Newspaper Page Text
Iflcchli) JntfUijjrnfrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, June 8, 1866.
rii«- I'oKltlon of (be latelllxencer on (be
Political Situation.
It has 1>ee» the policy' of this journal on the
“reconstruction” question, neither to anticipate
the notion ol Congress nor that of the Supreme
Court of the United States, but toawait the final
action of each, ere it assumed to recommend
any definite jroiioy, which, in its judgment, might
l,e liest calculated to promote the interests of the
people and the State. Fully appreciating the
Shak&jHiriaju maxim, “wisely and slow; they
stumble that run fast,” we hesitated between mak
ing a choice of evils, until we have become satis
fied that no alternative was lelt us—that to
choose we /mutt, for the good of the State, the
prosperity and happiness of our people—i/uistion
being neither wise, nor patriotic, nor promotive
of either. With reference to the reconstruction
congressional enactments and the “Military
bill” through which those reconstruction enact
ments were to lie, and will be, forced fipon the
South, we have never entertained hut one opin
ion—the opinion which we still entertain—that
they all are, in letter and in spirit, violative of
the Constitution, unjust, harsh, and cruel to
wards the people of the Southern States. With
relerenoe also to those oppressive enactments, we
had hoped that, what had hitherto been esteemed
and looked to as the potter in this Government,
by and through which unconstitutional enact
ments would be set aside—the Supreme Court
of the United States—would interfere, and thus
protect the Southern States in their clearly ex
pressed rights in that sacred instrument. In
this we have been disappointed. The fiat has
gone forth from that once august tribunal, that,
henceforth, Congress, in all political matters, is
supreme, and that both the Executive and Judi
cial Departments of the Government are hence
forth subordinate to it. States, on political
questions, are no longer Sovereignties, but
are subjects of Congress, and have do appeal
from its enactments. That this is a usurpation
of power; that it is a monstrous one, complete
ly upsetting that republican form of government
bequeathed to us by our fathers, and erecting
upon its ruins a democratic form of government
which recognizes no protection for minorities,
hut all power in majorities; we may affirm, Geor
gia may aflirm, but with no power to set aside.
She and her people may protest, which, in the
name of both we now do, against the usurpation,
trusting fiud hoping that the time is not far dis
tant, when a returning sense of justice will re
store the Government to its original form and
purity, the States to their rights, aud the citizen
to his, under that written compact which guaran
tees to him civil liberty iu its most extended
sense.
Such are our views in regard to those Con
gressional measures which Georgia and the other
Southern States are required to adopt, ere either
she or they can he restored to the right of repre
sentation iu the national council, cr the right to
control their own internal affairs, free Irom mili
tary supervision or dictation. Let us consider
then what interest as well as policy dictates, un
der this anomalous state of affairs in Georgia
and the South!
The reconstruction mensures of Congress,
while they enfranchise the colored man, require—
First, Of all white citizens who are not dis
franchised, that they register, else they will be
debarred the privilege of suffrage.
Second, After registration, it is required that
they shall vote for “Convention,” or “No Con
vention,” at the same time voting for delegates
to the “ Convention ” in the cveut the “Conven
tion ” vote shall lie in the majority.
Third. The Convention having assembled, it
is required that, it shall frame a Constitution, re
publican in its form, embracing the “ Constitu
tional amendment, 1 ’ so-called, and certain pro
visions of the congressional reconstruction en
actments, which Constitution, when made, shall
tie submitted to the people for “ratification” or
“ no ratification.”
The first duty then of every white citizen in the
State, who is not disfranchised, is to register.
We urge this upon him as a most important and
sacred duty. The active eflorts of the Radicals
at the North, aud the Radicals at the South, to
control the vote of the freedmen iu all coming
elections, will insure their registration to a man.
Whether this will be attended by an entire con
trol of that vote to further the designs of the
R/ulical party, remains to be seen. We doubt it
very much. Among the freedmen of Georgia,
there are very many who do not., aud who will
not go with the Radicals. Nevertheless it is
proper and important for every citizen, not
disfranchised, to lie prepared to resist the Radi
cal influence at the polls, and by their votes to
check aud deteat it.
Registration consummated, what next? The
voter is required to place upon his ticket “ Con
vention,” or “ No Convention.” Here we appre
hend will come division. This we shall very
much regret. We would prefer “ to pretermit "
the question if we could, but jt is one that forces
itself upon us and we must he candid. Were
there any hope—the least that we could cling to
—that any better terms than those embraced iu
the reconstruction measures, will ever be offered
the South, we should advise “ No Convention
but satisfied that this will never be; that in the
rejection of those now tendered, terras more
proscriptive, more degrading, will be absolutely
forced upon us, we are for “ Convention ”
with true men as delegates to represent the
several counties of the State in it. Lamb like, we
shall not, ns it were, “ lick the hand just raised to j
shed our blood”—we shall have no affiliation with ,
the National, or “Republican Party ” in Geor-1
gia. We submit to what we cannot avert. We
submit to the infliction upon our State and peo- ,
pie of the leconslruction measures of Congress, j
impressed that worse will follow if tiiey be re- '
jected. In doing so, however, we shall exercise
whatever influence we can to keep the State iu
the hands of its natural custodians; of her own
true native aud adopted sous, and resist every
effort made to place it in the custody of either i
Southern or Northern Republicans, radicals or
conservatives, call themselves or their party
whatever they maj\
That the “Convention” will be called, we;
have not the shadow of a doubt resting upon
our mind. That it will frame a Constitution
embracing what is required by Congress, we
have no doubt. That it may not go lurtlier iu
the exercise of its power to the injury ol the
State, and the proscription, or lurtlier disirau-
chisement ol our people—so as to place it and
them in the deplorable condition of Tennessee—
we must elect good men, meu of sterling integri
ty and worth, upon whom we can depend to
save the State and protect the rights of the peo
ple. If any other than such a Constitution shall
be framed by the Convention, we reserve the
right, when it is submitted, as it must be, to the
people for “ ratification ” or “ no ratification,” to
cast all the influence of this journal against its
ratification, aud submit to the consequences,
whatever those consequences may be.
Such, then, is the position of the Intelligen
ces. It may not be in consouauce with that of |
some of its readers, or with that of some of its j
most esteemed ootemporaries in the State. It is I
a position, however, which it assumes, and which j
it wiU maintain, simply because it is convinced, j of course d Utrancliised.
j The AI tome |r General’* Opinion upon (he
I military Acta referring to Kegtalratlon,
! Voting, and Holding OMee.
The transmission by telegraph of this impor
tant and lengthy document, was an event which
will long be remembered, as well by the tele
graphic operators in this city, as by the compos
itors in this office, who labored throughout the
whole of Saturday night last, and until sunrise
of the following morning, m order to get it be
fore our readers at as early a time as practicable.
