,000,000) ot dollars tor tbe promotion of edu
cation in the Southern States, and whereas, the
only means in onr power ot showing our appre
ciation of this gift is to express the sentiments
which it excites; therefore,
Resolved, That onr heartfelt gratitude is due to
the Giver of all Good lor His great mercy in
putting it into the heart of one of His servants,
to visit us in these days ot our sorrow and pov
erty with liberal and timely assistance.
Resolved, That we desire to record our grateful
sense of Mr. Peabody’s generosity; and that we
tender to him our si nee rest thanks for his noble
J. H. Campbell
M. D. Rotuueon
J. M. Barrow
Hogue...
Christian Index
Sunday School Hoard, collected by C Bitting
Total $6,377 63
At the collection on Saturday night two gold
watches were contributed to Domestic Missions.
(The other collections have already been
noted in the proceedings.—Sun d; Times.)
Appointed the next meeting of Convention
at Augusta, on Friday, before tlie fourth Sab
bath in Aprial, 1868.
On motion ot D. E. Butler, Convention re
solved : “The Christian Index and South IIW-
ern Baptist" deserved tlie patronage of Georgia
Baptists, and that its circulation should be en
couraged.
Speeches were made hy a number of dele
gates. Rev. S. G. Hiliyer in behalf of the com
mute appointed to secure a Memoir of Rev.
Dr. C. D. Mallory, deceased, made an informal
report, showing that there was at present pecu
niary difficulties in the way ot publishing such
a work at present.
Seventy-five dollars was ordered paid Rev.
J. L. Dagg for services as clerk.
The following was adopted :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention
are due, and are hereby tendered to the citizens
of Columbus for the hospitable abd affectionate
entertainment which we have received at their
hands.
2d, We also teuder our thanks to the several
railroads which have generously granted to
delegates return tickets—free ot charge.
3d, We gratefully acknowledge the courtesy
of the Editors of the Sun cfe Times and Enquirer
for furnishing copies of their papers to the
members of this body during our session.
Thank9 were also returned to the pastors of
the city who tendered the use of their pulpits
to the Convention and to the presiding officer
of the body.
On motion the following was adopted : The
Committee, to whom was referred the MS. of
the History of Georgia Baptists in the course
of preparation by Rev. J. H. Campbell, report
that they have had lime but for a cursory ex
amination ot the work, but they believe it to
contain much valuable information in regard
to our deceased bretheren not found in any other
volume, and they take pleasure in recommends
ing it, when published, to the patronage of the
denomination.
W. T. Brantly, Chairman.
On motion of Col. Edwards a lengthened no
tice of Rev. Mr. Leverett, deceased, was di
rected to be written and spread upon the min
utes.
After prayer by Dr. Brantly, a hymn was
sung, the parting hand given, and the Convention
was announced adjourned to meet in Augusta
at the time appointed;
Rev. Mr. Brantly preached in the Baptist
Church Monday night.
Last AVordx.
BY NANCY A. TV. PRIEST.
Stic said: “Why should we start aud shrink 7
VV hy fall your tears in showers »
Heaven's laud lies nearer than we think
Unto this world of ours—
So very near that I can hear
Its rivers softly flowing.
And fee! its blessed atmosphere
Upon my forehead biowiug.
“When April danced upon the lea
With violets on her bosom,
J said, "I shall not live to see
Tbe May time violets blossom.’
But God's own kind and loving way
’Tis time alone discloses ;
I thought ere May to pass away,
But here I clasp June's roses.
“So gently ebbs my lire away,
I marvel you can sorrow.
The eyes that open on earth to-day
Shall ope in Heaven to-morrow.
For at tlie going of the night
I heard a spirir warning,
'Look I yonder breaks the rosy light
Of your last earthly morning.’
“Your love has given my life the charm,
Thronghont all my being flowing.
But stronger, tenderer is the arm,"
To whose kind care I’m going.
To bear me over Jordan’s tide.
God sends his strong evangel”—
she re ised'! Ops home had Tost its pride,
But Heaven had gained an angel.
A Warning,
A negro in Tennessee, named Joseph E. Wil
liams, has published, and is now circulating the
following paper:
To the Colored Race throughout Tennessee :
I feel the great danger that will inevitably be
fall the colored race of the South by pursuing
extreme, or what are commonly called “ Radi
cal” measures. The white Radicals wish to
make a cat’s paw of us by throwing us “ to the
front,” in a political point of view, as they did in
the rebellion, because we are ignorant and do
not understand their schemes. Why do they
court the favor of freedmen ? It is because you
are “ loyal ” to tjiein. I contend that your best
interest is to be loyal to yourselves, for your own
advancement, by not adopting their wild policy.
