Newspaper Page Text
(lift !«.«•<
1
♦
ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 1,1867.
NUMBER 18.
UffklD ^ntfllijjfurfr.
ATLAHTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, May 1, 1806. __
A RepnUlcan Parly South.
lie (erring to the statement made by the Jack-
son (Miss.) Clarion, that the Republican party “is
rapidly extending its ramifications throughout
the Southern States," the New York Timet says
“In some of the States, it is true, the move
ment has not yet attained to very formidable pro
portions. In others—as in North Carolina, Ala
bama, Louisiana, and Arkansas—it is sufficiently
strong to be aggressive. And wherever it is de
monstrative, it is of the Radical type. The men
who manage it are not content with the submis
sion of the South to the law. They insist that
the South shall applaud the magiuinimity and
wisdom of the law-makers. It follows, necessa
rily, that a party organization originating under
these auspices and controlled by these influences
will range itself on the side of the Radicals in
Congress, and will be repellant to the great body
of the Southern people. We require thejn to re
aped and obey the statute, unixilatable as it it; we
have no right to ask them to abate themselves by
einyiny to the glory of Us authors,or by declaring
themselves delighted with the military rule to which
they are subjected."
The rebuke embraced in the foregoing, coming
as it does from an influential Republican press, is
well timed, and merited by those Southern men
who afloct to be delighted with the military rule
to which the South is subjected, and with those
recent congressional enactments which have pro
duced that result. Such men, in the main, are
not sincere, but have “axes of their own to
grind,” and will not deceive the military aulbor-
ilica under whose direction these congressional
enactments are to be enforced. The great body
of the Southern people—ninety-nine out of every
hundred of them—accept the “political situa
tion” in good faith, not that they rejoice at it, or
are “delighted!” with il, but because it is the re
sult of terms dictated by the conqueror to the
conquered, which they may not reject, lest mili
tary rule and still further restrictions, affecting
their civil rights, be imposed upon them by the
law-making power, it is lhi3 view of the “po
litical situation” that induces ns und the great
body of the Southern people in whose veins
flows the unadulterated blood of the Caucassian
race, to submit to the terms prescribed by the
conqueror, and, in good faith, abide results.—
In submitting to these terms, we would not add
to that act the humiliation and degradation of
even seeming to applaud them, or the “magna
nimity and wisdom of the law-makers.” We
respect and obey the statute. We respect and
shall obey the military authorities placed
over us. We shall be no obstacle in the way of
the proposed reconstruction of the Southern
States, but wo cannot sing peran* of glory to
the authors of measures which have brought
upon the Southern Stales their great tribulation .
nor, we feel assured, is this humiliation expected
by the considerate and magnanimous, be they
civilians or in the military service of the govern
ment.
The New York Tribune on the Southern
“ Agitation.”
“ Far be it from us to advise a campaign of
bitterness. We do not propose to influence the
uegro by exciting in his mind a hatred of his
former master. Nor should we advise any or
ganization antagonistic to those masters. Agita
tors like Mr. lfunnicutt in Virginia may mean
well—but their zeal is bitter aud offensive. To
orgaufze a campaign on the Hunnicutt plan is to
abandon any hope of a permanent Union party
in the South. YVe cannot afford to array the
white against the black, or the black against'the
white. “ YY'hite men’s tickets,” and “ black men’s
tickets ’’—any ticket, iudeed, which represents a
prejudice, or a grievance, or the remembrance of
any wroug, any party of vengeance and wrath,
we shall oppose.”—J\ v . T. Tribune.
\\ r e commend, says the Augusta tyaily Ties'*,
“ these suggestions of the Tribune to the colored
people, who are the object of the ‘ bitter and of
fensive zeal,” of men—like. Hunnicutt or Rich
ardson—who wish to prejudice them against
their old masters by telling them, as the latter
did on Saturday, that men like Gov. Johnson
ought to be duly thankful that they have not
been hung.”
And «v of the Intelligencer, commend the
foregoing suggestions of Horace Greeley, to the
consideration not only of the colored people in
this vicinity, but of those who, like Hunnicutt in
Virginia, are following in his lead, aud have be
come “ agitators ” iu our midst, stirring up strife
between the black ami the white men. Mr.
Greeley tells them that "their seal is bitter and
offensive," and it is well they remember that old
Brace is counted as no “ small potatoes” in the
“ Radical party” North, from which the “ South
ern agitators ” expect political promotion. “ Y\'e
cannot,” snys Mr. Greelev* iu speaking lor his
party, “ aflord to array the while against the
black, or the black against the white.” * * *
“ Auy ticket, iudeed, which represents a preju
dice, or a grievance, or the remembrance of any
wroug, any party of veugeance and wrath, we
shall oppose.” These are words ot “ soberness,”
aud coming as they do, beyoud dispute, from the
most influential leader of the Radical parly
North, may not be slighted by that “ corporal's
guard,” as it were, ot Southern men, so called,
whose ” zeal is bitter and offensive," eveu at the
headquarters ot lue - .v..« York Tribune."
General Hansell.—By some proceedings
published in the Dahlonega Signal, we learn that
General A. J. Hanskll, ot Marietta, has retired
lrom the practice of the law. The Signal says:
General Hansell commenced the practice of his
protossiou at Dahlouega, aud won here those
that marks ot public conddcnce and extended
practice, aud high public trust which have dis
tinguished his career iu liis longer service in the
lower portiou ot our circuit It was, therefore,
peculiarly happy aud appropriate that the an
nouncement should be made here ot his with
drawal front the toilsome ami arduous duties of
his profession to, perhaps, a not more remunera
live, but certainly to the mild and genial dispo
sition of General Hansell, a more agreeable trust
ot usefYilncss. General Hansell assumes the su
perintendency of the Cotton Mills at Roswell,
Georgia,
Money in New York.—A cotetuporarv says
The Debt and Finances of Georgia.
In closing a long resume of the Debt and Fi
nances ot Georgia, the April number of Hunt's
Merchants' Magazine says:
The probable resources of the State Treasury
for the current year (1860-67) are estimated at
$882,252 05, and the expenditures at $879,906 06.
The income from each source is thus estimated
—general tax, $450,000; tax on hanks and rail
roads, each, $«) ,000, and on loreign insurance
agencies, $10,000; tax on liquor sales, $60,000;
dividends from Atlantic & Gulf Railroad, $20,
000; and net earnings of YY’estern A Atlantic
Railroad, $250,000. The disbursements include
$100,000 for the Assembly, $76,000 lor the civil
establishment, aud * $307,000 for interest on the
public debt. There is also included iu the esti
mate of disbursements $86,000 for payment of
temporary loan, and $100,805 00 tor undrawn
balances of old appropriations—together, $192,-
805 06 not belonging to the current year; leav
ing the actual necessary expenses ol the State
at $686,900.