Perhaps no document of its length was ever be
fore transmitted over the wires and published
from the disp/atches, with fewer errors and omis
sions tRan was the “ opinion ” of the Attorney
General. Much credit is due the telegraphic
office in this city, for its labor and accuracy on
that, to it, and our compositors, memorable Sat
urday night and following morning. Neverthe
less, there were omissions and errors in the docu
ment, as published, which we now propose to
supply aud correct, by its republication in these
columns from a jierlect copy taken from the
Washington City National Intelligencer of Mon
day morning last. The reader will find it on
our first page.
Owing to the great length of the “Attorney
General’s Opinion,” and we regret to say, its ob-
senreness in many respects, we have determined
to accompany it with a synopsis to which the
reader can now r , and in the future, refer as occa
sion may require. We have tound the clearest sy
nopsis ol this important document in the Charles
ton Mercury, and transfer the same to our col
umns. Our readers would do well to preserve
this issue of our paper for future reference. The
“ opinion ” aul the Mercury's “ synopsis” of it,
will also appear in the next Weekly Intelli
gencer :
[Prom tho Charletton Mercury.J
The following is a synoptical analysis of tho
opinion of Attorney General Stanberrv, which
will be found in full in another column :
REGISTRATION.
1st. Qualification or disqualification is fixed
by registration.
2d. No power is given to any other board or
any other authority, after registation is com
pleted, to change the register ; and persons
whose names are admittted. to registration are
entitled to vote and none others.
3d. The registration must be completed be
fore September 1, 1867. At that time, the
functions of the board as a board of registration
cease, and after that, its duties are limited to
holding and superintending elections and making
the required returns.
QUALIFICATIONS FOR REGISTRATION.
1 One year's residence in the State at the time of
registration is not necessary ; but if a person
who has been duly registered has not at the
holding of any subsequent election been a resi
dent of the State lor one year, counting lrom
the day of that election, the person so registered
cannot vote at such election.
2. By the acts, the qualification to registration
is citizenship of the United States aud of the
Stale ; the phrase being intended to include
only such as are both citizens of the United
States and of a Slate. Aliens, not citizens of
the United States, cannot safely take the re
quired oalh ; but the board of registration have
only authority to administer the prescribed oath
ind capnot require further proof, so that an
ilien not a citizen may take the oath at his peril
and subject to prosecution.
3. No person is entitled to registration who is
not twenty-one years of age on the day that he
applies for registration.
DISFRANCHISEMENT.
Under the Military acts, the following causes
work disfranchisement: Treason or participa
tion in rebellion ; commission of a felony ; mem
bership of any State Legislature, or tenure of
any executive or judicial office in any State,
with subsequent engagement in insurrection or
rebellion, or the giving of aid and comfort to
any enemy of the United States; the taking ol
an oath, as a member of Congress or officer of
die United States or as a member of aDy State
Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer
of any State, to support the Constitution of
United States, with subsequent engagement in
insurrection or rebellion against, or the giving
if aid aud comfort to the enemies ot, the United
States. Upon these grave questions, the At
torney General offers the following opinions ;
but it will always be borne in mind that the
exclusion as to holding office is all comprehen
■jive as to time, aud applies, not only to those
who were in office when the rebellion com
menced, but to those who held the prohibited
offices at any previous time, although they may
have ceased to hold such office an indefinite
number of years prior to the rebellion :
1. TREASON OR FELONY.
TJie commission of felony or the participation
in rebellion does not ot itself work disfranchise
ment. It must be ascertained by judgment of
court or legislative act passed by competent au
thority ; and the disfranchisement depends on a
conviction in the courts either ot the United
States or of a State*, or on a declaration ot the
laws of either. The United States laws do not
work disfranchisemeut, as a consequence of
conviction of treason or conspiracy to commit
treason ; nor in the ten Southern States is there
any statute in force except, perhaps, in Virginia,
which declares disfranchisement by torce of the
act itself. So that in this State, disfranchisement
for treason or felony dej/ends absolutely upon a
previous conviction of the ojfense in the State or the
Federal Courts.
2. MEMBERS OF STATE LEGISLATURES AND
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
All members of Southern State Legislatures
and members of Congress who, afterwards, en
gaged in insurrection or rebellion, or gave aid
or comfort to the enemies of the United; States,
are clearly disfranchised. All members of leg
islative bodies which passed ordinances of se
cession are disfranchised; but it is doubtful wheth
er simple membership of convention held for
the sole purpose amending the constitution of a
State, would, in itself, work disfranchisement.
3. STATE, EXECUTIVE OR JUDICIAL OFFICERS.
All militia officers, as such, are not disfran
chised, as they are not included in the terms
“executive and judicial officers of a State.” But
ibis freedom from distrapcuisement refers only
10 the class of militia jfficers who were such
prior to the rebellion, and not to that class who
itecame military officers during the rebellion,
.vho are liable to distrauchiscmeut on conviction
ot participation in it. The Governor, Lieuten
ant-Governor, State Auditor, Treasurer, Secre
tary aud State officials proper, who exercise
luuctions at the seat of government, and State
Judges of courts whose jurisdiction extends over
{ the United States, are disfranchised; but the
Attorney-General is not prepared to say that only
j the foregoing come within the term “executive
and judicial officers.”
, Municipal officers, such as officers of cities,
towns, villages and subordinate municipal divi
sions, whether their functions are executive or
judicial, or both, are not. as such, disfranchised.
In addition to those officers before mentioned,
who clearly da or do not come within the term
of the act as to “judicial or executive officers,”
there remains a vast number ot officers whose
status is undefined. These are known as conn,ty
township and pr«*cinct officers. The Attorney-
General is collecting information concerning
tuis class, which includes sheriffs and justices of
tae county courts, aud will issue a further opin-
ion with regard to them.
All other executive and judicial officers who
are not, in popular language, characterized as
county officers, do, in the opinion of Air. Sian-
berry, come under the disqualifying clause.
Persons who exercise or exercised special or
occasional public duties, are not included as
btate officers, and such as the following are,
lueretore, not disfranchised; commissioners of
public works, directors of State asylums, visitors
11 State universities, State directors ot banks or
other corporations, special commissioners or
agents appointed by State authority, to perform
special duties as examiners of banks, notaries
public, aud commissioners of deeds.
4. OATHS OF OFFICE.
Any person who has taken an oath of office
to support the Constitution of the United States
and has violated that oath and engaged in rebel
lion, is disfranchised. This clause, as far as the
executive or judicial officers ot a State are con
cerned, does not enlarge the class subject to dis-
franchiscment, because the officer breaking the
oath uust also be “a j udicial or executive officer”
ot a State, according to the rule hereinbefore
mentioned. Thus a militia officer or a notary
public, who had Liken said oath, would not lie
disfranchised under this clause, because he is not
held to be a State judicial or executive officer.