The freedmen can live happily and prosper
ously in the Southern States only by standing on
a conservative platform. True, these Radicals
have made us voters, to suit their own selfish ends;
hut have they not prohibited us, at the same time,
from exercising the right of sitting in the jury
box, aud the right of holding office V They say
that we shall not vote for those of our own color,
and that it is a high crime for us to vote for whom
we please. Are we not capable ot thinking and
acting for ourselves? If not, we are, iu my
opinion, no better than political slaves—mere
tools, to he used when needed, and then thrown
wide. Never will I consent to thus encourage
the wild schemes of these radicals to my own
destruction, and the destruction of my race in
the South.
I claim to be a true conservative. I am nei
ther a radical nor a rebel—not an instrument to
breed strife between tlie two races, but peace;
not for hostility, but tranquility. Those of my
own color who act with me, claim the right to
follow our own interest and opinions as a race,
without Radical dictation. We easily perceive
how, after withholding from us the right to vote
until our assistance became absolutely essential—
these pretended friends of the black man tell us,
in the words of the Press tfe Times, that if we do
not vote for them, we “ ought to be sent to the
lunatic asylum.” There is a sound platform ot
liberty an*d equality, surely. I do not believe
there is a freedman in all Tennessee ignorant
enough to be taken in by such a sham.
Joseph E. Williams.
Some on Circulation.
There has been a good deal of gasing and
blowing about newspaper circulation, lately, but
the following from the Louisville Journal, settles
things considerably:
“The daily circulation of our paper—to actual
bona fide, paying subscribers—is just five million
six hundred and twelve thousand and forty-two
sheets. We have employed upon the paper five
hundred compositors and one hundred and elev
en editors, nine hundred carriers, three hundred
and twelve mailing clerks, and other aiders too
numerous to mention. We have taken special
charge of the falls of the Ohio, and use them
exclusively for ‘ wetting dowh ’ onr paper. We
have eleven paper mills in constant operation,
the smallest of which turns out two hundred
thousand bundles ot paper daily. It requires
seventeen nineteen-story Hoe’s presses to work
off our vast edition, and we are compelled to
engage all the coal that is mined in the Lehigh
valley, as well as contract for all that comes
down the Ohio river, to supply our engines with
fneL Our correspondents are all graduates of
the first universities and colleges in the world,
and are stationed in every city, town, and ham
let on the habitable globe.”-•
We’ll bet the Journal man would not swear to
that, even to secure the post office printing,
though we know he is a profane man and much
given, at times, to cussin.
Ax Imposter.—A yankee emissary passed
through this country last week and swindled the
crednlous freedmen of a considerable amount of
their hard-earned greenbacks. He was incog,
except to the negroes, no white person knew of
his having been here until he had left. He per-
snaded the simple blacks, who are easily duped,
and too willingly so, by those artful interlopers,
whom they think, or pretend are their best
friends—that by giving him their names he
could register for them, and they would thereby
become citizens and entitled to vote; with the
Radical: proviso, that they each pay him fifty
cents. Being a generous and true friend to
them, those who did’nt have a half he let off
JKditorial Nolen on the South.
The publication ot tlie New York Journal of
Commerce was commenced in 1327 or 1828.
has always been conducted with much ability
and been a consistent advocate of the Consti
tution and the enforcement of tlie laws. One of
its editors has recently been traveling in the
South, and is now giving his readers his ira
pressions, under the above heading. We make
a short extract from his first article :
1 here is a general determination to proceed
under the Military Reconstruction bill, but there
is a great want of confidence in it as a finality.
This is at present the chief curse of the South.
It is not the oppression of the bill, not the fact
that it disorganizes labor and demoralizes the
negro, but it is the anticipation that it must not
be regarded as a final measure, and that new
complications, new military bills, penalties and
confiscations will be administered on them
hereafter.
The failure ot crops last year was a heavy
affliction, but would not have been lell so severe
ly had this year opened with a steady system of
government, and a definite plan to which they
might look. The anticipation of new evils to
come has always tlie most depressing effect on
the human mind. Tlie Northern people are
now suffering from the retroactive effect of this
Southern depression. It is impossible for one
portion of the country to be iu 9uch a condition
without its effects on other portions. The health
of the whole nation—its vitality, prosperity,
taxpaying and taxbearing ability—all are affect
ed, all might be vastly henefitted hy Southern
relief.
