Newspaper Page Text
«*• 4*
■ ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.
-Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 28,1867,
NUMBER 35.
^rrhln JntrUigrncrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
Wednesday. August 38, 1867.
YVb devote most ot our editorial space this
morning to the essay of “RrssEt.r.” which we
i ommend to the attention of our readers.
[tor tmk iRTrLLiurscr.R ]
Than and Now.
In reviewing the past and present of this
country, the future historian, as he glances over
its progress and improvement—its rapid transi
tion from a savage wilderness to flourahing towns
and cities, denoting the higher ly|>es of art and
civilization—its territorial expansion from sea
to sea and shore to shore—the wisdom of the
patriotic founders of the Government, in the
equitable principles on which they built the
fabric of State—his mind will be filled with
admiration of the scene, and bis |>cn with
praise of a system of self government instituted
in harmony with the dearest rights of man.
IjCt us strike a balance sheet and count profit
. *nd loss. We have increased ten-fold in debt,
I with a like ratio in poverty. Our circulating
I medium is at the mercy of the mob, subject to be
cried down when the wrath of the people shall
, have been kindled against it. We have trans
ferred the right of self-government from the peo-
I pie to a revolutionary Congress; we have in a
i measure subordinated the civil to the military
authority; we have supplanted virtue with vice,
; morality with licentiousness, and religion with
! infidelity. The reign of blood is succeeded by
i a reign of corruption and venality as threaten-
i ing to society as it is general in its sway. Nor
| have we reached the acme. Were the harvest
| we are reaping the full fruition of the crop, we
i might Jiopc soon to escape its worst effects. But
I the seeds of evil have l>een sown broadcast in
; the land, and each succeeding year, until a
change is effected, will bring forth, we fear, a
1 still more noxious growth. From the highest
pinnacle of virtue and morality, step by step are
we descending the ladder of degradation.
But such are the deplorable consequences ol
war. The evil effects ol revolution linger in its
track long after it Ls past. We are bIojv to re
cover from its deadening influence uponoursen-
But when he turus to contemplate the
changes wrought by the rapid transition lr.»m { s i bilitic3 7 ye tU with thelec^very returns a sense
a government the most liberal, and principles ! (( j w j 1Hl j lftS been lost, and the purpose to regain.
Tile Letter »f Ueu. Pope to Gen. Grant.
The reader’s attention is invited to the letter
from General Pope to General Grant
which appears ia this morning’s issue of this
paper. It is a most remarkable document, aud
one which will draw front the press of the
country abundant comment. For the present
we tire in no moo-i for such a task. We prefer
that it shall go fortli among our people that
each oue for himself may learn and “inwardly
digest” what the Military Commander of this
district thinks of the political situation in it,
and of its people, and doing so, that each one
for himself shall determine Ids course of action
in regard to the work of reconstruction now
going on. We shall only remark that in our
humble judgment, neither the letter of the
Geskiui., nor either of his recent orders—No’s.
49 or 53—will promote to any extent the work
he seems so desirous of accomplishing.
GEN. POPE ONyitOOSSTUK TION.
HIS LETTER TO GEN. GRANT, IN FELL.
ing cireumstauccs to win the first victory and re-
<-(instruct these States under the acts of Congress.
But this victory is ouly the beginning of thecou-
— test, and unless it be a victory openly and fairly
The following is the letter of Gen. Pope, al- i won > an, l very decisive in its results, it may prove
, i not only fruitless, but absolutely destructive.—
ready briefly alluded to by telegraph : . The problem is to perpetuate reconstruction in
Headquarters, Third military Distuut, j j the spirit and on the principles which can alone
Gkorcia, Alabama and fi.orida. - j assure free Government. Should we effect re-
* ^ y T 1, Is ’*. . j construction even after silencing the open oppo-
Generm : I have the hunor to send enchieed sition of the old political leaders, we stand com-
a newspaper containing a speech made in this mitied to admit the reconstructed States into the
the most tolerant, to one in which every re
served right is swallowed up in a central
power—that power a despotism—he will lie
appalled at the melancholly spectacle before
him, as from the past he hears the mournful
wail of the multitude over the grave of their
lost liberties.
Of all the governments ever instituted by map
for the safety aud happiness of man, the Coulede
rate system was perhaps the most just, the most
liberal in its provisions, and the most conducive
to the great ends of government. Takiug deep
root in the soil of freedom, its infant branches
watered by the dews and raius of heaven, the
sunshine of the universe wooing its foliage forth
with light and beat, it grew and fed upon the
sovereignly of the people, its branches waving
triumphantly above the parent trunk, even as
the State above the Federation system—yet each
to each a mutual dependency. The principles
in which it was planted drew their vitality from
the inherent rights of man. It lacked no balance
power in the scale of justice and equity, but on
the contrary they were the music made sweeter
by the order and harmony ol its well adjusted
parts. Homogeneous in interest, mindful of the
well bciiig of its several members—bearing no
evil in its breast—susceptible of almost every good
—heeding no conflict of sect with sect, creed
with creed, nor race with race, it was ordained
w itliout a parallel and created without a coun
terpart. Producing' no antagonism ol section
w itki section—no conflict oi opinion w ith opinion,
so long as it was respected in its peculiar rights—
so long as Massachusetts invaded not the sanctity
of South Carolina, and South Carolina did not
ignore the prerogatives of Massachusetts—we
repeat, so long as the peculiar privileges of each
were observed—there was no treason in the na- j
lure ot its inception, in the design ol its origin,
iu the fulfillment of its purposes, for those fierce
and bitter strifes which at length have veiled the
laud in the darkness of night.
With the wealth oi one sectiou emptying into
the lap ot another, whose commodities of cor
responding value were given in exchange—the
one uu agricultural, another a manufacturing,
end another a commercial, it did appear appa
rent to the commonest reason that there was no
just cause lor those deadly antagonisms which
tor so long a period have swayed with tempest-
fury (he public mind in its struggles to establish
the true theory aud policy of government. But
from forces as varied as they were conflicting, the
elements at length were gathered to a storm,
'■barged with the fury of the limes. It came,
bursting iu blood and tears upon the hearts and
homes of a once happy, a once prosperous and
united people.
It deluged tbe land. Its maddened currents
swept tbe land-marks of the past away. And
u nv, though many months have passed since the
waters assuaged, the dove sent forth in quest of
t lie olive branch, has not returned. The prom
ised bow spans not tbe thunder-cloud in token
of tbe coveuaut. Tbe war of passion still goes
ou. Men, forgetful they are such, revel in hatred
of their fellow men. Mour.ains of gold aud
rivers of blood huve been spent, and for wtiat ?