All officers of the United Slates, both civil
and military, who have violated their oaths, ait
1 who gave aid and comfort to the enemies of the
United States in the war with Great Britain of
1812, or in the war with Mexico in 1847, would
be disqualified.
All persons who did any overt act, either indi
vidually or officially, or in a civil or militaty ca
pacity, in furtherance ot or for the purpoee of
promoting rebellion, did, under the law, engage
in rebellion.
Soldiers compelled to service by conscription,
and slaves serving or aiding by the command of
their masters, or by military order, did not “en
gage in rebellion,” are not disfranchised.
Officers who, during the rebellion, discharged
official duties not incident to the war, but in
preservation of order and administration of law,
are not to be considered as engaging in rebellion.
This applies to all offices of a purely civil char
acter, such as county and municipal offices, aqd
all others of like nature, which were not created
for the furtherance of war or the more effectual
carrying on of hostilities.
Some direct overt act, done with intent to fur
ther the rebellion, is necessary to bring the party
within the provision and meaning of the law;
and the person applying forjegistration is not,
therefore, required to clear himself from any
taint of disloyalty incurred by mere disloyal
sentiments or expressions.
Mere acts of common humanity or charity
are not participation in rebellion, nor are forced
contributions or the compulsory payment of taxes
in aid of the rebellion ; but voluntary contribu
tions, subscriptions to loans, and even organized
contributions of food or clothing, or necessary
supplies, except of a strictly sanitary character,
are to be classed with acts which disqualify.
DUTIES AND POWERS OF REGISTRATION BOARDS.
No other oath can be required of, or adminis
tered to, any applicant for registration but that
contained in the Supplementary act.. Any other
would be extra-judicial and without authority,
and false swearing could not be assigned as per
jury upon ouch unauthorized oath.
No authority is given to enter into any outside
inquiry into the qualification of the person pro
posing to register, for the oath itself is the sole
and only test of theqnalification of the applicant
If he take that oath his name must go upon the
registry; the board cannot inquire whether he
has sworn falsely or truly; that inquiry must be
reserved to the court which may afterwards have
jurisdiction to try him on an indictment for per
jury.
In superintending the elections it is the duty
of the boards to receive the votes of the persons
whose names are up for registration, and to re
ject all others. There is no provision anywhere
to surcharge or falsify, or to add a single name
to the registration, or to erase a single name
which appears upon it.
Booth and his Diary.
The ghost of J. Wilkes Booth seems to be
stalking around among the politicians and news
paper men. The journals are filled with pros and
cons about the mutilated ditiy, and between the
muddled and contradictory assertions of Stan
ton, Holt, and Ben. Butler, and the misrepresent
ations of that virtuous man, Detective Baker,
the countiy is not likely to hear the last of it for
some time. In a letter to the Boston Traveler,
few days ago, Butler, says:
“Let me examine the assertion, 'that the story
that eighteen pages had been taken from Booth’;
diaiy is also an invention.’ Booth’s diary has
been before the committee, and eighteen pages
are carefully cut out, being the pages down to
the veiy day of the assassination. The only
question I ever raised was, wben'and by whom
were these leaves cut out ? Booth, while hunted
for his life through swamps and by-ways, after
the assassination, woald hardly have leisure for
such amusement; besides, on borseback, with
one leg broken, it might be difficult to get a ruler
or straight edge by which to trim the leaves so
nicely as it is done. Everything taken from
Booth’s person was put in evidence on the trial
of Mrs. Surratt, even to a bill of exchange taken
out of the same diary, except this diary itself,
and the valuable diamond pin which he wore.—
These alone were kept back. Why eighteen
leaves of the diary and the pin cannot now be
found. Until those having had custody of the
articles taken from the body can account for
them, I must be excused from believing the tes
timony that the articles are all now in the same
condition as when fount). It the witness can
be procured who has got the pin, perhaps he
can tell us who has the missing leaves.”
As if to show that there is fraud connected
with this diary, detective Baker makes a revela
tion. The Washington correspondent of the
Cincinnati Commercial says in his dispatch of the
36th instant:
“ A new phase has been developed about the
Booth diary. Ex-detective Baker says the diary
is not in the condition it was when he first saw
it. He says that it contains an account of Booth’
killing his hoise in a tangled wood to escape de
tection, and then sleeping between the animal’;
legs to get the warmth while it remained in the
dead body, during all of one night. He has pub
lished this declaration in his book, and the Judi
ciary Committee intend to question him again
on this point; for there is nothing of the kind
in the diaiy just published.”
Some strange revelations may yet be made in
regard to this diary business.
VtJfln Vrwtam of
We publish below an address to the colored
people of Georgia, by Henry Gw inn, a freed-
man of Savannah, who, like a good many of his
brethren, has found out that the Radicals are
making professions ot friendship lor their race,
not from sympathy or love of jaatice, hut trope
interest: £, v
TO THE FREEMEN OF GKORGrh. %
Savannah, May 23ffl,' 1887.
On the eve of leaving America for a. short
stay in Europe, I feel not only the inclination,
*he Secretary or the Ttenaary ea the Fh
naaetal Policy or the Government.
From a letter addressed by the Secretary of
the Treasary, the Hon. Hugh McCulloch, to a
Number of the merchants, manufacturers, and
professional men of Boston, bearing date the
22d ultimo, we make the following extracts;
“ Some surprise may exist that I have not for
some months past reduced the circulation of the
United States notes according to the authority
conferred upon me by Congress, and an infer
ence may be drawn from it that my opinion up-
_ _ . . on the subject of contraction has undergone a
but deem U my duty to address a lew pasting change. Permit me to say, therefore, that I am
The Negro in New Jersey.
A New York letter, dated May 25th, says :
Over across the liver, in New Jersey, an ani
mated battle has commenced on the negro suf
frage question. The blacks are not permitted
to vote in the State, and some ot the Radical
politicians have taken to the stump in favor of
amending the State Constitution so as to strike
out the word “white.” Two pro-suffrage con
ventions have been called, one to meet in June
and the other the following month. On the
other hand er-Congressman Jack Rogers has
beeu stump-speaking against the project I
heard a Jersey Radical remark to-day that so
great is the prejudice against the negroes in that
State that there will be fifteen thousand anti-
Radical majority next November. The Radi
cals carried New Jersey at the last election by
five thousand majority. I doubt if there is a
Northern State besides Vermont and Massachu
setts that would permit negro suffrage. The
two last which voted on the question—Con
necticut and Wisconsin—repudiated it by large
majorities.
under all the circumstances by which the South- ! °
em States are surrouuded, it is the best and K
wisest tor them aud the suffering people.