From the exhibits aliove given il is quite ap
parent that Georgia is rapidly recovering from
the prostration caused by the late hostilities. A
State that is able to raise such a revenue as is
here estimated, from a population of less than a
million souls, two-filths the number ouly just
emerged from the condition ot slavery, is a sure
lest of financial vitality. No further loans are
wanted ; all old accounts are liquidated, and
once again the two sides of the public ledger are
balanced. *
From Texan
-Nlutiaajr Aiuone the
Troop*.
Negro
The following account of a mutiny arndSg
negro troops in Texas appeared in the San An
tonio Herald of the 10th :
About noon yesterday our city was thrown
into great excitement by the rumor that the
'United States colored troops stationed at San
Pedro Springs had mutinied-and killed several
of their officers, and also that the war having
been carried into Africa, many of the negroes
were killed. There had been hurrying to and
fro among the military stationed in tbjs city, aud
they were soon off at a double-quick. The ru
mors continued growing in number and varying
in details, until Uiere was no way of getting at
the truth without going to the seat of war, anil
we went. YVe found one officer—Lieut. Griffin,
we understood the name to be—lying mortally
wounded, his bead split open with a sabre; an
other wounded in the hand; while the negro
sc^eant who had struck the blow with the sabre
was lying dead on the spot where he fell. From
citizens living in the vicinity, we learned that
this sergeant had protested before the officer of
the day, Lieut. Griffin, against the tying up by
the thumbs of some of his company, and that
the officer had ordered him to his quarters, which
order he refused to obey, threatening to report to
Gen. Merritt. Whether the officer then attempted
to shoot or not, we could not learn, hut immedi
ately the sergeant drew his sabre aud cut. Au-
other officer then shot the sergeant through the
head, while the lafter officer was wounded in
the hand by still another soldier; iu the mean
time, the whole camp was alive, and numbers of
bullets went whistling through the air. The
dash and boldness of the senior officer present is
said and believed to have done much toward
quieting down the mutiny, whioliat onetime in
dicated an indiscriminate massacre of the officers
in camp. Gen. Merritt was very energetic in ex
amining into the causes and ascertaining who
were the instigators.
Tiie State llqAD.—Friday afternoon last
we were among the excursionists on the State
Road in a special train from Atlanta to Marietta,
which train was provided by Major Wallace,
the accomplished Superintendent of the Georgia
State Railroad, for the special accommodation
of the members of the Press Convention.
The pleasant little town of Marietta was
reached in due time. After walkiug round and
looking at the town for a quarter of an hour or
so, during which time we saw nothing of special
interest, except some of the sad, blighting re
sults of war, we returned to the traiu, and
reached Atlanta iu thirty-three minutes, a dis
tance of twenty-one miles—very good time, the
reader will admit, for the State or any other
road North or South.
There are few men in the State of more vim,
enterprise and ability than Major Campbell
Wallace. The State is fortunate in procuriug
•the services of so faithful aud efficient a super
intendent. Capt. Peck, Master of Transporta
tion, is also an active aud uutiring co-laborer of
Major Wallace’s iu the reconstruction of-this
road. Both gentlemen have labored assidu
ously, under uo ordinary disadvantages ; but,
thanks to indomitable pluck, skill aud experi
ence, their labors are now rewarded. The State
road is flourishing uuder their administration.—
Augusta Chronicle- <& Sentinel.
Significant.—At the ouly two elections held
in the Southwest under the Sherman Bill, at
Pensacola, Fla. v aud Tuscumbia, Ala., the col
ored people have united their votes Willi their
white friends and elected conservative men.
And we presume this wifi ultimately be the re
sult throughout the South. The more intelligent
of the freed men are already disgusted with the
transparent game the Radicals and loyal leaguers
are trying to play, and the contempt for them,
among the colored people, will become general
before the issuing of next year's almanac. Just
think of a parcel of white men, remarkable for
attending to everybody else's business but their
own, getting bold of a poor darkey, dragging
him into a dark and secret place, aud swearing
him to act and vote thus and so. Just think of
it!
Arrest ok a Noted Burglar.—Mr. John
Wright, who was largely engaged in business on
Edisto Island, was arrested by United States de
tectives a few days ago, aud carried in the direc
tion ot Washington. It appears he is a noted
English burglar, who was connected with the
robbery pf Paymaster Belknap, at the Brooklyn
Kaxy Yard, some four years since. The amount
Stolen at that time Was $130,000, aud from some
suspicious circumstances connected with the af
fair, Belknap was dismissed the service. Other
parties eonueeted with the robbery have been
arrested. Paymaster Belknap lias been untiring
in his etforts to exonerate himself from the
suspicious which surrounded him, and with the
aid of the detectives has at last proved suc
cessful.
Poor Poland.—Below is a forcible illustra
tion of the amiable and parental tenderness of
that Russian government with which the radical
party is so much in 'ove :
A recent official return states that since 1S63,
18,682 inhabitants of the Polish provinces of
Russia, including 104 women, have been bauish-
ed to Siberia; 58,790 to the steppes ot the Ural;
and 12.550, including 218 women, to the interior
of Russia. Besides these, 2,416 Poles have been
Important and Interesting Correspond
ence.
The following important and interesting cor
respondence was handea us for publication yes
terday evening. The late l. ar at which it was
received prevents any extended notice of so im
portant a correspondence in tills morning’s issue
of our paper. Perhaps it is well that we are de
barred thi3 privilege, as the correspondence itselt
needs no expression or comment on our part to
impress itself upon the public niind, especially
in Georgia. There is displayed in it, however, a
frankness, a courtesy, a dignity, on the part of
both the distinguished gentlemen—the military
representative of the United States and the Geor
gia ervilian—which cannot fail to excite the
admiration of the iiftelligent reader, and com
mand respect for each in the official position to
which circumstances have assigned them. YYTc
understand from this correspondence, and the
subjoined “ General Order No. 10,” most clearly
what Major General Poke, the military com
mander of this district, requires of Governor
Jf.nkins, and all other crviL officers of the
State, and we trust uo instance will occur that
will render it necessary for the iormer to enforce
the removal lrom office of any oue occupying it
by reason of his disobedience of those orders.—
Thus, to use the words of General Pope, may
be preserved “ unimpaired friendly and harmo
nious relations ” not only with Governor Jen
kins, but with all the other civil authorities
of the State.