If it were asked what would now be the
greatest blessing to the South, tlie answer unques-
tionablj’ would be “the assurance that the Mili
tary Reconstruction bill is a finality.” It is
probably true, therefore, that the conservative
men among the Republicans have it in their
power to do more for the good of the South and
of the whole country than any others. If they
can in any manner convey to the Southern mind
the conviction that the extent of Radical legis
lation has been reached, and that the rank and
rile will not follow the leaders any further, they
wiil by so doing add millions to the wealth of
the country, and Contribute vastly to the im
mediate benefit of the South and its population,
black and white. The demand is not tor the
repeal of the military measure, but for the.
assurance that it is d .‘finite and final.
bonntv, together with our beet wishes for his ! with a quarter, that none should be disfranchised
health, happiness and spiritual welfare, rejoicing by neglect of flack-mail, (male.)—Monroe Adcer-
in the belief that He who kiveth a cheerful giver
will abundantly reward oar distinguished bene
factor.
Resolved, That we have heard with great satis
faction of the appointment of tbe Rev. Dr. Sears
as General Agent of this fond; that we have
also beard with pleasure that he and some mem
bers of tbe Board of Traatees contemplate a visit
to tbe South, and that as a part of tbe people of
User.
Nebraska.—Wheat is scarce in Nebraska,
most of the grain having been shipped last fall.
It commands two dollars and eighty cents per
bushel now in Omaha. Some contracts have
already been made there for the next crop at
two dollars and sixty-five cents.
Gen. D. M. Hill on the situation.
TOO rheumatic to turn somersaults.
The following sentiments of General D. H.
Hill, who, like Lee, Early, Jenkins, Sharkey,
Perry, Martin, Clanton, and a host of others,
was an original opponent of secession, are taken
from editorials in the May number of “ The Land
IFe Love: ”
The disfranchised class have no political aspi
rations and no lamentations over their situation.
There is not one of them who is not willing to
have, as a ruler, an original Union man of prin
ciple and integrity, such as Moore, ot North
Carolina; Perry, of South Carolina; Jeukins, of
Georgia; and Sharkey, ot Mississippi. But we
fear that we may get an old fire-eater, newly
dressed up in the star-spangled banner, with an
eagle feather in his hat, who says Yankee-Doodle
as a grace before meat, and Hail Columbia as a
thanksgiving after it. Better a military ruler for
a century than a single term of such a man !
The military ruler has no partisans to reward,
and no enemies to gratify.
The fair presumption is, that he will be just
and impartial, having no conlroling motive but
a sense of duty. There is not one of the five
districts in so unhappy a conditiou to-day as is
Tennessee in the Union.
It becomes, then, the imperative duty of voters
to choose true men, not turn coats and weather
cocks ; men whose consistent Unionism will be
satisfactory to the dominant party. Such men
as Governors, Representatives, and Legislators,
Who will not be intent upon personal aggran
dizement and building up a party, but will strive
earnestly to promote the happiness and pros
perity of their sorely disturbed, perplexed, and
impoverished country.
* * * * if *
The Methodist of New York says he regrets
to perceive that the land loved by the editor of
this magazine is not the whole United States,
but only a rather troublesome section of it. Our
contemporary wrote a kind letter, proposing an
exchange; we cordially accepted his offer. We
candidly confess that we have a great liking for
our Methodist brethren. They made such splen
did rebels! Why a rebel Methodist had no
more fear in him than a wild Irishman from
Tipperary. From this attack upon us, we judge
that the Northern Methodists belong also to tlie
Church militant. However, as opening fire un
der flag of truce, was so universally reprobated
by both sides we rather incline to think that our
worthy brother belonged to the “ Home Guards,”
and not to the army in the field.
A lady, who had written a really valuable
book, once told us that an unfavorable criticism
of her book would be more acceptable than the
usual stereotyped phrases of commendation,
which proved that the critic had not even cut
the pages of the book he professed to review.
It is plain to us that our excellent contempo
rary had not read our Magazine. For although
we are exceedingly national, yet we are not
aware of manifesting any special partiality for
Massachusetts; so that we cannot be justly ac
cused of unduly loving “ the troublesome section
of the United States.”
Tlie Earthquake In Leavenvortli.