Radical Paper Suppressed.—By reference
to our telegraphic report, it will lie seen that the
commander of the post at Mobile has found it
necessary to the peace and quiet of the city to
interfere with the publication of the Radical
paper in that place, and to place a military
guard around the office. The charge against it
is the violation of an order in reference to the
publication of incendiary articles.
5. ENGAGING IN INSURRECTION Oil REBELLION
AND GIVING AID AND COMFORT.
These, without concurrent holding ot one ot
the designated offices, accompanied by the taking
of the oath of office, do not work disfranchise
ment. The two elements must concur, and iu
the order mentioned, for a person who has held
a designated office and had taken the oath and
had not afierwtirds participated in a rebellion,
may safely take the registration oath.
The clause, however, comprehends rebel
lion which has taken place in the United States;
and every foreign war in which the l nited States
f»as ever been engaged. A person, therefore,
A. Practical Rebate Well Put.
The Nashville Union & Dispatch tells the fol
lowing :
A gentleman, well-known in this city and of
extensive acquaintance in the South, being in
New York a few days ago, took a seat in one of
tfie street railway cars. Very soon the car be
came crowded, so much so a number of the pas
sengers, including several ladies, were forced to
stand. Our Southern friend retained his seat,
until a colored woman entered the car, when he
immediately arose, with the air and courtly grace
for which he is noted, and offered his seat to the
1 colored lady.” This act of unusual courtesy
excited attention and surprise on all hands.—
j Just before leaving the car, an inquisitive fel
low-passenger asked how it was that he gave his
seat to a “ nigger" in preference to a white lady,
j He replied: “ Sir, I am a Southerner. Your
! people here in the North have elevated the ne-
| gro above my people in the South, and I desire,
i while in your midst, to practice your theory.”—
j The logic was unanswerable, but the fact was in-
I tolerable to the negro’s pretended friend.
Tennessee.—We copy a paragraph from the
local column of the Chattanooga Union, in refe
rence to the speakrag between Emerson Ether
idge and Billy Stokes. We trust when the t.ou-
b!e which the paragraph predicts shall come, it
will be made to fall on those who are doing
everything in their power to precipitate it:
For nearly six hours yesterday a crowd of
from fifteen hundred to two thousand people sat
or stood in the Union Passenger Depot and lis
tened to the speeches of Hon. Emerson Ether
idge and Colonel Wm. B. Stokes. The whites
occupied one side of the house, if we may so
express it, and the blacks the other. A dozen or
so of white women were present, but on the
other side of the house nearly one-half of those
present were women. The colored did not show
quite as much respect for Mr. Etheridge as was
shown to Colonel Stokes bv the whiteYnen, and
we were sorry to see it. Every public speaker
should be allowed free swing and not be inter
rupted. While Mr. Etheridge was speaking they
would cheer for Brownlcw and Stokes, groan
for Etheridge, whistle, and make all sorts of
noises. It required no prophet to foresee trouble
in the future.
Another Murder in Fun.—The Albany
Argus records another shooting of a young lady
in fun. Charles Loomis, the proprietor of an
eating-house, at Schoharie, having in bis hands
a shot-gum espied a voting lady, named Mary
Mann, aged sixteen, some distance down the
street, Loomis, being a natural humorist, even a
mere funny man Utan the shot-gun wit of Sagi
naw, called out to the girl, “Mary, I’m going to
shoot you.” The girl replied, “You dare not”
Loomis jokingly raised the weapon, aimed and
fired, lodging Twelve shot in the girl’s face, neck,
chest an.f arm. She was not killed outright, bnt
ouly scarred for life, and verv seriously wounded;
but* will recover probably. Loomi3 was arrested;
and being asked why he tired, excused himself
by saying “he had not the slightest idea the gun
would carry so far.” Ol course he was horrified
at the result of his joke—the shot-gun joker al
ways is—that being one of the great features of
the joke. I
words to my people, whose welfare lies next to
my heart, and whose interests are the theme of
ray thoughts by day and my dreams by night—
These ideas are dictated- not only by a fixed
solution, determined by observation of'the pre
sent political aspect, bnt also by what I have
observed through a prolonged residence in both
sections ot the United States. In doing this, I
am well aware, from past experience, that 1 shall
no doubt call down upon my head the vials of
wrath of the radical party at the South, and lit
deemed important enough, perhaps of the North
also; bat “ I speak the words of truth aud sober
ness,” and I -earnestly entreat my people not to
be persuaded by the wild inventions of party
faction addressed to them on issues entirely oat-
side ot their material interests, bnt to listen to
the words of one who has no personal advan
tage to subserve, and who, in making these re
marks, is actuated simply by a desire to see his
people pursue a course consistent with their past
situation and their future responsibilities and du
ties; for, my colored brethren, we have most
serious responsibilities and duties in the future.
We spring from a state of slavery to one-which
makes us legislators and gives us a voice as po
tential as that of our late masters in the govern
ment of the country, not the Southern country
only, but the United States at large; for recon
struction is about to ensue on our admission to
political rights, and our vote in Georgia tor. Fed
eral offices is equal to the vote ot the white man,
North and South, for the Federal offices.
The first question that arises under this state
of affairs is: “Are we prepared, by education or
otherwise, to select the best men tor offioe ?” and
if not, “to whom are we to look for advice and
guidance on this question, which so deeply in
volves the fate of oar people ?”
To the first proposition, I think, that the edu
cated and thinking men of my people must an
swer that, with a few exceptions, “my people
are not capable of the necessary discrimination
and this is not necessarily the result -of any in
feriority of race, as may be suggested, bnt is tbe
result of what would lie in any people the can-
sequence of long continued slavery and ageneral
want of education.
Now, then,.my people, under these circum
stances, to whom shall we look for advice ?—
Shall it be to tbe people of the Northern States,
or to the people of the South—to the stranger
who preaches benevolence, or to the friends
whom we knew from infancy? It is true, that
the North has struck the fitters from our limbs;
but we are to inquire seriously as to this ques
tion, while we are bound in gratitude to thank
them lor this service, whether. this action was
tbe result of love to the colored man, or hatred
to the rebellion and ita adherents.
This question is one ot too much intricacy for
me to argue here. I merely suggest to you the
expediency of deep and abiding thought and
speculation on it But I desire to bring these
things before you os they are; fori love acts
and not theories, and the Pharisee bolds small
position in my mind, when he. is brought in con
tact with the conscientious Levite. I have lived
at the North—this philanthropic North---which
has fonght our battle and liberated us on a po
litical question—a pbilanthropby which was
achieved altogether at the cost of our late mas
ters, and did not cost anybody else one cent.