Not in vindication, but in tbe destruction of es
tablished principles. Freedom has been made
the rallying ery of slavery, liberty of despotism,
and manhood the degradation of its strength aud
pride. Under the delusion ol rescuing a princi
ple from vandal bauds, that very principle has
perished in the custody ot its pretended friends.
That the government has undergone an entire
change, none will deny. We have seen State by
Stale upset, their sovereignty detrhoned, their vi
tality destroyed, and a nation new bore, rearing
its head above the wreck. Uuder the rallying
cry of the Union, we have seen the Constitution
trampled under foot, and its provisions set aside.
We have seen vast armies iuvadiug State after
Mate, subjecting each in turn to the mandate of
the centralism. Tbe South may truthfully ex
claim to the North, “thou cans’t not say 1 did
it.” The South simply proposed a re-enactment
ot the old form uuder the folds of a separate flag.
She ouly sought a re-adoption ot the same Con
stitution, according to the construction of that
instrument as given by the wisest ot statesmen
mid patriots. The government was not over
thrown; nor the liberties ot tbe people jeopard
ised by tbe party seeking Uie establishment ot a
separate government. These arc the fruits of
the opposing power. The people were taught
to believe the Uniou must be preserved at every
vital. It was preserved—preserved at the ex
pense of sll its rights and immunities. Its form
may be intact, but like a harp suspended ou the
wall whose strings have been broken by tbe
rode touch ol unskilful hands, it gives out no
music in accord with the great heart ot the peo
ple. It is tbe ghost of its former self, stalking
amidst the ruins ot the past, in mournful memory
-of its broken hopes, viewing the ashes of its
ciudered fane.
l*ei us contrast the old with the new order ol
things—the Confederate with the Federal system,
‘l'uen we had a constitution as the charier of our
May we uot hope that when the people are
fully awakened to a sense of all they have lost
— the less than nothing gained; when they shall
l»e brought to a realizing sense of the Govern
ment as it is, in contrast with what it was, that
they will, through peaceable means, restore it to
i's legitimate sphere, in view of the hideous de
formity it presents in the contrast of Then and
Now. Russell.
|FOR THE IVTELUGENCER.]
Atlanta Goaslp.
Your Sunday's paper contains a couple ol par
agraphs, truthfully styled “Gossip,” in which
my name has lieen freely used. Though it is
sometimes thought best to permit such allusions,
especially when directed to a private citizen en
tirely disconnected with political affairs like my
self, to pass by unnoticed. Ou this occasion, in
consequence ol its having been intimated in the
paragraph referred to, that I “urged Gen. Pope to
have Mr, Hill arrested,” I feel that it is incum-
beut on me to state that such an allegation only
exists in the imagination of its fabricator, as
may easily be ascertained by any one having
enough interest to make the proper enquiry.
It seems to aflord the humorist ot the Colum
bus Sun great delight to revert to, as he lias done
more than once, what I must certainly admit to
Ik- a very small subject, my size. Had I known
iu time bow facetious be could become about it,
and w hat were bis views on physical dimensions,
I might have had my proportions got up iu ex
act accordance with his standard. But one thing
lie aceuses me w rongfully of, in holding me re
sponsible lor his now being compelled to go
about Columbus with bis bead under liis arms!
He must have forgotten it may have been found
ton light to remain steadily any where else, a dif
ficulty which, even if 1 were iu favor at court, I
might uot have been able to remedy; but it it
ever can be remedied to such an extent, I will
endeavor to keep space enough in one ot those
capacious breeches pockets lie ascribes to me, to
store him away witli tbe other great men I keep
there for my personal convenience.
Respectfully, J. W. Duncan.
[communicated.]
IkeKalb Agricultural Society.
Stone Mountain. Aug. 17.
Pursuant to public notice, a portion of the
citizens of DeKalb county assembled at Stone
Mountain to-day.
On motion of W. G. Whidby, Esq., Hon. John
C. Ragsdale was called to the Chair, and Dr.
John L. Hamilton requested to act as Secretary.
On luking his seat, the Chairman made some
well-timed aud pertinent remarks, followed by
addresses by Col. R. A. Alston and Judge Daniel
Pittman.
On motion of W. G. Whidby, Esq., Messrs. H.
P. Woollen, A. J. Veal, J. N. Pate, W. L. Gold
smith, and Col. R. A. Alston were appointed a
committee on pennaueut organization, who, al
ter consultation, submitted the following report
which was unanimously adopted:
Hon. John C. Ragsdale President.
Col. K, A. Alston Vice President.
Dr. John L. Hamilton Secretary.
John N. Pate.. Treasurer.
Executive Committee.—P. W. J. Echols, James Polk,
J. W. Kelley, A. J. Veal, John P. Marbnt, John T. Al
ford, W. L. Wells, R. M. Clark, W. H. Clark, J. M. Hol
brook.
On motion of W. G. Whidby, Esq., the next
meeting will take place at Decatur on the first
Tuesday in September.
Tbe Coltou Claims.
The following from the New York Herald's
Washington correspondence of August 12, in
relation to the cotton cases before tbe Court of
Claims, will be ot iuterest to mauy of our rea
ders :
The Court of Claims met to-day, pursuant to
adjournment. Chief Justice Casey and Judge
Peck were alone present. In accordance with
the letter of advice of Senator Cowan, the Soli
citor ol the court, uuder the instructions of the
Secretary of the Treasury, moved for an appeal
in the cotton cases lately adjudicated upon. The
court refused emphatically, Judge Peck stating
that tire refusal w r as made iu accordance with
(he unanimous sentiment ot all tbe members of
the court. It is asserted that the Secretary of
the Treasury will nevertheless coutiuue to refuse
payment ol the awards made by the court, in
which case the claim of Carmalt, of Charleston,
will probably again become a matter for the in
lerchange of diplomatic notes la-tween Sir Frede
rick Bruce and Secretary Seward, it wili be re
collected that the claim was referred by the latter
to tire Secretary of the Treasury, who, under
the advice ot Attorney General Speed, sent it to
the Court ot Claims. That court awarded the
claim to Carmalt, aud to-day refused a motion
of appeal to the Supreme Court.
An InitfortanC .71 Hilary Order.
[official.]
