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“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferam.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 4,1867.
»f HWK
NUMBER 36.
10rrkt9 JntfUigfncfr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, September 4, 1867.
Mr. Seward Aaked (• Kealgn.
One of the most significant “signs of the limes”
we recognize in the following, which appeared
in the Intelligencer, tA Washington, of the 23d
instant. We augur from it that the Cabinet ol
the President is to be, as it was in the days of
the “Old Hickory" President, a unit. Had it
always been so, it had doubtless been better for
the whole country.
Says the paper referred to:
“ There is one gentleman of distinguished abii
ity and eminent public services whose name has
been unfortunately more or less identified with
the obnoxious Secretary of War. To this influ
ence with Mr. Lincoln, whether unjustly or not,
the public largely attributed Mr. Stanton’s re
tention in office. lu most of the struggles which
took place ir that Cabinet they heartily co-ope
rated. Public rumor Las attributed to them a
greater closeness of relationship in the present
administration—Whether justly or unjustly does
not affect the real merits of the question. Un
fortunately, too, several circumstances have
strongly corroborated that suspicion, for several
of the strongest friends of the distinguished Sec
retary of State have been tlie sturdy champions
of the Secretary of War. The fidus Achates of
the former, who controlled the political fortunes
of the Empire State for years, and has displayed
a political sagacity, a varied ability, and a con
summate tact that bus not, perhaps,beeu surf tossed
in the history of that State, has on all occasions
defended the defunct Cabinet minister. His
echo—who follows afar of! his great exemplar—
ilie trimming editor of the Time*, lias also enef
getically come to bis rescue. To the exertions
of these three grentlemen, more thau to any and
all other causes, is the fact due that Mr. John
son so long delayed meting out justice to his re
fractory subordinate. The association has dam
aged Mr. Seward’s usefulness. We are certainly
not among those who deny his exalted ability,
liis unflinching patriotism, or his great services
to his country. We think that he will live iu
the future pages of its history long after I lie pet
ty crowd of his detractors shall have sunk out
of sight and be utterly forgotten. But there are
times wiien the only question a patriotic man
should ask is, how can I best advance the iutcr-
• eats of my country by harmonizing all the
friends of constitutional government. The asso
ciations of which we have spoken will prevent
that unity of support among the friends of the
Administration, .which, in our judgment, is in
dispensable to his success. Under such circum
stances it is believed no tine friend of the Secre
tary could object to his retirement from the office
he has tilled with so much ability and with such
honor to himself and the country.”
“ Tlie Ball Rolling.”
'The Opinion is “ exceedingly encouraged ” at
the progress (V) being made by “ Messrs. Mark
ham, Gaskill, Farrow, and Dunning,” aided by a
“ number of gentlemen in the several counties,”
in rolling the radical ball over Georgia. If the
teu States of the South now under military rule
were searched for political leaders less qualified to
advance any cause, than the four individuals re
ferred to in the foregoing, they could not be
f<mild. All that is necessary to constitute the po
litical leader—personal influence, intellect, elo
quence—neither one of them possesses in even
mi ordinary degree; and when we read of the
great things they accomplish, with the political
“ Trays, Blanches and Sweethearts" they pick up
iu their peregrinations trom county to county,
we put it all down as “ bosh," aud decline to be
“ gammoned ” in that way. The Opinion is bold
in venturing to claim a lithe of what it has done
tor the tour Atlanta radical b<ill rollers, whose la-
bore it has thought proper to attach importance
to. We submit to the Editor if he did not faint
after he had perpetrated the puff. Our ouiy
wonder i9 that he did not expire! Markham
and Dunning 1 Farrow and Gaskill! “ Ye gods
and little fishes," how has it come about that the
day of small things overshadows all that is lu
ininous and great V
Sound Advice—The Two Race*.
The Baltimore Sun in a recent article on the
two races gives the following excellent advice to
the colored men of the South, which we com
mend to their grave consideration, especially in
this vicinity, where they are beset by 90 many
evil influences and radical incendiaries. Says
the Sun :
“It is to be hoped that the colored men will
uoi permit themselves to act upon the belief,
which incendiary white men are seekiug to in
still into them, that the laws ot the laud are in
sufficient for their protection, and that, iu order
to be secure, they must adopt a practice ot the
most vicious and degraded class ot whites. Ev
ery one recollects the execration and loathiug by
which that class, who formerly disturbed the
peace of this community, were looked upon by
ail good citizens, both white and colored, and
why should colored men permit themselves to
be degraded to the level of such habits, which
will inevitably render them objects of the same
execration and loathing? Their true friends
feel profoundly solicitous to elevate them above
such a fate,and to encourage them, everywhere,
bv good order and industry, to show that two
races, which have every reason for mutual good
will and co-operation, can continue to live to
gether on the same soil in amity and peace.”