Headquarters Thibd Military District,
(Georgia, Alabama, *<d Florida,
Atlanta, Ga.. April 17,1867.
Sir—I have the honor to transmit enclosed a
copy pi my General Order assuming command
of this Military District. Copies were sent to,
you at the time addressed to Milledgeville.
Paragraph 8, of that order reads as follows
viz ;
“III. It is to be clearly uuderstood,however,that
the civil officers thus retaiued in office shall con
fine themselves strictly to the performance of
their official duties, ami whilst holding their of-
fiees they shall not use any influence whatever
to deter or dissuade the people from taking an
active part, in reconstructing their State Govern
ment, under the act of Congress to provide for
the more efficient Government of the Rebel
States, and the act supplemeulaiy thereto.”
I have the honor to request that you will in
form me at as early a day as possible, whether,
when you issued your address to the people of
Georgia, dated YYashington, D. C., April 10,
1S07, you had seen or bad knowledge of the en
closed order.
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John Pope,
Brevet Major General Commrnding.
[A duplicate of this letter has been addressed
to you at YVasbiuglon City.]
Provisional Governor Charles J. Jenkins, Mil-
ledgevil.le, Georgia.
nounce the acts ot Congress which I ant sent
here to execute, as “ palpably, unconstitutional
and “ grievously oppressive,” and advise the
people, whatever may be the decision of the Su
preme Court of the United States, to take no ac
tion under those laws. Whilst yon counsel them
time,
■rict, j
>A,J >
7. -1
not to resist by violence, you at the same tim
by open official denunciation of the law, invite
the very action which you seem to deprecate.
It is manifestly impossible for me to perform
the duties required of me bgr the acts of Con
gress, while the Provisional Governor ol the
State is openly denouncing (hem and giving
advice to the public in liis official capacity, the
result of which will be to excite discouteut aud
array the whole army of office holders iu the
State in opposition to their execution, unless, in
deed, the whole civil Government of the State
is overthrown, and the Military' substituted. I
think such a change would he as distasteful to
the people of Georgia as it would be to me, and
yet il the civil officers ol the State follow the
example which your Excellency has set them,
there will be uo escape from such a resulk
The 3d paragraph of my order imposes no re
strictions on you to w hick I aui not myself sub
ject ; you hold your office by permission of the
United States Government, 1 hold mine, as Mo
thousands of others, liotls-civil and military, by
substantially the same tenure. Custom, old
enough to be law itself, restricts us • in conversa
tion and action, precisely as paragraph ftot my
oj-der restricts you.
There is a very simple mode of freeing our
selves from such restrictions when they become
too oppressive.
In conclusion. Governor, it seems necessary
for me to say in general reply to the latter por
tion of your letter, that the paragraph ot my or
der to wliie.h you object was very carefully con
sidered ; that it means precisely what it says,
and that to the full extent of my power it will
he strictly enforced.
My great respect for your personal character
has made it painful to me to write you this letter,
but as a fair aud full understanding between us
is absolutely essential to anything like harmoni
ous relations, I have thought it necessary, even
at the risk of giving offense, to acquaint you
«j fully with my understanding of my duty, and of
the status of the civil officers of the Provisional
State Governments under the late Acts of Con
gress.
1 again assure you that it shall be my study, as
it will be my pleasure, to preserve uuimpaired
friendly and harmonious relations with you, aud
I trust that our views on the subject of this cor
respondence may lie made to harmonize suffi
ciently to secure this result.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
[Signed,] John Pope,
Major General Commanding.
amount of money needed for speculative ^nt to the penal regiments, and 1,403 hanged
purposts can lie bad in New York at a rate ot
interest much lower than lias prevailed tor
some time. Ot course there is a scarcity ot
money iu the South, but tlie reason for that is,
we have had unusually short crops, and conse
quently nothing except cotton to sell which
would caase a flow of money In this direction,
and shot lor political offenses.
The Republic of Mexjco.—Tlie loan of
thirty millions to the Mexican Republic as rep
resented by Juarez, which was advertised for
j sale by Corlies A Co., of New York, some time
| ago,j>romises to prove au unprofitable invest
ment for those who were induced to purchase
and the greater portion realized lrom that source j ^ llouds bv lLe Lirire j lscoUiU and-high rate ot
has been expended iu the purchase o» ’oreadsturts
aud provisions. Should a c lie blessed \\ itli good
crops this \ear, the South will recuperate won
derfully. The wheat promises well, and iu the
course ot three months the farmers will be send
ing their surplus to market. The proceeds from
this source wijl furnish very great relief. The
ease which is already apparent in New York
will extend Southward as scon as our crops are
ready for the maiket.
Revival Meetings —YVe learn through the
Telegraph t hat the Methodist and Baptist
■CnuieLce of Macou are enjoying a season of
precious revival. Meetings are helJ nightly,
and many are evincing serious concern, on the
subject ot religion. About thirty have been
baptized into the Baptist church.
interests offered. The semi annual interest due
6n the 1st iuslant has uot been paid by the
agents, their plea being that they have no funds
to the credit of the Republic ot Mexico.
Naturalized Citizens.—A loreign corres
pondent writes that, Germans naturalized as
citizens of the United States, are in danger of
being held to military service on revisiting the
States which have entered into the now famous
secret treaties with Prussia. Bavaria, YVertem-
burg aud Baden.
National Hotel, I
Atlanta, Ga., April 20,1867. f
Brevet Major General John Pope, Com’d’g, etc.
Sir—On yesterday evening a copy of a com-
mnnication from you, addressed to me at Mil
ledgeville, ou the 17th iust., was handed to me
in this hotel. With that communication w as
transmitted a copy of your General Order No. 1,
issued from Montgomery, Alabama, and my at
tention being called to paragraph 3 of that or
der. You inquire whether, when I issued my
address to the people of Georgia, dated Wash
ington, D: C., April 10th, 1867,1 had seen or
had knowledge ot your order above mentioned V
I answer that at that time I had neither seen
nor had knowledge of it.
I supposed I was exercising such freedom in
the public expression of opinion, relative to pub
lic matters, as seems still to be accorded to the
citizens of this Republic, not imagining that it
was abridged by the accident of the speaker or
writer holding office.
So much for the past, General, and I will only
add, that in future I shall do and say what I
may bdlieve is required of me by the duty to
which my oath of office binds me, and this, I
trust, will not involve either conflict or contro
versy between us in the execution of our respec
tive trusts,.as I think it need not; everything of
this character I certainly desire to avoid.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant,
[Signed,] v Charles J. Jenkins,
Governor of Georgia.