The Leavenvorth Conservative of the 25th
gives the following account ot the shocks of
earthquake recently felt at that place:
The first indications were perceived a few min
utes, perhaps fifteen, before 3 o’clock, and but
little attention was given to the matter. Persons
upstairs imagined that the jar was produced by
something down stairs, while those below ac
counted tor it on the supposition that the cause
was above. The first shock is variously de
scribed, but generally as resembling the passage
of a heavily loaded railroad train driven at a
high' rate ot speed. There was a very perceptible
tremor or trembling, the earth, lasting possibly
half a minute. Windows rattled slightly, and
lighter articles were visibly agitated.
' Then ensued a momentary pause, during which
time we presume, brief as it was, tlie matter
passed from mind. But it was only momentary;
and then catne that rattling sound in the air, that
subterranean rumbling so inseparably connected
with the old “earth-din,” that convulsing upheav
ing and rocking of tbe earth which has so often
presaged the destruction of cities, and the death
of thousands. Suddenly, fearfully,; came the
second shock: and as it by preconcerted action
the entire populace rushed into the streets.—
“What is it?” “What’s tlie matter?” were in
terrogations that fell from tremulous lips, while
faces were blanched with fear ot wliat might
come after such a “terrible grumble, and rumble,
and roar.” Its continuance was brief, perhaps
uot more tiian fifteen seconds, and all was quiet
agaiD. In that short time, howevor, an experi
mental knowledge of earthquakes was gained
which will not soon pass from mind.
Brick buildings, the foundations of which
were deeply laid, experienced more fully than
frame buildings the eflects ot the shock. The
vibrations of such were generally from three to
five inches from East to West, and even the
Planters’ House rocked to an extent not calcu
lated to assure the lookers on of the security of
its walls. Our office was rather roughly shaken,
and was, it may be surmised, evacuated with
much greater alacrity than the rebels exhibited
at either Richmond or Charleston.
At Lawrence, Kansas City, St. Joseph, Weston,
and, we presume, all along the river and through
out the West, the same convulsions were experi
enced, with the same startling effects. The oc
currence was telegraphed from St. Joseph to the
Eastern press at once, and passengers from Law
rence report that there it was very similar'in ap
proach and culmination to the description we
have endeavored to give.
Africana.—The following from the latitude
of the lunar mountains, appeal’s in a British jour
nal :
Is it possible, one might ask, to combine can
nibalism with the social amenities ? It seems to
be so from an account sent home by the English
Consul at Bialia of the Okrika people. The na
tives eat human flesh, but are “ sweet tempered
in.the extreme,although inquisitive.” The King
is described as a “round-faced, good natured
man,” deeply religious, and he consults his gods
before going to business. The Queen spreads
the table cloth with her own hands, and serves
out palm wine. In the “juju house” the visitors
saw a priest sitting in the midst of human bones
which he had picked clean ; but he wa3 a jolly,
communicative epicure, and discoursed with the
air of a Brillat-Savarin about the tit-hits of the
human body. An admirable dinner was spread
for the party—without, of course, the popular
dish—and capital quarters were provided; in
deed, except for the sand-flies, Consul Living
stone was never lodged better. The people are
a handsome, pleasant looking breed of negroes,
and paint themselves in a brilliant manner with
yellow and blue.
Washington Gossip.— Among other items of
questionable authority from Washington, we
find the following:
It is the opinion of persons high in authority
and influence here that the trial of John H. Sur
ratt will be ultimately abandoned. The impres
sion is that there is a general conviction prevail
ing in official quarters that the unfortunate Mrs.
Surratt was not guilty of the crime for which she
was executed, and that the trial of her son would
only result in more clearly establishing that fact.
Such a development, of course, would not be
relished by the Administration and others con
cerned in the trial and condemnation of the
mother. There is another cause, however, not
very creditable, assigned why - the President
would not wish the trial to occur, but as It would
cast a deep slur npon the reputation of one who
lately has not been sleeping on a bed of roses I
refrain from giving it publicity. It might only
he creating another sensation, ' and, perhaps,
without justification, for the gratification of scan
dal mongers. However this may be, it is uot be
lieved that the evidence in the possession ot the
Government will warrant the trial ot John H.
Surratt.
Oysters.—It is stated that there is a move
ment on loot in Massachusetts, to compel oyster
dealers to open the bivalves “ with prayer.”
Moreover, we are getting old and we have been
afflicted with rheumatism a long time; which
affliction rebel campaigning for four years did
not much improve. We have not, therefore, the
astonishing activity of some of our friends in
Dixie, and cannot, then, make such neat somer
saults as they, nor can we play snpple-jacks so
well. Our old leaders in secession, our fire-eat
ers, our Yankee-haters, have thrown a somer
sault, and are now “loyal leaguers" and “per
secuted Union men.” Our old negro traders,
that despised class of dealers in “flesh and
blood,” have become philanthropists, and friends
oi the “ man and brother.” The most cruel and
tyrannical masters are these, who have always
regarded slavery as a sin and wished for its abo
lition. The Sherman Bill has developed as
much activity, in taking the back track, as did
Bill Sherman when he was sweeping through
Georgia and the two Carolinas.