Cool—Very Cool.
The Mobile Advertiser dir Register -says that
“when the President’s aid waited upon General
Grant with the order assiguing that chieftain to
the War office,he was at his headquarters, smok
ing. He read the order, looked at the officer,
and made a speech. He said, “Very well.”
And “eery tcRT’ it is to the country that the
General so took the order of the President. And
it will be “eery tcelT' if he receives and executes
other orders ot the President in the same cool
manner.
History to Repeat Itself.
The New York Herald says that “after the
election of John Quincy Adams, iu 1824, through
the influence of Henry Clay, iu the House ot
Representatives, John Randolph, of Virginia, de j
uounced the combination by which it was ef- j
lected as a ‘coaUtion of the Puritan and black- i
leg.’ From that moment a revffision took place j
in the feelings and policy ol the count ry.and at ihe !
next election Jackson was chosen over Adams ‘
by a large majority. A combination is now be-
iug formed similar in character, but more dis
graceful and humiliatiug in some of its features,
lor the purpose of forciug a new form ol guv- j
eminent upon the country. The laws ot Cou-j
gress are giving U9 a union of the two elements j
of Puritanism and negroism. What is to be the j
fate of this modern coalition of the Ptmtau and j
the nigger f
Just the fate
1828. The
man; another
Order No. 49.
Says the “ Opinion ” of yesterday morning,
under the above heading:
“‘ General Order No. 49 ” has caused a flutter
ing among our cotemporaries. Some of them
are more bitter in their opposition to reconstruc
tion under the Congressional plan. These can
claim credit for being somewhat consistent,
though unwise. Others have suddenly become
converted, and the wriggling of these is amu
sing to the observer. Like all new converts
ttiey are especially zealous. They not only are,
but hare been, without sin. They are eligi
ble to any patronage that is afloat They
are perfectly willing to gobble up any crumbs
that may be thrown to them, and have no fear
of indigestion. They are ready to swear they
are, ami always have been, reconstructionists, or
to use the language of the order that has affected
them so powerfully, that they HAVE NOT OP
POSED and do not now oppose Reconstruction
under the acts of Congress. And further, they
are now willing to solemnly asseverate that they
NEVER WILL!”
To whom the Opinion refers, in the foregoing
fminted extract, we know not, neither do we care.
Yet we confess to something within us, like unto
woman’s curiosity, to know who it means by
those who “ have not opposed” reconstruction
under “ the acts of Congress.” That most con-
nderate journal, one ot whose editors has shown
wonderful capacity to accept any situation, either
in the “ rebel" Memphis Appeal when it changed
position, though never changing tactics during
the war, and subsequently as one ot the editors,
proprietors, and publishers, of the Macon Tele
graph. still more "rebel," even after the war; and
his still more ‘‘loyal’ confrere, who left Tennessee
to seek a situation in some Confederate journal,
no matter what, and was accommodated first in
Atlanta, and then at Columbus, when no man
was more devoted than he to the ''rebel' cause,
ought to fie more plain. Is it the Intelligen
cer or the “Arm,” you are after. Say it Double,
say it Scruggs. Double how can you re
proach with your slang, anything Confederate ;
Scruggs, you are a good member of the church,
be opeu, or be silent ? Pope is not likely to
be imposed upon long. It you desire to hit
Bard, and lie deserves to be hit, with the sledge
hammer blow of a trained Vulcan, give it to
him, ami leave not the question in doubt as to
who have not opposed reconstruction. Come out;
he bold, fie men, ye harlequins of the Atlanta
press, lor whose accommodation—all of them —
We have our gloves oft.
“Every man baa bis Price.*’
It whs Walpole, so we are advised in British
history, that first made, iu the British Parlia
ment, the foregoing enunciation—“every mun has
his price." It was a bold, but nevertheless a
truthful assertion. We have our price, and may
he bought at it. Who will bid? We put our
self upon the stand. Cry it out, auctioneers!—
Our price is, the assurance of good government
and its faithful administration by “the powers
that tie.” Give us that, and our pen, heart, and
soul, arc at the disposal of the bidder. Other
wise, we are not on the political market.
Go it. “Era;" go it “Opinion;" we are not at
all in your way. There is a time coming, when
we shall appeal, as the Roman matron did, from
“Philip drunk, to Philip sober.”
Intervlewwllb the President—Wby Sher
idan vu Removed—Other Chances In
Contemplation.