Headquarters Third Military District, 1
[Georgia. Alabama and Florida.] V
Atlanta, Ua., August 19, ISC7. )
General Orders No. 53.
Grand and Petit Jurors, and all other Jurors,
lor the trial oi cases, civil or criminal, or for the
administniUon of law in the States of Georgia,
Alabama and Florida, will hereafter be taken ex
clusively from the lists of voters, without dis
crimination, registered by Boards of Registration
uuder the acts of Congress of the United States,
known as the Reconstruction Acts.
Sheriffs and all other officers whose duty it is
to summon and empanel jurors, will require each
juror to make oath that he is duly registered as
above indicated, specifying precinct and county
in which he was registered, which affidavit will
be placed on the official files of the court.
By command of Brevet Major General Pope.
G. K. Sanderson,
Capt. 3 Id U. S. Infantry, A. A. A. G.
Official: G. K. Sanderson,
Capt. 33d U. S. Infantry, A. A. A. G.
We notice the foregoing military order in the
advertising columns of the “Rra" and “Opinion”
of tliis city, of yesterday’s date. The reader will
readily comprehend the effect it will have upon
the formation of juries, graud and petit, through
out i lie States of Georgia, Alabama and Florida,
“ without discrimination" simply meaning that
negroes or mnlattocs may be jurors to try eases
civil or criminal—that uo distinction shall be
made by the civil courts of the State between
them and the white man. And so goes on the
work of reconstruction in this ixiilltary* district.
Perhaps it will not be amiss in this connection
to refer to the memorable declaration made by
the late President Lincoln, in a speech made
by him at Ottowa, which it is well known he
adhered to alter he became President and
throughout the whole war, as it is in striking
contrast with the aforesaid order :
“1 have no purpose,” said Mr. Lincoln, “to
introduce political and social equality between
the white and black races. There is a physical
difference between tbe two which, in my judg
ment, will forbid their ever living together upon
the footing of perlect equality. * * I am, not,
nor ever have been in favor of making voters or
jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold
office, or to intermarry\\ith white people: uijd,
I will SUV ill liCulmoh to this, that there is a phy
sical difference between the white and black
races which, I believe, will forever forbid tbe
two races living together on terms of social aud
political equality.”
The Republican party of the North and West
at tiie time the foregoing utterance was made, it
is well known agreed with and sustained Mr.
Lincoln in his utterance of the foiegoing senti
ments, and they continued to do so till (tie day
ol liis death and until President Johnson's restor
ation policy was announced. In order to com
bat the latter, that same party have since repu
diated Mr. Lincoln’s views and have gone over
to negro suffrage, negro equality, negro everything.
What a change,! “Who can. tell what a day
may bring lorth V”
We are reminded here, in referring to.Mr.
Lincoln’s views on negro equality, social aud
political, that some individuals in tills communi
ty have started the novel project of erecting a
monument to his memory, and are making ap
peals to (lie freedmen of the South to contribute
from their scanty means to its erection. Wliat
for? Mr. Lincoln entertained no views connect
ed with the negro race in conformity with theirs
or the party to which they profess their allegi
ance. Erect to liis memory a monument if they
will, blit do not deceive the negro as to his views
of their race and llie position-they should occupy
in the government—their social status among
the whites. The sons of “Ham” though easily de
luded may some day open their eyes to it, and
retaliate upon their deceivers.
An.Infamous Radical Fraud—Old Sto
ries Revamped.—The story started by the New
York Evcuing Post, aud now going the rounds
of the Radical press, to the effect that two Texan
planters refused “to go borne until they had shot
liberties; now the will of a Congress capricious j „ negro,” and did finally bring down an unlucky
hs the wind. Then our social, domestic and j darkey whom they chanced to meet, is recog-
poliiical systems were iu accord with the decrees
of nature and God; now they subserve tbe bad
passions ot bad men. Then we had peace, fel
lowship, fraternity ; now discord, wrangling and
alienation. Theu we bad wealth and prosperity;
now poverty and bankruptcy. Then civil gov
ernment knew no conflict of arbitrary or usuip-
ing power; now military dispotisms are planted
all over the land. Then agriculture, commerce
and manufactures flourished ; now they languish
everywhere. Then taxation was a myth ; non
uu uitoler&ble reality. Theu agrarianism claimed
no mouth-piece in favor of its ends; now it is
boldly proclaimed a necessity oi partisan creed.
Then the South annually contributed three buu-
ilred millions iu gGld to the wealth of the coun-
t;-\ now she is a pauper. Then the North in -
cicused iu prosperity ; now she languishes in the
stagnation of trade, her wealth the property of
tin- people. Then treasures hung on every side
as the golden fruits of paradise: now the apples
ot Sodom burden each branch, and tree.
uized by the New Haven Register as an old ac
quaintance, it having first been published in an
anti-slavery almanac, some twenty years ago, to
illustrate the prevailing cruelty of slaveholders
in South Carolina.
“Afterwards,” says the Register, “it was located
iu ‘bleeding Kansas,' and did duty for ‘two bor
der ruffians,’ who would uot leave town until
they had ‘shot a Yankee.’ It is an excellent bit
j of sensation sniff, but we question the policy of
! using it olteuer than once in twenty years or so.
j The inventor ot the story was remarkable for
i modesty, or for cunning—as be has never taken
' out a copyright—but it is passing strange that a
i uctn with a thimhletul of brains could for an
I instant believe such a barbarous act could be
IctmmiUed with impunity in any part ot this
I country.
The Raleigh Regiaie: says that thirty
Death ol Ex-Governor R in. H. Campbell.
Passengers by the Lebanon stage last evening
bring the sad intelligence of the sudden demise
of Ex Gov. Win. B. Campbell, about day break
yesterday, at liis residence near Lebanon. Sun
day evening he bad retired, apparently in his
usual good health. The cause of his death was
dropsy of the heart, an affection to which he
hail become subject during the past lew years.—
His age was something over sixty years.
* * *• * * * *
Since the close of the war he lias been
thoroughly identified in sentiment with the peo
ple of the State. In 1865 he was elected to re
present this District in Congress, but declined a
re nomination hist spring. Indeed, if he had
consented, there is no doubt that lie would have
been the conservative leader in our recent Slate
eampaigu.—Nishvi'le Gazette, '201h instant.