I grew up with Southern white boys, played
with them, and love them. I have met only un
varying kindness at the hands of some South
ern men. I cannot say the same of Northern
men. •>
But leaving all this out of the question, to
whose interest are you to trust ? Will you rely
on the man whose interests are involved with the
looms of New England and the mines of Penn
sylvania, where you can never live or he em
ployed, or will you trust to the planter of rice
and cotton, in whose country you live and whose
interests are identically yours? Can’t yon see
that your interests are identically those of the
people of the South? That as they prosper,
you will prosper. That as they are impoverish
ed by taxation legislation, you will be impover
ished also. Now, if this be true, aud common
sense will clearly show you that it is, the South
ern people are not going to vote or legislate to
impoverish themselves. And if their interests
are your interests, ought you not to take their
advice on these political matters, in which your
future is greatly involve^ ? I hardly think it
admits of a question.
Now, my brethren, you are Southern men, live
at the South, raised at the South, your interests
all Southern, your future indissolubly linked
with the South. Demagogues may strive to per
suade vou otherwise, but I have lived among
them; I know the statas of the colored man
among them; and, in fact, to sustain and fortify
my position, I need only to point to Illinois and
other Northern States, where a colored man is
not permitted by their laws to reside. Snch a
law never has been enacted and never would
have been enacted in a Southern State, and this
you very well know.
To those, then, my people, with whom you have
been raised and among whom you were born ; to
those accustomed to your habits and manners;
to those among whom you live aud whose inte
rests are clearly your interests; to those who are
the only parties to whom you must look for work
and subsistence; to those who sympathize with
you and yours; to those among whom you “live
and move and have your being ;” and finally to
those who, as I believe before God, are the only
friends and preservers of the colored men, I en
join you to turn—to take example, advice and
precedent from those whom you know, and,
while you treat the stranger kindly, trust, above
all, to old and well tried friends.
Henrv Gwtnn.
as much persuaded as ever of the importance of
an early return to specie payments and a reduc
tion of the currency, as a means of checking ex
travagance and speculation, and of increasing
production, without which all efforts to restore
permanently the specie standard will he ineffec
tual. What the country needs, in order that
specie payments may be resumed and maintain
ed, and real prosperity secured, is an increase of
industry and a restoration of our former habits
of economy. As a people, among ourselves, we
mast earn more and spend less. In our trade
with foreign nations we must sell more or buy
less. Any different prescription for existing
financial evil3 is, in my judgment, quackery.
That contraction will tend to bring about this
desirable condition of thiugs I have never doubt
ed ; but I bave nevertheless suspended the re
duction of the circulation of. the United. States
nofos, and tor the following reasons, either of
which would perhaps have justified my course,
and all of which have had more or less influ
ence in determining it:
“ First. The views of a majority of the mem
bers of Congress, as indicated by a number of
Votes last winter, were adverse to immediate
contraction, and I have not felt at liberty to place
myself in practical opposition to the law-making
branch of the Government, without whose sup-
1 port I must be powerless.,*
“ Second. There have existed for some months
past anxious forebodings of financial troubles,
and while they continued I have been apprehen
sive that a contraction of the currency, the ob
ject and effect of it being misunderstood or mis
interpreted, might produce a panic in the com
mercial cities, which, extending over the country
and beyond the speculative interests, would
injuriously affect legitimate business and the
revenue dependent upon it.
“ Third. Large amounts of interest-bearing
notes are to be paid or converted within the pre
sent and next fiscal year, to which it seemed
prudent for me first to direct my attention, leav
ing the question of a curtailment of the circula
ting notes to be determined, from month to
month, by. the condition of the country and ot
the Treasury.
“ Fourth. Anticipating that the failure of the
crops and the other circumstances alluded to
would seriously affect business, I have consider
ed it important that the public mind should not
be diverted, by the criticisms and complaints of
those who are opposed to contraction, from the
real causes of trouble; and a sound policy should
not be put in peril by being made the “scape
goat ” for evils resulting from different causes.”
The Secretary is right in saying that “ what
the country needs, in order that specie payments
may be resumed and maintained, and real pros
perity secured, is an increase of industry and a
restoration of our former habits of economy.”—
The Government nor the Secretary need ever
expect an increase of industry in the South, so
long as the party now in power controlling its
policy maintains that policy ; nor need it ever
expect a restoration of former “ habits of econo
my ” so long as the same party manifests the
unbounded extravagance in all public expendi-
dures which they have manifested since the close
of the war. We apprehend it will be many, very
many years, ere a return to specie payments will
come under the radical rule that is now so hurtful
to every industrial pursuit iu the South, and so
damaging to the manufacturing, mechanical,
and commercial pursuits in the North. But
what we most fear is, that ere the political revo
lution takes place in the North, which will drive
that party from power, shall come, as it surely
will, the country will be irredeemably bankrupt,
and specie payments on the part of the govern
ment be farther off than it even now is, whatever
may be the financial skill of the Secretary who
will then preside over the Treasury Department
More than once the present Secretaiy of the
Treasury has admonished Congress upon its po
litical policy, especially in regard to Southern
restoration, as affecting the country’s finances.
The admonitions have been disregarded. Capi
tal, always timid, has become more so. A finan
cial crash is doubtless near, and capital every
where is beginning to take care of itself. The
signs are bad. How could they be otherwise
with a party controlling the government to
whom economy is unknown and justice a myth ?
Brevities.
The Chicago Tribune, the organ of the Radi
cal party in the Northwest, closes an editorial
with this statement: " The people of the South
may rest assured that if they comply with the
requirements of the reconstruction law they will j
be promptly recognized by Congress, and their
loyal Senatora and Represetatiyes admitted.’
The Baltimore Ban. of Tuesday says: The
State Relief Commissioners have forwarded, up
to this date, as follows: To North Carolina, 5150
bushels corn, 50 barrels floor, 40,496 podiifls'ba-
con, $2,500 in cash. To South Carolina, 15,002
bushels corn, 49,000 pounds bacon. To Georgia
Ar
Another Letter from T bndden* Steven* »u
Hi* " 2Hlld Confiscation” Scheme.
The following letter from old Thad. Stevens
is conclusive that the poor miserable clings to
the idea of confiscation :
Lancaster, Pa., May 28,1867.
You live in a region which was two or three
times invaded by the armies of Jefferson Davis.
In the counties of Bedford; Fulton, Franklin
Cumberland, Adams, apd York, they visited al
most every; farmer and other inhabitant, am!
plundered them of their horses, cattle, provis
ions, waapus, when found, besides some detached
eases. Tkjjy laid- in ashes one thriving village
of six thousand people, and turned the inhabit
ants houseless into the streets to seek shelter in
fence corners. No provision has ever been made
or is uow making Jo reimburse the plundered
11,539 bushels corn 35,0°0 pounds bacon. ^ By tbe 1aw of nations, a government
rangements have been, made ny whicn ^io,ta« . n <> compensation for damages done bv an
will be invested in corn and bacon in New Or
leans, for distribution In thef flooded portions of
Mississippi and Louisiana.