The Washington correspondent of the Boston
Post telegraphs to that journal an account of an
interview which he has had with the President.
Mr. Johnson contended that the work of recon
struction would be done better by Thomas than
by Sheridan, who had exercised his powers in
an offensive and arbitrary manner. He said that
the removal of Governor Wells was unjo9tifiable
and that Governor Throckmorton had never at
tempted to impede the execution of the laws;.
The correspondent then told the President
that his views as to the proper execution ol
the Reconstruction acts were not clearly un
derstood by the people, and that he Would like
to hear them. Mr. Johnson answered that he
could express them in a few words. “He de
sired a fair registration of all qualified voters
without regard to race or color. He did not
wish to give any advantage to the white men,
but much less was he disposed to make them
the slave to the negroes. Where the negroes
had the majority, as in South Carolina, he
wished them to exercise the power ; where the
white vote was in the majority, as in Texas, he
desired that white majority to control. He
wanted only the law to be fairly executed with
equal chances to all. This was being denied them
by General Sheriden, and his manner and
mode of acting was fast familiarizing the people
with the tyranny of despotic government. I re
marked,” says the correspondent, “that the pub
lic would not be able to understand why he
struck down despotism in one department and
yet suffered it to cont inue in another. He replied
that other changes would be likely to follow
very soon. A proper investigation was now be
ing made into the conduct of one or two other
commanders who, it was charged, were playing
the autocrot. The President expressed the great
est apprehension as to the future of the govern
ment, yet said lie still relied on the good sense
and patriotism ol the people, lu his speech in
the United States Senate, in December, 1860, Mr.
Johnson said he iiad denounced the party who
would break up the government in order to pre
serve slavery, and he had also denounced those
wiio would destroy ttie government in order to
abolish slavery ; he was equally opposed to both
extremes now, and his only wish was for a
speedy return of fraternal relations among the
States.”
After the Land.
Tin* Mitoon (frwpnoi A f hire rcpOHS
the substance of one Mr. Dunning’s speech at
tliu Freedmeu’s Mass Meeting on Tuesday last:
Mr. Duuning said that there were thousands
of acres of land between the 9ea and mountains;
why could the negroes not have it? Something
iu that way would be done iu eighteen months;
time works wonders, and Congress is a law-ma
king power; whs glad the South did not accept
the amendment.
“Most of his speech was iu behalf of a system
of schools.”
Sure enough, why can’t the negro have the
land? Give it up to him, by all means, “poor
white (rash if not, “ in eighteen months,” ac
cording to this radical prophet, it will be taken
from you. “ Bully ” for this Mr. Dunning!!
Hebrew Thrift.—“ Burleigh,” of the Boston
Journal, says the Hebrews Lave taken possession
of Saratoga, where this season nine out of ten
seem to be Jews and Jewesses. The Jews are
becoming very numerous in this country, and ac
cumulating much wealth. This they can do be
cause they are among the most healthy, moral,
industrious and economical of our people. They
are clannish and peculiar in their habits, amuse
ments and modes of action. They are Jews; as
distinct in blood and life to-day a9 they were
three thousand years ago. But when people of
their intelligence—keen, sharp-witted, educated
—are willing to labor, without any regard to
eight or ten hour systems; to live within their
means, and lay up something every year; when
they never drink to excess, are seldom or never
found before courts or in prisons, or attached to
almshouses—it is pretty certain that in middle
life they will have comfortable estates, and in old
age can enjoy leisure with their children and
friends at Saratoga or other places of pleasure.—
In many of the affairs of life the Jews are wor
thy of imitation. They demonstrate that labor
conquers all things, and industry will prosper.
General Pope’s Letter.
Northern opinion in reference to Gen. Pope’s
recent letter to Gen. Grant, is of no little impor
tance to ‘lie Southern people, especially in this
military district Wc present, therefore, the fol
lowing paragraphs, from the Springfield (Mass.)
Republican and the National Intelligencer, as em
bodying in a nutshell as it were, the general
opinion of the Northern press iu regard to that
remarkable d<*cumeut. Says the Republican :
“ Gen. Pope evidently supposes that Congress
ordered the pending elections iu the South, not
to ascertain the opinion and feeling of the peo
ple, but to compel them to a prescribed course,
whatever they may thiuk or choose. They are
free to speak and act, but only asOongress and
the military commanders dictate. Gen. Grant
must enlighten Gen. Pope.”