Owing to the rheumatism aforesaid, we move
slowly and painfully, bnt “with the best inten
tions in the world ”—wondering all the while at
the agility of our more supple neighbors. There
is no use for any circus to come South. We
have men so agile that the most expert man in
the ring wonla feel ashamed of bis clumsy at
tempts at “ground and lofty tumblings” after
witnessing their wonderful performances.
One of the things, which we are too stiff and
too rheumatic to do, is to toss a somersault and
turn our backs on this dear old land which gave
us birth.
We will tell our esteemed cotemporary what
the “ loyal North " used to think of renegades,
aye and what the really noble men and women
there think of them yet. When John Adams
went to England after our independence had been
gained, George III jested with him one day
upon his being under French influence. His no
ble reply was, “ I must avow to your Majesty
that I have no attachmentbut my own country."—
The King answered quickly, “ an honest man
will never have any other."
It is well known that the great painter, Benja
min West, of Pennsylvania, went to England
before the American rebellion. The kind patron
age of the King and his business relations in
duced him to remain in London after the war
broke out. One day some courtiers who were
jealous of West’s influence with the King, spoke
ot a defeat of the Americans while West was in
the royal presence, hoping that his sorrow thereat
would offend the Monarch. West perceiving
their object, said, frankly to George, “lam a
loyal and grateful subject to my King, but I can
never rejoice at any misfortunes which befall
my native land.” The King cordially replied,
“ a noble answer Mr. West, and I assure you that
no man will ever fall in my estimation who loves Ids
native land." A kingly speech, worthy of the
monarch of a great nation! We are not so sec
tional as onr worthy cotemporary thinks, for we
believe that there are millions ot men in the
loyal North, who respond to the grand senti
ment of George III, and who have as much re
spect for. the Southerner, who stands in his lot
prepared to share the fate of his people, as they
have contempt tor these mountebanks, who',
throngh fear of confiscation or greed of office,
are stultifying themselves by insincere declara
tions and dishonest professions.
Ot Sana Hind.
A negro in Jefferson, Texas, named John
Madden, having been urged by the radicals to
run for the legislature, rejects the proposition,
in a long letter which he publishes in the
Jimplecute, of the 16th inst. He says that al
though a “very colored man,” he resents the
insinuation that he is in any way connected with
the radical party, or in the least unsound on
“The Lost Cause” question. His views are too
good to be lost, so we quote them from his-
letter:
Reared in South Carolina, brought; up in the
State right’s school of politics, and being always
orthodox on the “aib irdto” secession question, I
rushed to arms at the first sound of the “tocsin
of war,” and never yielded until our cause was
hopeless and both of our distinguished leaders
had surrendered. I then made honorable terms
with onr conquerors ; since then 1 have been an
obedient and loyal citizen ot the United States,
bending all my energies towards “reconstruc
tion.” The members of Ector’s brigade will all
bear me testimony that I performed yeoman
service daring the whole war. It is true I was
not actually engaged in any battle, bnt by cool
ness and presence of mind, (“in the wagon
train,”) I prevented the mules and quartermasters
from stampeding on several trying occasions. I
also served a campaign under the celebrated
Gen. Smith, bnt it was previous to his going into
the “commission business.” While I do not
boast of my valor, or dwell on what I’ve done,
I only mention these circumstances to show that
I, too, am disfranchised on account of my par
ticipation in the rebellion, besides being obnox
ious somewhat under the 13th exception, or the
$20,000 clause. So I, in common with many
other leading men, can neither vote nor hold
office. 1, therefore, thank those who, being
actuated by friendly motives, proffered me their
support, but I respectfully decline the honor.
♦
Modest Merit.—The True Aurora, a news
paper published every ten days at Madras, with
Oriental modesty thus proclaims its own merits:
“ Ail here is arranged by eloquence; hence
our journal is universally appreciated.” “ These
pages, filled with Eloquent fines, are altogether
comparable to diamonds; each one ot these
lines i3 like a chaplet of pearls.” “ We trust in
God that it will be successful, and will be^ like
the sun which illuminates the whole earth,”
It seems to ns we have read something like
that before, but not so far from Lome,