What Gen. Meade Thinks.—Major General
Meade has been at Long Branch. A correspon
dent says he has had “a pleasant chat” witli him,
and that the General gives liis views with a mod
erate sort ot freedom that is simply easy in man
ner. The General has little confidence in poli-
tieians, as such; he thinks the Presidential nom
ination is being manipulated at present with a
considerable amount of shrewdness, that a class
of men are now putting Gen. Grant forward up
on one side and Gen. Sheridan ou the other, and
when they have sufficiently pitted these two
popular military men against each other they
wdl lx uii lie dropped and Secretary Chase be
taken upas the “thin! man,” lieing a civilian and
supposed to lie available. He agreed with us
that the position of Geu. Giant is a lietter one
than the Presidency; but thought the time
would come when Grant would naturally desire
to retire from public life, and it would be more
desirable to do so from the W Lite House than
from the head of the army, lie conceives that
the irieuds ol Chase will have no means untried
to secure the nomination.
The Chestatee Fleming Company.—The
work of mining the bed ot the Chestatee has
commenced. We have, during the week, visited
the works and found everything working like a
charm. A thirty horse power engine, ot Head-
ley’s make, is in complete operation, with one of
Andrew’s snail shell rotary pump with 9 iuoli
pijies in the clear, throwing three thousand gal
lons out of the bed of the river per niiuute. The
water is sinking very fast, and in a few days’
about one-third of a mile of the river will be
ready for miningi Col. Peter Hancay, one ol
the Directors, and Col. J. K. Wing, the Superin
tendent, and Capt. Adolph Tuies, the mining
engineer, were ail proem, and perfectly jubilant
ow the rapid decrease in the wali-r in Liiu t»id
city by B. n. Ilill, of this State, late a Senator
in tbe rebel Congress.’ This person only a few
weeks since was pardoned by the President, and
in common with almost every pardoned rebel,
this is the use he makes of the clemency of the
Government, You can readily see from the
speech itself the character of tbe man, who is
the representative^a large class, and the hope
lessness of any sat’“J»ct<-17? reconstruction of the
Southern States while such men retain influence.
It has been, ami will continue to be rny course,
to permit and encourage the widest latitude of
speech aud of the press in this District consistent
with tbe law and the public peace. I do not in
clude among those who are permitted to exer
cise this latitude of speech civil officers of the
Provisional State Governments already prohib
ited-by my orders from “using any influence
whatever to deter or dissuade the people from
takiug an active part in reconstructing their
State Governments under the Reconstruction
Acts.” NV^uch advantage as the use of the ma-
chiuery ot me existing State Governments ought
to be or A’ill be given to the Anti-Recnnstruc
tion part}’.
I consider it desirable that the Government and
the people of the United Stales should thorough
ly understand the feelings and purposes of the
leading politicians ol the South, in order that t he
country may know the result of the coming elec
tions, precisely the amount of influence possess
ed by these men, and the kind and extent of leg
islation required to counteract its baleful effects.
In my opinion, no reconstruction can be satis
factory or at all reliable as to future results, un
less these men are permitted to discuss o|>enly
and according to their nature, the issues present
ed. If they still retain influence enough with the
masses of the whites at the South to enable them
by active efforts to defeat reconstruction -uuder
the late acts of Congress, it is better that the
country should know it before than after the re-
ad mission of the Southern States into the Union.
It would not he difficult to find in the violent
speeches of such men abuudant cause for silenc
ing them ; but reconstruction accomplished in
tins manner would be no index of tlie public
sentiment, and might and probably would result,
after a year or two, in a relapse ot the people in
to the same condition of bondage to those lead
ers that would lead necessarily'0 a reproduction
ot the sanfee condition of things which demand
ed the passage of the Reconstruction Acts.
It is better that the battle should be fought out
now and openly. If the people of these States
have the common sense and the manhood to
withstand the influence of the Secession party
and of the political leaders who have long con
trolled them, who have led- them into their pre
sent desperate condition, aud who seek to plunge
them still deeper iuto misfortune, aud if they
prove able and willing to reconstruct their State
Governments upon the only true principles of
government, in defiance ot their leaders and
against their active opposition, there will be good
ground for hope that reconstruction will be sat
isfactory and permanent. If they cannot do this
it «nay well become a question whether recon
struction on any reasonable terms is possible, so
long as these unrepentant and reactionary politi
cal leaders are suffered to remain in this couutry.
It is better that the country should know llie
truth on this subject now than run the risk of
learning hereafter ..UyU an irreparable mistake
lias been made in the plan and execution of the
Reconstruction acts. I need scarcely repeat that
reconstruction to lie in the spirit of the acts of
Congress and to be permanent must be the acts
of tiie people thems^ves after the fullest and
freest discussiou. Congress lias done wisely in
enabling them to make this fight, by disfranchis
ing the leading rebels and at least making it im
possible for them to vote or hold office. It would
have been still better to enforce their permanent
absence from the country. The personal influ
ence they might bring to bear if they were can
didates themselves is thus greatly weakened and
tiiey are forced to discuss issues and uot appeal
to personal feeling iu their own favor. The peo
ple are thus left freer than they ever were before
to choose their own candidates, and are forced to
think for themselves as they have uot hitherto
done.
So far from being willing to see the disfran
chised classes relieved from political disabilities,
I consider these disfranchising clauses of tiie
acts to be among their wisest anil best considered
provisions. If they do 110 other good than to re
lieve the people from the incubus of the old po
litical leaders, they have accomplished incalcula
ble service. It is not doubted that many worthy
and now loyal men who could be safely trusted,
are disfranchised by these clauses of the Military
bills, but such a result was unavoidable, and can
in their cases be easily remedied. It will uo doubt
be wise, at an early day, to relieve by name such
of the disfranchised persons as have hitherto
proved or shall prove by their conduct in tiie
course of tbe next six months that they are wor
thy of it. Whilst it was unavoidable that some
ood men would be disfranchised by provisions
of law against classes of persons, the remedy is
easy. To undertake the converse of this, that
is, to give general amnesty and except individu
als by name, would certainly result in leaving
large 'numbers enfranchised who ought not to be.
Such improper persons might decide the coming
elections before their unfitness could lie ascer
tained, anil even then it would be more than dif
ficult to remedy the evil. I consider the method
set forth iu the Reconstruction acts by far tbe
wiser course ot tiie two, and I can hardly under
stand how any man tainiiiar with tiie facts cau
think otherwise.