Headquartbrs Third Militart District, 1
(Georgia, Alabama and Florida,) v
Atlanta, Ga., April 22,1867. i
Governor—I have the bonor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 20th instant, in
answer to mine of the 17th.
It gives me pleasure to say that your explana
tion is satisfactory, so far as the past is concern
ed, and l cordially concur with you in tlie hope
that our relations in the future may be hariuoul-
ous aud agreeable.
I would content myself with this answer to
your letter but for the following veunark Which
it contains. You say, “ 1 supposed I was usiug
sucli freedom iu the public expression of opinion
relative to public matters as seems still to be ac
corded to the citizeus ot this Republic, not im
agining that it was abridged by the accident of
the speaker or writer holding offiee.”
This expression seems to indicate that you
think that in some manner, either personally or
officially, you have been wronged by that para
graph of 1113' order which has occasioned this
correspondence, aud that I am seeking to abridge*
the liberty ot speech, in this State, in an unne-
cessar3' aud oppressive manner.
I trust that 1 may be able to disabuse your
miud of this idea It is scarcely uecessary to
tell 3’ou that the late acts of Congress, which I
am sent here to execute, recogirtze the existing
State government ot Georgia as mere!}' provi
sional, and that the object ot recognizing it at
all was only that the ordinary course of business
in the civil tribunals, and the administration’of
tlie laws of the State by the customary agencies,
might not be interrupted further than was neces
sary tor the slrict execution of the laWs of the
United States. It is not doubted that Congress
might have legislated the present State govern
ment of Georgia out of existence as easily as
•hex' have recogulzed it as provisional, and it is
as little to be doubted that Congress would have
done so, could it -have been foreseen that the en
tire machinery of the provisional State govern
ment would lie used to defeat the execution of the
very law by whosesuflerauce alone it hasanyex
istence at all. It is ver3'clear that Congress did not
iutend to recognize or permit to exist, by these
reconstruction acts, a powerful organization to
be used against their execution, nor can such
use be made of the State government of Georgia
without greatly obstructing, if not, indeed, en
tirely frustrating the performance of the duty
required of me by these acts.
The existing State government was permitted
to stand for the convenience of the people of
Georgia, in the ordiuaty administration of the
local civil laws, and to that end it should be
carelufiy confined.
It was in this view that paragraph 8 of my
order assuming command was considered, and
it is not easy to see how it can be regarded as
oppressive or unjust
Holding your office by permission of the Uni
ted States Government you are debarred, as I
am, from expressing opinions, or using influences
to prevent the execution of the laws of the Uni
ted States, c ito excite ill-feeling and opposition
to the General Government, which is executing
these acts of Congress.
YY'ith your personal opinions, or those of any
citizen at Georgia, or theirexpression within the
limits of the law, I hare nothing to do; but the
distinction between personal opinion openly ex
pressed in an official capacity, and official opin
ion, is too nice for the common understanding.
The influence of your opinions, openly avow
ed, must of necessity be very great with the civil
officers of the State in all its departments, when
the tenure of office is largely dependent upon
your pleasure. Your opinions as a private citi
zen, without official station, and the same opin
ions whilst Governor of Georgia, have a very
different significance, and produce a very differ
ent effect. _
I only require that the civil machinery of the
State ot Georgia be not perverted so as to frus
trate the execution of the laws of the United
States, and for that reason, I exact from the civil
officers that whilst they retain their offices they
confine themselves strictly to the performance of
A C0TK1TP0RARY says: The ladles in their ‘ their official duties, and do uot use their influence
n*’vr style short dresses seem to have renewed to prevent the people of the t>tate from subrnit-
' . . . . r „ [ ting to and carrying out the laws of the United
their \oulh, and matrons of thirty, who have
been in the willow wagon business for a dozen i i n your address to the people of Georgia,
years or more, pass current as “sweet sixteen.” I which occasioned this correspondence, yon de-j
Headquarters Tribd Military District, I
(Georgia, Alabama, and Florida,) v
Atlanta, Ga., April 23,1867. I
General Order No. 10.
The following paragraph from General Order
No: 1, from these Headquarters, is re-published
tdr the information of all concerned: -
“ Paragraph III.—It is to be clearly under
stood, however, that the civil officers thus re
tained in office, shall confine themselves strictly
to the performance of their official duties, and
whilst holding their offices they shall not use
any influence whatever to deter or dissuade tlie
people from taking an active part in reconstruct
ing their State Government under the Act ol
Congress, to provide for the more efficient gov
ernment of the rebel States and the act supple
mentary thereto.”
The words, “ shall not use any influence what
ever,” shall be interpreted in their widest sense,
and held to mean advice, verbal or written, given
to individuals, committees, or the public.
All officers in this military district are directed,
and citizens are requested, to give immediate in
formation of any infraction of this order, and to
prevent misunderstanding on the subject, it
is distinctly announced that any civil official
(State or municipal) within this district, who
violates the above outer, will be deposed from his
office and held .«* «, <j UC h other man
ner as the nature bl Cl» case^lemands.
By command ot Brevet Major General John
Pope. G. K. Sanderson,
Capt. 33d U. S. Infantry, and A. A. A. G.
[Official.]
SPEECH
OF EX-fiOVEBNOB
K. BROWN.
Delivered at Savannah, on Thursday, the 18th
instant.
(From the Savannah Republican.)
We publish below tlie speech of Ex-Governor
.Brown, delivered on Thursday', in Chippewa
Square. YVe have delayed publishing it that we
might give it correctly :
Fellow-Citizens—I came before you with
no wish to please your fancy, excite your pas
sions, or arouse your prejudices. This is often
the business of the orator. I make little pre
tensions to oratory. But in this time of national
calamity, when our section of the country seems
io be shrouded in gloom, and when depression
in spirits and prostration in business is seen all
around us, and the suffering poor are crying lor
bread, 1 come and ask that we may reason to
gether. I shall not review the causes of the war.