The Columbia Phienix of the 30th says :
The presence of Brigadier General Green, the
commandant of this post, at the funeral obse
quies ot Colonel DeSanssure, on Tuesday; was a
graceful tribute by one gallant officer to another
who fell in the stern conflict at Gettysburg, in
which both were participants, but op opposite
sides. This act is ini keeping with the courtesy
manifested by the commandant in the conduct
of his difficult mission, and will be appreciated
by our people.
A, Washington letter states that the Secre
tary does not deem a session necessary tor finan
cial puposes. It was well said by him that
“ the country needs industry and not legislation.”
Nothing but industry, and especially in applica
tion to agriculture, can help our financial condi
tion. (
Gen. B. F- Butler has, it. da said, a number
oUclerks engaged in copying his manuscript of
the history of his campaigns. It will be ready
for the press in a short time, and • is said- to be
quite severe on General Grant.
When a deed covers both realty and person
alty, it should be stamped at thfe rate of fifty
cents for each five hundred dollars Or fractional
part of five hundred dollars of the consideration
or value of the realty, andns a contract or agree
ment on account of the personalty.
The merchants of Richmond are beginning
to move in the matter of closing their stores at a
seasonable hour in the afternoon, so that their
employees may have a short respite before bed
time, in which to enjoy healthful exercise and
other relaxation. The book-sellers of the city
. one tiy an
invading army, unless such government be victo
rious, when it always provides by treaty for the
payment by the vanquished enemy. A govern
ment which neglects to make such provision on
behalf of its plundered citizens' is l>aseiy negligent
of its duty.
A quasi pence-exists hetween the late bellig
erents, the terms of which are dictated wholly
by Congress, which is under the control of the
Republican party. Nothing but the proceeds of the
confiscation of a small portion of the property
of the wealthy rebels can be applied to pay the
damages inflicted by the marauders, unless it be
paid out of the Treasury of tbe United States.
A few Republican meteors, always erratic iu
their course, are flitting through and expiring
in the Republican atmosphere. They attract
sufficient public attention to enable them to as
sure the amiable rebels who inflicted this injury
that.they, need fear no confiscation; that nobody
of any note in the North is in lavor of imposing
such punishment for the sake of remuneration or
of justice. They assure then! that nothing shall
be taken from Aiken's estate of millions, from
Hampton, Dayis, Orr, Faulkner, or from a thou
sand others who are still worth their hundreds
of thousand's,' to reimburse the loyal men, North
and South, who werte plundered of their estates,
and to aid your poor neighbors to rebuild their
humble tenements.
It is scarcely to be endured that Congress for
two sessions, should sit indifferent to these suf
ferings, and take no steps to enforce these rights.
These, remarks apply to large portions of Mary
land, of West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, and Mis
souri, as well as the slave States. He who can
patiently listen to that patent humanity which
we now see propagated, has more command of
himself than I have- Indeed it looks as if we
were to still add to the burdeq ot our taxation to
defray the expenses of transportation aod the
ovation Of triumphant traitors.
Thaddeus Stevens.
Hon. Edward McPherson.
Even Kelley, we see, in his North Carolina
speech, gave up confiscation. He does not even
take it in the “mild” way proposed by Stevens.
The Mobile disturbance, provoked by the bitter-
have been the first to lead off in the matter, and ; ness of his invectives, seems to have brought
their establishments will, from the first of June
to the first of September, close at 6j o’clock,
P.M.
No one can read the New York Herald for a
few weeks past without coming to the conclu
sion that Bennett believes that tbe radicals have
“gone up the spout,” and he is giving them some
healthy shoves to send them on their way re
joicing.
It. is stated in the Pensacola Observer that
him to moderation.
Provisional Conference of the African HI.
E. Church.
The Journal & Messenger of Saturday contains
the first and second* days’ proceedings of this
body, which assembled in Macon on the 30th.
We make a short abstract:
The Conference of the African M. E. Church,
which is composed of Florida, Georgia, South
and North Carolina, in consequence of its large
General Pope has issued an order annulling the' increase, divided at their last session, which met
municipal election recently held in that city, but
immediately re-appointing all the officers then
elected.
The celebrated Dr. South on onb occasion
preached before the corporation of tailors. He
The Wheat Crop.—The Cartersville Express
throws out a suggestion or two in regard to the in
coming crop of wheat worthy Of attention :
The wheat harvest of this section is rapidly
approaching, and there is an immense area of
land sowed down. The crop, from all accounts,
bids fair to be a full one. Preparations are now
being made for saving it. The country is in a
very destitute condition, especially as regards
breadstuffs; and money is equally as scarce.—
We understand that large deposites of money
have already been made with parties in our
midst and agencies formed, by parlies from a dis
tance, with a view of buying it up as fast as it
comes into market, with the view of running it
oft for speculation. We would admonish our
farmers to beware of one thrag, and that is, be
sure to retain a sufficiency to supply the demand
at home, otherwise the crop will be exhausted
and run out of the country, and the people left
to starve for want of bread. Remember the
people who live here havn’t got mnch money to
>ny with at this time, and must buy bread as
tbey can get the means. It you are compelled
to sell your wheat to raise money, sell it to our
own merchants and millers in preference to those
at a distance, and, where yon can, pay off your
indebtedness in wheat at the market price in
stead of the money; if you have to buy, ex
change your wheat for goods and groceries. In
this way a plenty of wheat may be retained in
the country. If you are not compelled to sell,
hold on to a plenty of it, and let the surplus be
sent abroad. By all means, give home buyers
tbe preference.
The Right of Suffrage.—The Journal of
Commerce, in an article showing the folly of
conferring the right of suffrage upon all the
Southern blacks, says:
There was never in history a wilder or more
dangerous attempt than this has been on the
part of the Radicals to make tbe freedmen gov
ernors of the country. Nor is there at the pres
ent moment any great amount of difference of
opinion about it We have conversed with many
eminent men in the Republican party, and we
have not yet found the individual who does not
disapprove it, and charge the responsibility upon
some one more radical than himself. The day
of argnfhent on the subject is past. No man,
no newspaper, no magazine pretends to offer ar
guments now in favor of “ equal suffrage,” ex
cepting only the stale nonsense about natural
rights to vote, which is sometimes put forward
by unthinking enthusiasts. Bat politicians still
hold to the idea of controlling the negro vote for
their own ends, and the preservatioirof Radical
power is the sole excuse for risking the future of
representative institutions.