These disfranchised persons include generally
the whole army of those who uow hold or have
hitherto held office. With few exceptions, ali
these persons were active rebels, and are bitterly
opposed to reconstruction under the Acts of Con
gress; opposed in fact to any reconstruction
whatever except such as would leave them in
precisely the same political condition as it there
had been no rebellion and no war. Even such
a reconstruction as this they would only accept
*s a necessity of the situation, with a purpose
to renew in Congress, and pepetnate among
themselves as nearly as possible, the same con
ditions which existed belore the war. With
these re-aetior.isls dominant in the South, free
dom of speech and ot the press v will not even
exist in name.
The Union men, and even those who were
secessionists, but have advocated reconstruction
under the late Acts ot Congress, would find no
peace and no protection in these States.
The last condition of the freedmen would be
w orse than the fits!.
I need only point to this speech of Mr. Hill, his
numerous letters, the letters of Governor Perry,
of South CaToiiaa, of Hersehc-1 V. Johnson, of
Georgia, and many Other such men lor sufficient
evidence that I liave not overstated the case.
These men are the representatives of a large
and powerful element, Lent on reaction, and they
have been in the habit of controlling the South
ern whites. By takiug opposite sides of a
icai question, they have in times past divided tbe
Southern whites on purely personal grounds, and
liave thus created the impression elsewhere that
among the masses there was a political question
decided instead of a purely personal one.—
United as they now are against reconstruction,
it is wise to ascertain how tar their influnce can
prevail with the people.
The disfranchising clauses of the Acts of Con
gress put it out of the power of these men to
lie candidates for office. One great element of
their strength is thus destroyed, and the people
left to choose other leaders and vote for other
candidates, have really a freedom of action
which they never had before, and find themselves
under a necessity for thinking which they have
uot heretofore felt Congress has given them
this privilege and imposed upon them this salu
tary necessity. It remains to be seen how they
will use them. If they can w in the battle against
their former leaders alter an open fight, all may
tie well in the future. If not, then not.
I do not at all agree in the opinion that there
are not enough competent in this District to hold
the civil offices, who ase not disfranchised. I
have, I thiDk, reason to know otherwise—but
even admitting that it is so, it Ls better to have
L nion. Once admitted into the Union, tiie power
of Congress over them is reduced practically to
the general power which that liody has over all
States ia the Union. ' .
By admitting these Southern Stales affer silenc
ing the old political leaders, and neutralizing for
the moment old political influences, Congress
and tiie people disarm themselves. The moment
admission into the Union is accomplished the
military power is suspended, and with it all re
strictions are removed. At oune tlie9o old poli
tical leaders and the old political and personal
influences will resume their activity, and we may
find too late that such reconstruction as we have
made is not only what was needed aud expected,
hut what will simply result in a reproduction of
the same condition of affairs which made re
construction measures necessary at all.
Freedom of speech and of the press, education,
equality before the law,.and in political rights
and privileges, are the essentials of any satisfac
tory reconstruction in the South. Without se
curing these we have secured nothing. How
can we know that reconstruction will accomplish
these results, unless we know in advance the
strength and the power of those who oppose it.
Reaction is certain unless the reconstruction
party cau win the battle by decisive majorities
over all the elements which oppose it, left to de
velop themselves aud apply their full force to
the contest. If the reactionists thus left fiee cau
defeat such reconstruction as this, we then know
what to do, what in fact we must do, if we desire
to perpetuate lree institutions. It is best to
know all these tilings before re-admission into
the Union is granted. It will be too late to learn
them afterward. Now is the time, and this is
the opportunity to complete this work so that it
will stand. Every dictate of wisdom and pa
triotism demands this work at our hands. If
hastily or partially done, reconstruction will
drag with it a train of evils to this country which
can never lie remedied. It is not necessary to
say that however we restrain the opposition
party now, the moment reconstruction is accom
plished, this party will regain its activity, and
we ought to kuow in advance whether it pos
sesses the power to undo what we thought we
had done. I do not mean to intimate "that it
I believe that in Florida and Alabama the dart- j From the Macon Telegraph,
ger from this cause is less than in Georgia: but i General Pope and the Reconstruction
in all these States there is so much danger ot the j Aets.
disorder and violence which marks the daily his- j It lias been our pleasure to-approve and coni-
torv of Tennessee, that it would seem wise to j mend, generally, the administration of General
adopt whatever measures that are practicable to | Dope, in the past, invested with extraordinary
remove from the States in process of rcconstrue- power, such as few European despots possess,
tion the causes which now endanger loyal gov- J w ’e thought we saw in him a disposition to treat
eminent in Tennessee. " * ; tiie Southern people with fairness, anil to dis-
I do not venture to suggest a remedy for the ! charge his difficult duties in such manner as to
evils that may be developed, Such matters ! bring upon them the least amount of actual op-
merit, and will no doubt command patient ex- j pression. His course has indicated a desire to
animation aud careful action; and having laid | make friends of our people, and not enemies;
before you the facts, ami my own general views m conducting them back into tiie Union over the
upon them, I consider my duty performed.
I am, General, very respectfully,your obedient
servant, John Porn,
B’vt Mqj. General U. S. A., Commanding.
General U. S. Grant, General-in-Chief U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C:
Correspondence 01 the New York World.
Washington, Aug. 16.
THE removal of hoi.t.
The President decided to-day to issue an or
der relieving Judge Holt from liis 1 Position at tiie
head ot the so-called Bureau of Military Justice,
and granting him leave of absence until some
other place in the army requires liis services. It
was found that the act ol Congress-creating this
office did not change the usttalffirm (beremoving
army officers, and as Ifolt did not come under
the Civil Ten’ufe law, there was no other avaiia
ble procedure to get’rid of him but to order liim
out of the way. There is no little regret felt in
some circles,that he is-uot ordered to join his
boon companion anil esteemed friend, Sanford
Conover.
our new acquisition.
All of flic details for the transfer of Russian
America to the United States were to-day com
pleted. General Rousseau, the special commis
sioner, had a long interview with the President
to-day, and having secured the appointment of
revenue agent for the new territory, will leave at
once for Sitka. It is reported here that the Hud
son Bay Company are bringing large quantities
of their goods iuto Sitka from British America,
in order to avoid tiie tariff.
ABOUT SECRETARY m’CULI.OCH.