Suffice it to say that differences had arisen be
tween the two sections of the Union, which had
agitated the couutry for many years—that they'
were political issues of which no court or other
tribunal existing under our system, had jurisdic
tion to render a judgment binding tlie parties.—
As in all other controversies between States and
nations, the only' appeal in the last resort, was to
the arbitrament of the sword. We made that
appeal. Tlie war was immense in magnitude,
long and bloody. Against terrible odds tlie
South contended’ for four long dreary years; her
sons covered themselves with all the glory that
gallantry could bestow ou a hundred battle
fields; and, let ille here predict, that the day
will come, alter the passions of the- hour have
subsided, wlieu the exploits ot Lee, Stonewall
Jackson, Johnston, Beauregard, and their eoui-
panions-iu-arms, wifi be claimed as part of the
history, the genius, the national glory and the
heritage ot Americans. While the civil war,
with all its disastrous consequences, must be de
plored, it has placed tlie Government of Hie
United States upon an elevation before tlie world
that it would niR have attained otherwise in a
century. It has developed and shown in all its
grandeur, the giant strength of this couutry. If
the South, without tlie sympathy of the world,
coDfined to her own energy and resources, with
her .ports blockaded, could bring almost a mil
lion of men into the field and maintain a gigan
tic war for four years; and the North could, by
her vast resources, fleets and armies, conquer
and crush so formidable a power, what shall we
say of tlie strength of tlie two powers or sec
tions combined, when the past has been forgiven,
and unity and harmony restored ?
But I have said it is my purpose to reason
with yon. Let us lay aside all crimination and
re-crimination, and like sensible men, who have
conquered our prejudices, look alone to the best
interests of our people under the trying circum
stances by which we are surrounded, and so
shape our course as to save all we have of the
wreck, and again build up and restore prosperity
and happiness as speedily as possible. To my
old friends who differ with me upon the present
issues, I say', let us tolerate an honest difference
of opinion, but let there be no strife between us.
Our interests are identical. YVe occupy a com-
tnou country and must share a common fate.
Then let us differ with charity—one fqr the oth
er—and in a proper spirit approach the examina
tion of the great questions before ns.
When the Southern army surrendered the
President ot -the United States issued his amnes
ty proclamation, and laid down to the States
lately in rebellion, the terms upon which, as the
Executive power of the Government and Com
mander-in-Chief of the armies of the United
States, he proposed to reconstruct these States.
We complied with those terms, and believing we
saw in the President and his Cabinet the proper
spirit of forbearance, we rallied to their support
and gave them our confidence. We then thought
the work ot reconstruction complete, and expect
ed to be re-admitted into Congress without fur
ther question, than scch as might be raised by
the respective houses, upon the qualifications of
individual members. I confess 1 did not expect,
as is well known to my fellow citizens, that any
one would be admitted to a seat in the first Con
gress who could not take the test oath. Others
differed in that opinion, and few men were elect
ed who coaid take it.
At this stage Cougress assembled, and soon
evinced its dissatistaction with the coarse and
policy of the President. They claimed that in
the nature of things, the power to make war
included the power to make peace: and that, as
the Constitution conferred the war making power
upon Congress, the peace making power must
rest with them alone. They, therefore, claimed
that all the President had done to re-establish
civil governments for the States was illegal.
Congress then took the patter in hapd, a$d after
consideration proposed the constitutional amend
ment to us as the basis of reconstruction. The
Southern Slates, one by' oue, rejected it. Our
people were told that they had done all that the
government required; and that the imposition
of further terms showed bad faith ou the part of
the government, and their acceptance would
show a want ot self-respect on their part. The
friends of Congress replied that we had submit
ted to nothing proposed by the power in the
government, which alone had jurisdiction of the
matter of reconstruction. That the constitu
tional amendment was the first and only' terms
proposed by Congress, and this we had rejected.
That Congress had in no case violated its pledges
to the Southern States on this question since the
war; as none had been made except that im
plied in the constitutional amendment, and it
had- been faithfully kept with Tennessee, the
only Southern State that had complied with the
terms.
Thus the matter stood last whiter when the
Thirty-Ninth Congress, prior to its adjournment,
again acted upon the question. And they said
to us: YVe are the conquerors, you are tlie con
quered. YVe have prescribed terms which we
considered liberal and just. You Lave rejected
them. YVe will now tender back to you the
constitutional amendment, with universal suf
frage added; and we say expressly, if you accept
this, and send Representatives who can take tlie
test oath, you shall be re-admitted to Congress.
This was put in the shape of a law, and passed
by both Houses of Congress. The bill also places
us under absolute military government till we
act, and declares our State government, which
had been set up by the President, provisional
only—to be displaced at any time at the pleasure
of Congress. The President, iu a message ol
great ability and force, vetoed this bill, and Con
gress promptly passed it over the veto by more
than tlie constitutional majority. Aud in this
connection let me remark that Hon. Reverdv
Johnson, one of the ablest living statesmen of
the old school, the connecting fink between the
statesmen of the past and present generation,
whose ability, patriotism and friendship for the
South will not be questioned, voted lor the bill
—not that he approved of it, but because it was
the best that could be obtained for the South.
[Here Governor Brown read Senator John
son’s letter to the meeting:, and urged the audi
ence to heed his wise counsels.]
After the passage of the bill in the form pre
scribed by the Constitution, the President pro
ceeded, as it was his duty to do, to execute the
law'. He has appointed Generals of known abil
ity to command the different military districts ;
aud just here allow me to say, that we have been
most fortunate in the selection made hv.the Pre
sident for this district. I have had tire pleasure
to meet General Pope, and I found him a liberal
minded, enlightened, and highly cultivated gen
tleman ; who, w-hiie he is determined to execute
the law of Cougress, and reconstruct the States
of his district, comes among us with no pomp or
display—without a brass button or military
badge upon bis person. He announces his pur
pose to be, if our people progress with recon
struction peaceably, to avoid interference by the
military, and to appear himself in the matter as
little as possible.
But just at this point Governor Jenkins, whose
high character aud purity of purpose is freely ad
mitted, however, widely I may differ from his
policy, employs able counsel, no doubt at heavy
expense to the State, and appears before the Su
preme Court of the United States, and asks leave
to file a bill of injunction against tire Honorable
Secretary of War, General Grant and General
Pope, to enjoin the execution of this law of Con
gress, and stop the progress of reconstruction
under it. And here it is proper to understand
the progress made with this bill. Unlike the
Mississippi bill which was against, the President
also, the Sqpreme Court have allowed this bill
to be filed, and if the newspaper reports are cor
rect, have issued a subpoena to the defendants to
appear in that court on the first Monday in De
cember uext.
No progress has been made except the simple
leave to file the bill, and to have a subpoena call
ing upon the parties to appear next December.
YVhat then ? The usual demurrers, pleas and
answers may be filed from time to time, as pre
scribed by the practice of a Court of Chancery.