Attempt at Rape.—The Cartersville Ex
press, of the 31st, says:
Our community was somewhat excited on
Monday last, by a report that a rape had been
committed upon the person of a little girl by tbe
Dame of Garrison, living in the neighborhood of
Roger’s Lime Kiln near this place, who it is
said, to be only nine years old, by a lreedman,
a youth about grown. The freedman was duly
arrested and lodged in jail Upon evidence on
trial before a Justice Court, it appeared that tbe
freedman was guilty ot an assault with iotentto
commit a rape, and he was remanded to jail to
await his trial at the next term of the Superior
Court. _
Death.—Col. Wm. M. Yarnux died at his
residence in Twiggs county, on the 27th May, in
the 56th year of his age.
Confiscation—The Secret of Radical
Strength In the South.
The Helena, Arkansas, correspondent of the
Memphis Avalanche alludes to the prevailing
idea in the Arkansas freectmen’s minds:
The most singular illusion pervades the entire
element of our negro population, touching the
threatened confiscation of Southern homesteads,
hy the Radical Congress, when it meets in July
next. Scarcely a grown-up man or woman of
African extraction, in town or country, but be
lieves that he or she will very shortly be placed,
by virtue of a Congressional edict in possession
of the comfortable homes and broad acres of his
or her whilom master or mistress. This subject
and its proximate realization is thoroughly can
vassed under the seal of clan and ‘'colored” con
fidence, by every group of ebon idlers who meet
together on the highway, in fence corners, or at
the doors of their cabins, and finds now and then
expression from the lips ot indiscreet, dissatisfied
and “unfaithful stewards,” twitted by their em
ployers for their idleness, and urged to better
conduct—“De culled people will soon hab all
dese plantations,” . is urged by the foolish and
the vicious among the blacks every day in ex
tenuation and excuse of idleness and gross negli
gence of duty, or both.
Such, says the Cherokee Georgian, are the ras
cally and pernicious teachings of the white lead
ers of the “Loyal Leagues” in Georgia, to attend
the dangerous and clandestine meetings ot which
thousands of the poor Africans are induced, by
such vaiu hopes, to lose a day’s work every
week, and to spend, in contributions for expen
ses, a portion of their hard earnings, which go
to sustain a class ot men who care no more for
the true interests and happiness of the blacks
than if they were so many sheep.
in Wilmington, North Carolina, in March. The
present assembling is merely to arrange a Geor
gia Conference,, and to examine and ordain a
large number of preachers who were unable to
attend at Wilmington.
Thursday morning some forty preachers were
, . ,, , present, but the bishop not being present Elder
took for his text the appropriate words A ; Turner called the house to or^er, and read a
remnant shall be saved.”
A letter from New Orleans says that returns
from registration in Louisiana, show that but
very few white people are being registered. In
St. Charles Parish, for instance, the registry
9hows the names of three hundred and forty-five
colored men to six whites, and in St. Bernard
Parish, the names ot three hundred colored men
to eighty whites.
The Boston Traveler is so well convinced that
Mr. Seward will be a candidate for the Presiden
cy next year, that it thinks it necessary to be
gin thus early to head him off. It alleges that
he declared some years, ago that “ there was not
a doifbt he would be the candidate of the suc
cessful party in 1868.”
The New York Herald says it liaa beeu sued
by a Confederate officer for $50,000 damages, on
a charge of libel. The name of the party is not
stated.
Fklis Oates, of the Crescent, says that some
of the fleas at Pass Christian are as large as
hamming birds. When you kick them out
of your way they bark at you and charge
again. One of the largest of these fleas was
lynched some years ago in Mississippi.
Bishop Loughlin, of the diocese of Brook
lyn, N. Y., disapproves ot the practice of hold
ing festivals and balls in aid of the Catholic
churches. He is also opposed to the clergymen
keeping trotting horses, and there is a general
selling out.
Black Tongue.—This disease is said to be
prevailing among the cattle in some portions of
of Webster county.
The Newburgh Journal notices a birth on the
dispatch received from Bishop Wayman, stating
that he would be here Friday morning. Bishop
Wayman comes in the place of Bishop Payne.
On motion of Rev. C. L. Bradwell, Rev. H.
M. Turner was elected chairman pro tern., and
Rev. T: G. Stewart, Secretary.
Not more than halt ot the members are pre
sent, times being so hard many could not get
here; but some twenty-five or thirty will be or
dained in a few dAys, and some new appoint
ments will be made.
Second Day.- Rev. H. M. Turner introduced
Bishop Wayman, who took the chair.
Rev. R. 9 Gibb, of the Baltimore Conference,
wa9 introduced by the bishop, aud was seated
within the bar of conference. A letter was rend
by Rev. T. G. Stewart, from Union Springs, Ala
bama, and referred to tho Committee on Cir
cuits.
The conference resumed the unfinished busi
ness of the previous day, and admitted on trial
L. F, Chunn, A. Roberson, Reuben Smith, H.
Stone, Isaac Hall, Harry Bums, C. F. Edwards,
W. S. ShermaD, Thomas K. Brown, Jeremiah
Simmons, John Gipson, Washington Harvey, C.
Jordan, M. Evans, G. H. Neely, Willis Parsons,
L. Gardener.
Rev. Thomas Clayton, pf Lumpkin, was com
plained of, but his case was deterred until to
morrow.
Several interesting discussions took place du
ring the day, some of considerable length. Some
of the members objecting to ordaining members
so fast.
Rev. W. J. Gaines made an able speech against
the measure. He said they had enough of in
competent ordained ministers now, and he pro
tested against so much liberality longer.
Rev. Andrew Brown, Robert Anderson, W.
B. Campbell, and H. Strickland, debated the
question for some time. Others participated oc
casionally.
The Good Time Coming:.
The New York Commercial, a Republican pa
per, don’t like the radical developments South,
The Canvas* In Tennessee.
The New York Times is a “mighty” good
Republican paper—Republican and Radical being
synonymous times—and is presumed to have
the success of that party at heart, It says in
regard to the canvass for Governor, now pro
gressing m Tennessee: The political canvass
in Tennessee, however interesting and impor
tant it may be, does not preseut a very edifying
spectacle to those who have any lingering re
gard for the proprieties and decencies of life.
Gov. Brownlow takes a leading part in advo
cating his own re-election—personally and in
the Press; and he certainly does enough of
virulence and blackguardism for the whole
party. He begins an address to the public by
denouncing “that prince of swindlers, liars aDd
scoundrels, John Baxter,” and goes on to speak
of the “gaDg of lick-spittles” who revolve
around him. He then asks a long string of
questions of the most insulting kind, concern
ing the mother, wife, sisters, brothers and other
relatives of his opponent—insinuating against
them every crime known to the decalogue or
the criminal law. A party canvass anywhere
is getting to be anything but a fascinating busi
ness—but in Tennessee it must be absolutely
revolting.