Within a day or two an attempt lias been made
to induce the President to request Secretary .Mc
Culloch to resign. It is not possible to say
whether anything will result from it.
rough path marked out by the Radical Congress,
to co uplete the journey with as few foot-sores
and heart-burnings as may be possible in the
peculiar circumstances ot tlic. case. In view
of the many temptations to the" abuse of power,
anil the evil influences, both here and at \Yash-
iugtpn, by which, lie waasurrounded, we regard
ed his course, in the main, sis eminently just ami
worthy of our approval*. This we did not hesi
tale, as public journalists, freely to accord to
him. And whatever changes recent events may
have wrought in the public estimation of the
man and officer, we stiff think he is animated by
just motives, and if left to himself would do what
is right. But it requires a mental calibre far
greater than his, and experience in civil admiu-
istratiop that he ia not even expected to possess
to come up to the demands of enlightened states
manship and patriotic dut/wifh a virtue and for
titude suited to tbe grave occasion. He is young,
inexperienced,-aud yet ambitious and not without
vanity. It is upt singular then that he should catch
any prevailing distemper of the times, or fall a vic
tim to those whoare wiser and more ci
LAND OFFICE DECISION.
In answer to an inquiry. Commissioner Wil
son, of the Genend Land' Office, has replied as
1 follows: “ A widow having made a homestead
to™? ¥*”***:•*?*<
haps it would not even be practicable to lake
from the freemen the right of suffrage, though
this latter is doubtful.. These politicians are wily
and sagacious. They will make no laws which
lire not equal on their face to all men. It is in
the execution of these laws which seem to bear
equally on all, that wrong will be done, and a
condition of tilings produced which bears no re
semblance to free government except in name.
Social exclusion, withdrawal of business rela
tions, open exhibition of hostility, if not indeed
actual hostile acts, interruption of; or interference
with tiie freedmen’s and other schools maintain
ed by charitable contributions from the North;
these will he the weapons used against Union
men and the colored race. Acts of wrong and
violence will meet no sufficient redress, if indeed
any redress at all iu the courts. These are acts
which cannot he reached by the General Gov
ernment, and yet which quietly and silently ren
der justice impossible, anil establish discrimina
tion against classes or color odious aud unbear
able.
I say then again that unless reconstruction is
accomplished alter the fullest developments of
all the influences against it by decisive majori
ties we will simply have reproduced and perpet
uated in the South what we sought to destroy.
We ought to know in advance, if possible, wheth
er the presence of the leaders of these incurable
reactionists and their active influence in this
country are compatible with the peace of the
country, and the security of our institutions.
Another question ought to he and probably
will be decided in the course of the coming can
vass for and against a Convention. That ques
tion is this: Have the sluggishness of mind and
body and the tendency to assail by violence the
right of Opinion and discussion, engendered by
habits acquired during tiie existence of slavery
and tiie system of politics in the South, unfitted
the people for such self-government as is implied
by free speech, frcertiress aud the fullest peacea-
airle discussion of all public questions?
This is a most important question, and one
which, if answered in the light of existing facts,
must be auswered unfavorably. Not only do the
reactionary auli-reconslruetionists use all the in
strumentalities I have named, except such as
they are restrained from using by the military
authorities, hut. there is little doubt that they
woujd resort at once to the intimidation and vio
lence which long practice lias made a habit, if
they dared to do so in the presence of the mili
tary forces of the United Slates. Oaudor com
pels me to say that, this tendency to repress free
dom of speech is not confined to either party,
but prevails, though to a much less extent,
among llie reeonstruotiomsts, whether they have
been always Union men, or have lately joined
the ranks of .the reconstruction party 1 . It be
comes llie Government of the United States to
frown upon such measures by whatever party
proposed, and' no rebuke so salutary or so preg
nant, of good results can be administered as for
the government to protect all parties iu the ex
ercise of free speech. Results will show what
we must expect in tiie future in establishing in
the South what are cardinal principles of our
Government.
The loregoing remarks refer exclusively to the
wiilte race in the District.
Tin: condition and llie future of tiie colored
are far more hopeful and encouraging. The
earnest and touching anxiety of the freed people
to learn, cannot but make a profound impression
upon Uie mind of any one who has had the op
portunity to observe it. It may safely be said
that the marvelous progress made in education
anil knowledge by these, people, aided by llie no-4,
ble charitable contributions of Northern societies
and individuals, finds’ no parallel in the history
of mnnUml. If continued, (aud if continued-ill
all it must be by the same agencies.) and the
masses of the white people exhibit the same in
disposition to be educated that they do now, five
years will have transferred intelligence aud edu
cation, so far as the masses are concerned, to Uie
colored people of this District. The social and
political results of such a change cannot fail to
i>e important and to a great exteut decisive of
tiie questions whicjh we are seeking tqsolye. It
becomes us, therefore, to guard jealously against
any reaction .which may and will check this most
desirable progress ot the colored race. I11 this
view also we should assure ourselves that the
reconstruction we are attempting to set up iu the
South is of a character and possesses the vitality
to encourage and maintain this progress aud per
petuate its results..
These, General, are briefly my views upon the
condition of affaire in this District, and they fur
nish tiie reasons why I am pursuing the course in
i he adnyinistration of my office which I liave indi
cated to you. It is not improlsible that I may be
mistaken and that reconstruction forced ami hur
ried may finally result in equal good. It seems
to mo, however, that we will incur a great risk
by departing from the course I have marked out
for myself; and if by carrying out other measures
we fail to accomplish the results we all have at
heart, we will have entailed endless evil upon
these people and upon the country, and will have
disarmed ourselves ot the [rower to remedy it.
I am confident (hat reconstruction will be sat
isfactory j’ accomplished in this District, in spite
ol the ojien and active opposition of the disloyal
reactionists. I can safely say that Alabama will
give not less than ten thousand majority of white
votes for reconstruction—and I think it maybe
said with almost equal certainty that Georgia
will give a white majority in the same direction.
Not less than three-fourths of the colored vote
in each ol these States will be cast for reconstruc
tion. The same remarks are substantially true
of "Florida; and if 1 have so earnestly invited
your attention to the danger of opposite results
It has only been to furnish the data necessary to
meet the case anil to justify the course I have
thought it judicious to pursue. All the lacts that
can ltear upon these questions I shall continue
to report as they come to my knowledge.
It Ls, however, my duty to state that in rny
an incompetent but loyal man in office than to j judgment the condith >n of allairs in the Southern
have a rebel of whatever ability. In fact, the [ States, even should reconstruction be sati3facto-
greater tbe ability the greater the danger of
maladministration.