I am informed, upon authority which I consider
entirely reliable, that it will take two years to try
all the cases now upon the docket oftbe Supreme
Court. Suppose the couA puts this case on the
docket, and takes it up in its order, subject to all
exceptions and delays usual in such cases—when
will the final judgment-be rendered on Governor
Jenkins’ bill? Not, probably, short of three or
four years; unless the court should give it pre
cedence out of its- order—and we can hardly-
suppose the court so willing to come in collisiou
with another department of the Government as
to do that. YVheu reached in its order, what will
lie the probable decision ? Upon this point I de
sire to call your attention to a decision of the Su
preme Court pronounced by Chief Justice Taney,
who was the author of the Dred Scott decision,
and considered the great expounder, while on
the bench, of the State Rights doctrine. I refer
to the case’ of Lnthar vs. Berdrie, et al., 7 How
ard’s Reps. T, which grew out of the Dorr rebel
lion in Rhode Island.
[Here Governor Brown stated the facts upon
which the case was made, and read from the
•pinion of the Chief Justice as follows:]
“ The fourth section of the fourth article of the
Constitution of the United States provides, that
the United States shall guarantee to every State
in the Union a Republican form of government,
and shall protect each ot them against invasion,
and on the application of the Legislature or the
Executive (when the Legislature canuot be con
vened) against domestic violence.
“Under this article of the Constitution it rests
with Congress to decide what government is the
established one in a State. For as the United
States guarantee to each State a Republican form
ot Government, Congress must necessarily de
cide what government is established in the State
before it cau dfetermine whetber it is Republican
or not. And when the Senators and Representa
tives are admitted into the councils of lire Union,
the authority of the Government under which
they are appointed, as well as its Republican
character, is recognised by the proper constitu
tional authority. And its decision is binding
on every other department, of the Government,
and could not be questioned in a judicial triliu-
ual. It is true that the contest in this case did
not last long enough to bring the matter to this
issue, and as no Senators or Representatives
were elected under the authority of the Govern
ment ot which Mr. Dorr was the head, Congress
was not called upon to decide the controversy,
yet the right to decide is placed there, and not
in the courts.
“So, too, as relates to the clause in the above
mentioned article ol the Constitution providing
for cases of domestic violence. It rested with
Congress, too, to determine upou the means
proper to be adopted to lulfil this guarantee.
They might, if they deemed it most advisable to
do so, have placed it in the power of the court
to decide when Ihe contingency had happened,
which required the Federal Government to in
terfere. But Congress thought otherwise, and
no doubt, wisely and by the act of February 28,
1795; provided that in case of an insurrection in
any State against the Government tbereot, it
shall be lawful for the President of the United
States, on application of the Legislature of such
State or of the Executive (when the Legislature
cannot be convened.) to call forth such number
of the militia of any other State or States, as
may be applied for, as he may judge sufficient to
suppress such insurrection.
“By this act the power of deciding whether
the exigency’ has arisen, upon which the Gov
ernment of the United Slates is to interfere, is
given to the President. He is to act upon the
application of the Legislature or of the Execu
tive, and consequently be must determine What
body ot men constitute the Legislature, and who
is the Governor before he can act. The fact that
both parties claim the right to the Government
cannot alter the cpse, for both cannot be entitled
to it. If there is an armed conflict like the oue
of which we are speaking; it is a cased domes
tic violence, and one of the parties must be in
insurrection against the lawful government. And
the President, must of necessity, decide which is
the government, and which party is unlawfully
arrayed against it, before he cau perform the
duty imposed upon him by the act of Congress.
“After the President has acted and called out
the militia, is a Circuit Ceurt ol the United States
authorized to inquire whether his decision was
right V- Could the coart while the parties were
actually contending iu arms for the possession of
the government, call witnesses betore it and in
quire what party represented a majority of tlie
people ? If it could, then it would become the
duty of the court (provided it came to the con
clusion that the President decided incorrectly,)
'to discharge those who were arrested or detain
ed by the troops in the service of the United
Stares, or the government which the President
was endeavoring to maintain. If the judicial
power extends so far, the guarantee contained in
the Constitution of the United States is a guar
antee ot anarchy aud not of order; yet if this
right does not reside iu the courts, where the
conflict is raging, if tlie judicial power is, at
that time, bound to follow tlie decision of the
political, it must be equally bound wheu the con
flict is oyer. It canuot, when peace is restored,
punish as offenses and crimes the nets which it
before recognized, and was bound to recognize
as lawful.
“It is true that iu this case the militia were not
called out by tlie President. But upon applica
tion of the Governor under the Charter Govern
ment the President recognized him as the execu
tive power of the State, aud took measures to
call out the militia to support liis authority if it
should be found necessary for the Federal Gov
ernment to interfere; and it is admitted in the
argument, that it was the knowledge of this, de
cision which put au end to the armed opposition
to the Charter Government, soil prevented any
further efforts to establish by force the proposed
Constitution. The interference ot the President,
therefore, by announcing liis determination, was
as effectual as it the militia had been assembled
uuder his orders, and it should be equally' as au
thoritative. For certainly no court ol the Uni-
•ted States, with a knowledge of this decision,
would have been justified in recognizing the op
posing party as the lawful government, or in
treating as wroug-doers or insurgents the officers
of the government which lire President had re-
coguized aud was prepared to support by au
armed force. Iu the case of foreign nations, the
government acknowledged by the President is
always recognized by the courts of justice. And
the principle has been applied b.v an act of Con
gress to tbe sovereign States of the Union.”
Now, said Governor Brown, it will lie ob
served that the Supreme Court of the United
States lay down (lie doctrine broadly, that under
the Constitution it rests with Congress to decide
what Government is the established one in it
State, and tli^t the power which the President
has of deciding who is the legal Governor of a
State, in case he is called upon to suppress in
insurrection in a State, “ is given ” him by act of
Congress.
I do not, said lie, pretend to say whether this
decision is right or wrong. I only'say that here
is a judgment of the Supreme Court of the Uni
ted States, ruling that the question, who is the
legal Governor ot a State? or, what is a legal
State Government, republican inform? is oue for
Congress. With this deeisiou it is easy to con
jecture what will b6 the fate of the bill filed by
tire Governor of Georgia—virtually to enjoin
Congress, the President, and the army. It will,
I predict, be dismissed on the hearing ou the
ground that this is a political question which has
been left by tlie Constitution in the^hands of the
political departments ot the. Government. If this
should be the result^and we, flattering ourselves
with a delusive hope, should refuse to accept the
terms offered by Congress, who can estimate the
injury' which will accrue to the people of Geor
gia by this ill-advised step of our Governor ?—
General disfranchisement of all white men who
voluntarily aided in the rebellion, aud very gen
eral confiscation of the property' of our people,
will follow as certain as the night follows day.