Troup Superior Court.—The LaGrange
Reporter says: Several old and important cases
have been disposed of this week—among them
the case of L. P. Hodnett vs. Atlanta & West
Point Railroad, in equity, for recision of deed
and damages. Damages found by the jury,
$3,160, with right of way confirmed to the rail
road.
W. B. Berry vs. Montgomery & West Point
Railrord. Action to recover the value of a negro
killed by defendant’s train, negligently, on the
15th of June, 1862. Verdict $1,863.
Telegraph Line.—The Rome Courier of
yesterday, says: The construction party com
menced on yesterday (Friday) to put up a tele
graph line between Rome and Kingston. The
wire and office fixtures are In Kingston, and it
is expected to bave the line completed, ready
fpr operating, before the 16th inst.
cars, and heads it, “ Born at Thirty-nine Miles 1 and thus ,ai,s ' As Southern members are to be
an Honr.” If that youth isn’t fast, it won’t be ! received in Congress only after “ decisive and
because he hadn’t a good start. | trustworthy majorities ”-so reads Boutwell and
_ , ] the Republican sectioual address—it says :
The Montgomery Advertiser learns from re- ...... ,,
6 ■' . , j “The question to be determined is, whetner
liable gentlemen who have recently traveled over . ambitious and unprincipled radical leaders will
a large portion of Alabama, that the wheat crop be allowed, as they have done for four years, to
is unusually promising, and in the counties of delude, mislead and demoralize the Republican
r rw.„„ tm rr..u„ party ? How long and how much will that parly
endure? Even before Congress adjourned, mcm-
, hers grew re.-.tless. They manifestly 1elt that
they had eaten dirt long enough. Symptoms of
revolt manifested themselves in the House and
in the Senate. This condition of vassalage can
not last. Slavery, though abolished in one form,
exists in another, and is»becoming unendurable.
There is, however, a way out. Time will open
up to the people an avenue through which they
! can escape. And for that escape the country
will be indehteJ to the better aud wiser element
within the Republican parly. The day is not
distant when the ears and eyes ot a long-abused
pai ty will hear and see. Meantime, let us watch
and wait.
The Nationalist.—The following is an offi
cial copy of the order suppressing the radical
paper at Mobile:
Hcadquarteks Post or Mobile, \
Mobile. Ala., May 80, IS07. f
General Orders No. 46.
The newspaper Nationalist, issued this morning
in Mobile, having hy its first article, first page,
headed “The Use ot Fire Arms,” made itself
amenable to the last paragraph of General Order
No. 35, dated Headquarters Post of Mobile, May
19th, 1867, issued agreeably to the written in
structions of Gen. Swayne, commanding District
of Alabama, the Provost Marshal of Mobile,
Major Curtis, will post immediately a suitable
guard over the office and printing rooms of said
newspaper, 41 8t. Michael street, with orders to
permit no further issue of this morning’s edition
of said paper.
This guard will be continued until further
orders, and will permit no further editions to be
issued till a proof sheet be submitted to these
headquarters.
By order of Col. O. L. Shepherd.
(Signed) F. W. Coleman,
1st Lieut. 15th Infantry, Post Adjutant.
Lee, Coosa, Elmore, Macon, Tallapoosa, Ran
dolpb, and Chambers, the yield is expected to be
larger than it has been for many years past.
The New York Herald of the 28th ult., says a
woman, Mrs. Quinn, residing in Flushing ave
nue, Brooklyn, surprised her husband and triends
yesterday by giving birth to four children, two
girls and two boys, weighing six pounds each.—
The mother and children are doing well.
Lost to Sight, &c.—A man in New York
has got so deep in debt that no one of his credi
tors has been able to see him for months.
The New York Herald says that the New
York Tribune has become “the recipient of the
immense advertising patronage of* our Copper
head city corporation,” and that his “plum” is
worth “fifty or sixty thousand dollars a year, at
the lowest calculation.” The Herald alleges that
the Tribune receives this good thing in couse- i
quence of Mr. Greeley’s trip to Richmond.
The Boston Post of Tuesday says: “The wife
of Theodore Stuyvesant, one of the prominent
and most wealthy lawyers of New York city,
was, on Thursday, detected by her husband and
some of his friends, in an improper intimacy
with a man whom he had received in his house
as a guest The friends of the injured husband :
summarily ejected the seducer from a window.
A New Orleans Judge recently passed sen- j
fence of death npon a negro for rape on the per- j
son of a white woman, subject to “the approval
of the Commanding General of the District”—
General Sheridan returned it with the endorse
ment that he believed the sentence should be ex
ecuted, but did not see why his approval was re
quired. The General is growing obtuse
The railersat Greeley are getting tame in their
remarks; even the Philadelphia Press can get np
only a moderate amount of indignation. The
blood and thunderites should be up and doing,
or Greeley will get all down.
The largest piece of paper ever discounted by
the Bank of England was a bill for £800,000—
about $4,000,000. And tbe largest amount
paid out in one day was £2,500,000, or about
$12,500,000. This was in the great panic in
May, 1866.
The American Tract Society, during tbe last
year, has issued 126 new publications, ot which
37 are volumes. It has printed 837,676 volumes,
or 2,676 per day. It has printed more than
7,048,000 tracts, or more than 22,500 per day.—
Of the American Messenger, Botscbafier and
Child’s paper it has printed more than 500,000
copies monthly, or more than 6,000,000 during
the year.
Death in Honduras.—M. R. Hart, formerly
The Black Crook in a New Costume.—
The papers state that Jarretr has set New York
ers agog by his redressing of the “Black Crook.”
New dances and dancers, shorter skirts, new
Bcenery, giants, dwarfs, puncbinellos, &c., &c.,
are the added attractions. One scene, a hall ot
silver columns, pleased the spectators so prodi
giously that they called out the scene painter
and applauded him loudly. The “Crook” having
received new legs will now run longer than ever,
and Jarrett will become pecuniarily several na
bobs rolled into one.
A Texas School Harm.—A school teacher
in a Texas town was grossly insulted by a man
who told her at the same time that if she had
any friends to avenge the insult, she could send
them to him. The lady replied that she was
able to protect herself, and drawing a pistol
shot tbe man, killing him on the spot.
Constancy.—The business of constancy chiefly
is to stand to, and stoutly to suffer, those incon
veniences which are not otherwise possibly to be
avoided. The philosophy of this remark is be-
of Virginia, and well known in Atlanta, died, at I ginning to be understood, and its value appre-
San Pedro, Honduras, on the 1st of May. | ciated, by the Southern people.