The questions al issue nnder.these acts (
j rily accomplished, will of necessity be a re-pro-
1 dud ion in a more or less modified degree, of
wlial now exists in Tennessee, unless sonic mea-
young J ov^r u»e rapiu Decrease 01 ...
men ot color” are studying tor the ministry in ■, bed, aud the accuracy v, ilh which the machine- j grass are the most momentous ever presented to . sur'es are adopted to free the country of t he tur-
RjchmouiL The ouly “ministry” that we have
heard ot among the beg roes here, is that of “the
E ijjel of HauuicutL^Richmond £nq<Rrer «£•
1 nr
rv was operating. By our n»xt issue we hope
to be permitted to make a more extended no
tice of the enterprise, so far ahead of any others
ever introduced iu this couutry.
a people. Tbe result lor good or evil will affect buit nt and disloyal leaders of the rc actionary
all parts of the country with more or less force ( party. Whilst these persons remain in the eotm-
and will leave au impress upon our institutions j try to exercise the baleful inflnence they un-
which will long remain. Jt is easy under exist-1 doubtedly possess, there can be no peace.
and cultivation of the same for five years from
the date thereof, or, if site so elects, site may
commute tiie same iiuiler the 8U1 section of the
law, by making satisfactory proof that all the
requirements ot the law hail previously been
met by her, anil paying lor tiie land at Uie rate
at which it was held at the dale of the entry.
I’EUSONAL.
Mrs. Mary Walbridge, mother of General Hi
ram Walbridge, of New York, died yesterday
alter a long and painful illness, at Ingleside, Dis
trict of Columbia. She was among the oiliest
and most* esteemed residents of Washington, and
her death leaves a large circle ot mourning
(fiends anil relatives.
Lieutenant-Colonel M. Ralston Kintziug has
been relieved from the coin mu nd of the marines
at Mare Island, California, and ordered to the
command of the marines at Philadelphia.
TREASURY 'APPOINTMENT* FOR SITKA.
The Treasury Department has prepared in
structions, relative to the collection of customs
for tlio government, of William S. Doilgo, who
has been appointed a special agent of the Trea
sury and Collector at Sitka, lie will sail 011 the
21st instant from New York, in the same vessel
with General Rousseau.
The Treasury Department in giving instruc
tions to Captain W. S. Dodge as special agent to
attend to the revenue interests in the recently
squired Russian American Territory, calls that
country Alaska.
army assignment.
There are no naval or army orders of conse
quence’to-day. Rrevet Major General Williams
and First Lieutenant II. P. Strong, Seventli in
fantry, liave been assigned to duty as aid-de-
camps on the staff of General Steele.
PUBLIC LAND SALES.
The commissioner of tiie general laud office
is in receipt of returns showing an aggregate
disposal of 25,796 acres ot the public lands dur
ing the montli of July last, at the local office at
Bayfield, Wisconsin. The greater portion of the
laud was located with Agricultural College script
and the remainder sold for cash and located with
military warrant. The cash sales realized $2,313.
Waalilugton City Itcma.
“Leo,” the Washington City correspondent of
llie Charleston Courier, in liis letter dated the
ljStli inst.,- furnishes the following items:
The Cabinet, at its last meeting, was entirely
harmonious, and the rumors of a general rup
ture are no doubt premature or entirely errone
ous. It is now known that on soine points there
existed a difference of opinion between Postmas
ter-General Randal and the President, anil that
a conversation between them on the eve of the
departure of the latter from the city, when he
intended to visit Europe, was by no means of a
very amicable nature. But Mr. Randal has re
turned to liis j)ost, and the rumor of his inten
tion to resign is not credited. Both Mr. Ran
dal and Mr. Seward are quite willing to put their
respective commissions at the disposal of the
President if he should desire it.
Tiie Democratic friends of the President have
undoubtedly exerted some influence upon tbe
President against tiie retention ot Mr. Seward in
the Cabinet—not that they liave any fault to find
with his administration of tiie department, but
that they would like to see ap inkling of future
Democratic ascendency in the President’s Cabi
net appointments. Tile Radicals, also, have been
pertinaciously hostile to Mr. Seward, because he
has consented to remain in Mr. Johnson’s cabi
net, and lias approved of liis reconstruction pol
icy.
The President himself is very willing to se
cure Democratic support, upon the small. con
dition of a Cabinet change. But lie must look
to the Senate. That body will not grieve over
the resignation oi Mr. Seward, but they will
confirm no uominotion for tiie office, except that
of a very decided Radical.
The President will not find it easy to fill the
War Department. The decided liadicals—
Brooks, Andrew, &c., >».iose names have been
mentioned—would not take the post uuder
present ’circumstances. They would not cut
themselves off from the chances of preferment
under the next Radical Administration; and
tiie nomination of only Democratic politicians
would be thrown sky high by the Senate.
The suspended Secretary Stanton will pre
pare to meet before tbe Senate tbe President’s
report to tlwit. botly, at the . next session, alleg
ing against him “misconduct iu office.” He
will establish Ins claim to Radical support, and,
under a Radical administration, he rnay proba
bly lie restored, or at least, vindicated. If Gen
eral Grant should be the next President, Mr.
Stanton will liave no reason to complain of any
lack ot Executive confidence or preferment.
Whatever the President has done or may do
in opposition to the ascendency of negro politi
cal power in Uie South, will be 1 tailed with grati
tude and satisfaction by the great conservative
mass of the North. The Radical capitalists are
just beginning to open their eyes to llie new' dan
gers threatened them.
With a plethora of money never before expe
rienced, capitalists can find no safe profitable
employment for their funds. Even now they
have little confidence in the political condition
of the country, and they will have leas after tiie
negro Congressional policy shall have triumphed
in the South.
The action of tiie Cabinet iu sustaining the
decision of Chief Justice Chase, in tbe matter of
General Sickles’ order No. 10, was unanimous.
This was the more complimentary to Judge
Chase, for the reason that the order issued there
upon was" coached In the words al Judge Chase's
opinion.
* Cattle ox a Thousand Prairies.—Tiie
Georgetown Watchman says there are now sev
eral thousand beeves in Williamson county, full,
hit, and fine. The same may l*e said of this
county, and in lact of every county in Texas.
Perhaps a million fat I reeves could he removed
1mm this State without endangering the simply
for home use, and to the vn'-d benefit of Hie
range which is beginning to lie „-reran•*•*•-<! in
many counties. The increase exceeds. [he Con
sumption everywhere.— Wuoj ( Terasy Spectator.