But suppose the court should decide the ques
tion ou its merits, and decide in our favor, then
what? It will probably be, say, two-or three
years in that case before tlie decision is made,
aud Congress in the meantime will have carried
out its policy for all practical purposes, and to
our utter ruin, if we, relying on the court, refuse
to act. TJien what will the decision be worth
to us when made? Take another view of
the case. The Supreme Court last winter, in
tlfo-Milligan case, decided that Congress cannot
by act authorize the trial of a person not in mili
tary service by a military commission in time of
peace or war. Congress regarded this as a decision
on a political question, and not considering itself
bound by the judgment of the court on such a
question, proceeded before the court adjourned,
to pass tlie present bill authorizing such trials by
the military commanders of these ten States at
their pleasure. What, then would be tbe value
of the decision when rendered? I regard the
whole movement of the appeal to the Supreme
Court as ill-advised and unfortunate, tending to
excite hopes that can never be realized, costing
the State a large sum ot money, and imperiling
every thing by probably inducing our people to
reject the-terms tendered by' Congress, which
will cause the results above mentioned, aud con
tinue to keep us u'nder military government for
au idefinite period of time. YVhat. good can re
sult to the people of the State?* YVhat prosperi
ty can we expect while this State of things con
tinues? YVhat we do most need as a people is
peace, stability ot Government, and capital for
development. YVe have a magnificent territory.
We want capital to build lactones on our beau
tiful streams, affording such ample water power
in a lovely climate. We want capital to develop
our vast iron interest, which are surpassed by
few other States iu or out of tlie Union. YVe
want capital to extract the gold from our rich
mines, and tlie copper from tlie 'bowels of our
mountains. We want capital to develop our
large slate quarries, and our other rich mineral
substances. YVe want labor to cultivate our fer
tile fields, build our cities aud towns, stimulate
our commerce, and keep our great thoroughfares
if trade and travel open and in good repair.
It is very clearly our interest, then, to invite im
migration. Every Northern man who brings
physical development and willingness to labor,
as well as any' one who brings his money, and
invests it among us, should be treated as a friend.
Suppose a man from the North brings fifty thou
sand dollars into'the State and settles among us,
and we refuse to recognise him, and our Wives
and daughters refuse to visit liis family, or have
any association with them, it is to be ex
pected they will encourage others to come. In
this way we drive out capital and prevent pro
gress. Is this wise ? If we are still at war why
not continue to fight? It we are at peace let us
be friends, and bury the past in oblivion. We
are the greatest sufferers by auy other course. Is
it wise to allow ourselves to be controlled by our
prejudices, at the sacrifice of our interests? It is
time we had seriously' considered these questions.
Bat we are told it is dishonorable for us to ac
cept the terms dictated by the conquerors. Why
is it so? If one of you meets me in the street
and slaps me in the lace, it may be esteemed
dishonorable lor me not to resist it; but if I am
bound hand and foot and you maltreat me, it is
no disgrace for me to offer no resistance. We
are so bound. YVe have no further power of re
sistance, if we even desired to offer any. How
then is it dishonorable for us fi> comply’with the
dictates ot the conquerors ? It is well understood
that Generals Lee, Johnston, Beauregard, Long-
street, Hamilton, aud others, advise the accept
ance ot tire terms. Are you unwilling to risk
your uonor in their keeping? But you may sav
they are not statesmen, aud do- not understand
the political bearing of these questions. Thi n
what say you to Gen. Breckinridge and Gov. O r.
They have both held high political positions,
and they are understood to favor the acceptance
of the terms. But you may say they are not
jurists, and do not comprehend the constitution
al question. YVhat then will you say of Judge
Campbell, affthe commencement of the war one
ot tbe ablest judges on the Supreme bench of
the United States, and afterwaids a high official
in the Confederate government? He teiis you
that you can have nothing to expect from the
Supreme Court. We, havmg failed on the
battle-field, are in honor bound to conform to
the new- state ot things, or leave the country.
We should not remain here, sullen and disloyal.
The ports are all open, and there Is no obstruc
tion of the roads to Canada or Mexico.
1 am aware that it has been said by my ene
mies that the course I have taken was adopted
simply to save my property. YVliile I feel con
scious of a different and a much higher motive,
I will pm it for the sake of the argument upon
that alone. Now, gentlemen, what can any of
you do by resisting the measures of Congress?
Can you prevent universal suffrage or the pas
sage of the Constitutional Amendment ? If not,
and you have worked hard for your properly,
do you not wish to save if ? Have your wife
and children no need of it? YY’el), if I, who
was a notorious rebel, can save mine by sub
mitting to that which I have no power to resist,
can y'ou not save yours in the same way'?
Suppose you try it. You can lose nothing by it.
It is also charged that by some sort of con
tract or understanding between me and prom
inent members ot Congress, I am to be re
lieved of all political disability, and tbe resolu
tion of Senator Sherman for tbe relief of'Gov.
Patton, of Alabama, and myself, which makes
out a pretty fair priirui facie"case, is cited as the
evidence. Suppose we examine this a moment.
You will probably accord to both the honorable
Senator and myself a little common sense. It
we had been ou a trade ot that character, do you
tant political positions. We had both advised
our people to a prompt compliance with the
terms of Congress as the best we- will ever be
able to get. Seeing this,Mr. Sherman,to indicate a
policy which he will uo doubt as readily apply to
others as to us, introduced his resolution, to show
his willingness to bury the past in oblivion so
soon as tlie people have accepted the terms. I
had not the slightest intimation of his intention
to take this action till I saw an account of it in
the newspapers. There had never a word passed
between us on the subject of my relief, verbally
or in writing. No one in YYashington City,
when l left, had any knowledge ot my intention
to write or publish any letter on the subject ot
reconstruction. I will not be so insincere, how
ever, as to say that I am indifferent on the sub
ject of relief. I should much prefer to be re
stored to all the privileges of a citizen. Is there
any one of you who would not ? If so, let him
cast the first stone. I have made no application
for relief to any one. in Congress, but candor
compels me to say I am thankful to the honora
ble Senator tor the interest he has manifested in
my behalf; und if in future Congress should
think proper to pass lire resolution, I shall pro
perly appreciate their action. This, however,
will not influence my course on these great ques
tions in the slightest particular.
While I shouffi prefer to be relieved, I can
truthfully say that I have no wish to hold office.
I am no candidate, nor dal expect to be again.
I am profoundly grateful to the people of Geor
gia for the honor they have conferred upon me,
and for the large share of their confidence which
I have enjoyed; but I am fully satisfied that I
cau better discharge my duties to my family by
attention to my profession than in office. I,
therefore, say I do not want your votes. But I
aui no idle spectator. This is now my govern
ment, and will be that of my children after me.
The question is setttled that ihe Union is indis
soluble. We have all, by our amnesty oath,
sworn to support it, That flag (pointing to the
United States flag) is now our flag, aud it is
our solemn duty to defend it wherever it may
wave,.
To the colored men whom I see present, I
would say, the results of the war and the acts ot
Congress; have placed a heavy responsibility up
on you, to meet which I fear many of you are
not well prepared. You must in future, with all
the legal rights of the white man, share in the
responsibilities of the Government. You should
highly appreciate this privilege, but you should
remember that it only secures the right to you
to labor for an honest living and have your rights
protected. It is neither bread nor meat. The
right to participate in the Government is attend
ed by the duty to pay taxes and help support it.
I urge upon you the importance of striving to
educate yourselves and your children. YY'ithout
this you can never use the privilege given you
intelligently and profitably. You should so act
as to retain the friendship of the white man.
We have been raised together. Many of you
have been our companions in boyhood, and our
confidential servants in manhood. Y'ou have
been good servants and we have treated you
kindly. Then why should we not still be friends ?
Our interests are identical. The same laws,
which aflect us injuriously, hurt you also. If
the law burdens us with heavy taxation, you
must pay your part. If the white man here is
not prosperous, he cannot employ the black man
and pay him good wages. In every view, we
have common interests and should endeavor to
promote the prosperity of each other. You
will, 1 for a time, be dependent, in a great mea
sure, upon the advice of the white man. You
should select as advisers those whom you know
to be honest, whom you know to be your friends,
willing to protect your rights. Never change a
true and tried friend, whose acts have proved
him to be such, for one whom you do not know.
It is a good rule for a man always to consult his
old friends when be needs advice.
To the white man I wculd say, see that the
black man has lull, equal, even-handed justice
before the law, in court and- out of court. Do
al) yop can to elevate him. Encourage his edu
cation. He is now a citizen, and your interests
require that he exercise the rights of a citizen
intelligently and- wisely. Cultivate friendship '
between the two races. Providence has placed
us together and we should be friends. Any oth
er course would be most detrimental to the in
terests of both races.
To all, white and black, I would say register
as soon as you have the opportunity, and on
election day vote for a Convention, and for the ;
best men as delegates—moderate, just men—who
will comply promptly with the requirements of
Congress, and make tor us the best State Consti
tution in their power. Indeed our present Con
stitution needs but little amendment further than
as required by Congress. This is the way to
build up and restore prosperity'. There are mil
lions ot dollars of capital in the North that will
seek investment here as soon as s there is stability
of government, and they are satisfied that pro
perty will be protected. This remark has been
made to me by Mr. Lyman, the President of the
Knickerbocker Insurance Company, who is a
gentleman of intelligence and position, since I
have been in the city. It is made daily by North
ern capitalists.
There is. another important point that we
should not overlook, After the State Constitu
tion has peen reformed an election for Congress
will be ordered. At that election many ot our
citizens may be inclined to vote lor persons who
cannot take the test oath. This is worse than
folly., It would seriously hinder dur re-admission.
The pride of the Northern people is staked upou
this, and there is not the remotest probability
that any one will be admitted to a seat who can
not take tbe oath. So sood as we conform to
the requirements, and send in gOod faith a dele
gation to-both houses who can take it, we will
be admitted in accordance with the pledge of
Congress, but never till them Aud I predict
that the representatives of the Northern States
will introduce the bill and generally vole for it, to
repeal the oath after you have once complied with
the terms. Gentlemen, upon this poit, duty’,
self-interest and patriotism combine in the ap
peal to you to conquer your prejudices. YVe can
have reconstruction and re-admission on no better
terms.
Till we are reconstructed and re-admitted to
Codgress, we cannot have prosperity. The fact
is that the freedman’s vote will give some twen
ty members in Cougress more than we should
have if that race were excluded. The South
will have twenty-two Senators from these States,
including Tennessee, aDd probably sixty to
eighty members of the House. This will be a
weight in Congress that will be courted, and not
despisqd when it gets in. Then let us recon
struct jthe Government as rapidly as possible.
This is the surest mode of relict, relief to tlie
disfranchised ciass of our people, relief to the
down trodden South, bleeding at every pore,
exhausted aDd impoverished. Relief to the
victorious North against stagnation ui bnsiness
—threatened commercial panic, and financial
crisis; reliet to the whole country by a restora
tion of unity, peace, prosperity and happiness.
This relief canuot come by supine inactivity.
It requires action on our part. My motto- is
action, reconstruction and relief.
Dawson Superior Court.—We find the par
agraph below in the Dahlonega Signal of the
20th:
“Y T ery little business was transacted at Dawson
Superior Court, which was in session the first of
the present week. It adjourned on Wednesday
night last, without taking up the State docket,
owing to the appearance of a band of despera
does, from Pickens, and the lower part of Daw
son county. They created considerable disturb
ance in the village, making it expedient for tire
adjournment of the court. We learn from the
parties from whom we received the above infor
mation, that Judge Irwin sent to the commander
of this post for a military guard to protect tbe
court in the discharge of its duties in Pickens
county. But owing to the present state qt af
fairs, we are of the opinion that no court will be
held in Pickens.
Governor Jenkins.—The Southern Bscorder
notices Governor Jenkins’ arrival at Milledge
ville, and says: . ,
Since he left Washington, it has been an
nounced that argument will be <beard by the Su
preme Court on the temporary injunction prayed
for, on Friday next. The counsel for the State
are decidedly of opinion that Georgia is entitled
to the reliet she asks. State affairs, in the mean
time, will no doubt go on in an amicable man
ner. We leel assured that Governor Jenkins is
entirely indisposed to any controversy with the
military authorities, and desires quiet in the State.
Ireland.—Tire New York IJeralcCs Ireland
•uppose'we~woukl iVave been so stupid as to have | correspondent reitc-rales the assurance of the ap-
■ - e "- pn.ucli ol another Fenian rise far more exten
sive than that of the 5th of March, tor the exe-
had the resolution introduced quit.-si* s >i*n after
the letter? It is easy to under.-laud the object
of tbe Senator. The military bill bears his great
name. He is looked to as its expounder. Gov
ernor Patton and myself have both held impor-
cution of which, he says a comprehensive plan
is being arranged in London, Paris and Dublin.