What a country ! Bed lor millions, and fat
al that!
cunning than
himself, lhat he has recently erred, and that
his general policy, as indicated in his orders, is
not dictated by those pure aud lofty considera
tions of the public welfare that so eminently
befit bis station, We think uo sober-minded, re
flecting man will .dispute. The great difficulty
with him in arriving at just conclusions is, Unit
ho lias based his adihiuistraUou on false premi
ses. These wrong, his efforts iu pursuance
thereof must necessarily fail in their object, viz:
the re-union and pacification of tiie country.
Some remarks iu illustration of this poiut we
consider demanded liy the occasion, and we
shall make them witli all becoming deference
for Gen. Pope, who, we believe, is in the wiring
road not from any particular choice of his own,
but simply because he was put there in the start,
aud has not had the courage to displease his su
periors at Washington by taking another.
The source of errors in the practical adminis
tration ot our District Commander is to be found
iu a total misconception of the Reconstruction
acts, which he was sent South to administer. He
lias made the mistake of construing those mea
sures, or rather reconstructing under them, as
compulsory upon the Southern pcoplo. lie acts
as though Congress had said the South shall he
reconstructed under these bills, when it has said
no such tiling. What are the Reconstruction
bills? They provide lhat such and such things
may be done by the people of the late seceded
States, open up an opportunity for doing
them, and declare that upon the doing of the
same they shall be re-admitted with nil their
rights into the Union. This is all. Beyond
a prescription of the class of persons who
shall be entitled to vote, they command •no
thing. Their whole gist is a 2'>roporitiou to the
South, Which it can accept or reject at its own
good pleasure. There is not a word oi com pul
si oh anywhere fo be found in the several acls, but
the uliiiost freedom is allowod to the citizen to
do j 11st as liis own best judgment Shall dictate,
lie cart register or not. He cun vote for or
against a Convention, and such a body is to ex
ist or not as the majority shall determine. If a
Convention be hejd it shall be at liberty to form
such a Constitution as they shall deem best for
the State. If a constitution be formed, tt must
he submitted back to the people and command
a mojority of all the registered votes before it
can be valid as the fundamental law of the State.
The largest freedom and discretion are specially
guaranteed in evety step of this progressive ac
tion; and provision is even made to secure
l(te perfect independence of voters. Such
are the reconstruction bills, and General
Pope has been put over the Third Military Dis
trict for the sole purpose of seeing that they are
executed and of preserving the public pence,—
Now, you cannot execute a law without enforc
ing all of its provisions, and it is very certain
that it is not executed when any of its provisions
or guarantees are interterred with or obstructed.
As freedom of action is guaranteed to the citizen,
any tifct Of the military comrtiaudcr that restrains
that freedom, whether applied to voting, speak
ing or writing, so far from executing the law is n
piupabie 'violation ot it on his part. It is as
much his duty under the law to protect A in
voting against reconstructioii as it is to protect
B in voting for reconstruction. IIovv far then
must be the departure from duty when he essays
to punish A for executing an undoubted right
under the law ? Tiie Congress lias prescribed no
penalty for opposition to reconstruction under
these laws—by wliat right does a district com
mander prescribe one ?
Thus it is clear that when Gen. Hope issued
his orders prohibiting all officers of the State
from expressing any opinion or using any in
fluence in opposition to reconstruction under
the Military Bills, lie did that which had no
warrant in tiie law itself or in common justice ,
and when he went further and actually pun
ished the Conservative press for advising the
people to adopt one ot the two alternatives
submitted to them by Congress, lie most griev
ously transcended his powers, and even violated
the very laws which he was sent here to enforce.
We appeal to any jurist, or fair-minded, sensible
man, North or South, if we are not light in our
construction of the law and of the duties arising
under it. If We are not, theu has Congress, in
a solemn act oi legislation, put upon tiie country
a lie and a cheat, as unjust to the South as it is
derogatory to itself. In the form of an honest
proposition for reunion, it 1ms been guilty of
laying a snare to entrap a people wholly in its
power, in order to oppress and plunder them
when caught.
The great blunder of Gen. Pope consists in
, mistaking the wishes of tbe Radical party for tiie
laws ot tbe land, and considering hirnsclt the
representative of that faction and not» of the
United States of America. We hope lie will
take a more enlarged and elevated view of Ins
office and its duties; and if he should not, but
persist iu considering himself an agent tor the
propagation of Radical principles in the South,
we trust the President will put some one in liis
place who will have a higher aud jnster concep
tion of tiie duties to be performed, and consider
himself an impartial officer of the United Slates,
and not the missionary of party.
Xew Euglau4 Boa«tx Ilia! Her Pool la ou
Ibe Neck or tbe South and. Went aud tbe
Ignorant and Stupid Dutch State.
The Salem, Massachusetts, Journal says :
Although it lias taken a great deal of time and
cost us a vast amount oT money we have at last
got the stolid Dutch of Pennsylvania, and the
verdant “Suckers” and “Buckeyes” of the
Western States educated.Tip lo the higher stan
dard. When a few years ago they spat upon us
—tiie despised Abolitionists—we determined that
the “negro” (asthey called the colored man)
should be made their equals or we would crash
the Union. Uolored suffrage is now a fixed fact.
Tiie foot of the negro is now on the neck of ou:
ancient revilers, mid those who are uot iu our
toils must stand from under.
“We would crush the Union!!” Of course
yon would “ crash the Union ” if you could not
rule it. That accounts for your old Hartford
convention. It accounts for “ sending none but
stiff-backed men to the Peace Congress ” of 1861.
It accounts for your refusal to compromise on
tiie Crittenden resolutions in 1861 which every
other party, even Jeff. Davis and Toombs agreed
to compromise on, and “save the Union.” It
accounts for yotir sneere at Democrats as “Union
savers',” and for your present five military Mon-
arefis sent South to “crush tiie Union,” unless
the people vote for your “ higher law standard.”
—St: Hml Pioneer.
A Polite Invitation.—The Herald's Wash
ington correspondent, speaking of the five sa-
traps, says: “Sheridan will probably be the first
victim, and Pope the next. Then there will be a
pause. Should the other commanders profit by
the fate of these two and fall gracefully in with
tbe Johnsonian policy, they will be allowed to
remain iu office a long time, and may not be
slirred al ail if their support is given heartily
and in real earnest: but if, when Sheridan is re
moved, the rest tender their resignations, I have
no dppbt no obstacle will be thrown in the way
ol their retirement.” —