Says the Washington Intelligencer :
“The newspapers in the interest of the Radi
cal party are striving hard to exalt the produc
tion of General Pope to the dignity ot states
manship. He proposes simply to exile or other
wise to wipe out the great body of white people
of the South as the solutiou of our sectional dif
ficulties. This, it must be confessed, would seem
fo be au effectual method of ensuring tranquility,
but we protest that it is by no means original.—
It is as old, at least, as the time of Machiavelli,
who, in l»Is “Prince,” distinctly declares that
there are but two modes of dealing with a con
quered people under the circumstances now ex
isting—either by extermination or conciliation.—
The latter alternative does not seem to have en
tered the mind of General Pope, although it was
preferred by the author of that text-book of un
limited despotism. The panacea of Pope has
been practically tried in later times, by England
in the case of Ireland, and by Russia in that of
Poland, and found to he utterly ineffectual. Af
ter the lapse of centuries, Ireland remains a
thorn iu the side of her oppressor.”
Formerly when negroes voted in New Jersey,
ate that befell the Federal party in j ‘ *« «* old negm preacher two
country is anxiously 1-Hiking Mr the 1 °' mC * 5>,Ut0es ” m <* Un S *e
_ . jer Jackson, L> save it now from tin j 1 his hearers on the duty ot voting, and
“punuui and the nigger,” as the lattei saved it in j th difference between Whigs and Democrats.—
ti..i .n. .uui Who the man will be i« not i..h tllll cf/NW At thn VAAAtnf /s r
days that are past,
jet indicated, but that he will make his advent
eie lung, and is looked for most anxiously by
the good and patriotic ot the laud, the signs ol
the times portend.
He told the story ot the receipt of the potatoes,
and added : “My brederen some tell you vote for
de Whigs, some tell you vote for de Democrats;
but 1 tell you vote where you get de taters.”
[FOR THE INTEtAIOENCER.]
Communicated.
Athens, Ga., August 21,1867.
The New Era, of ’Atlanta, of recent date, con
tains a letter purporting to have been written
from this place, aud detailing facts said to have
occurred here, about as follows: A man arrived
here a few days since, from New Orleans, and
engaged rooms at the Franklin House. Upon
his return to the place, he went to the Upper
House, when Colonel Roes, the proprietor of the
Franklin House, addressed him a note, demand
ing ten dollars for the time he had kept the room
locked up. This was sent, with a note to Colo
nel Ross, stating, as a reason for his not coming
to his house, that lie would not board in a house
where Yankee officers boarded,or associate with
those wJto_fiateUained.Ulf.ffi...... _
Now for the facts. A gentleman and his lady,
from New Orleans, arrived here the Saturday
preceding Commencement, aud in consequence
of the crowd, could not procure a room at the
Irwin House. He then repaired to the Franklin
House, where he selected a room. Upon com
ing into the street, he met Dr. Moore, an ac
quaintance aud friend, and the son of the friend of
this old gentleman fifty years ago, who kindly in
vited him to bring his family to his house and re
main until the crowd, consequent upon the com
mencement, should have dispersed. The gentle
man returned immediately, and informed the pro
prietor of the Franklin House of his intention of
going to Dr. Moore’s, and it was agreed that he
(the proprietor) should us? the room. Subse
quently, this getlemau, tor reasons not necessary
here to mention, declined the idea of taking the
room, and procured one to his satisfaction at the
Irwin House, when Colonel Ross tendered,
through a note, a bill for ten dollars. This, I
am instructed to say, was promptly paid iuto the
hands of the messenger who brought the note ;
and I am further instructed to say, no note was
written by this gentleman—as stated in this
Era letter—of any description whatever, nor
has he ever written a note to Colonel Ross, or
any one connected with his house. The Era
letter charges that there was a note written, and
it assigned, as a reason for refusing the room,
that Yankees boarded at the house, and he would
not associate with Yankee officers or those who
entertained them. This statement is a bold
falsehood, and it Colonel Ross furnished it, he
has shamelessly slandered a stranger sojourning
in our midst for a time. In consequence of this
statement, this gentleman recieved a note from
the military commandant of this post to repair
to bis headquarters, where he w as insulted by
this commandant’s asking him if he had made
this statement. This little satrap can best
give what transpired upon the occasion,
and it he is satisfied, 1 will assure him tiie other
parly is. This much I will state lie was told by
the gentleman ; that in conversation he had said
he would not board in a house where Yankee
officers boarded; and if it was offending to him,
or any other man, he was personally responsible,
aud would promptly respond to any call that
might be made upon him. What are we coming
to ? Will the military exact a permit from gen
tlemen as to the places where they shall board ;
and is the Franklin House, in our town, to be
patronized by their order; and are strange gen
tlemen visiting here to be hauled up to answer
for not going there? This 1, contemptible act of
petty tyranny has been perpetrated here by a
captain of the United States arm}', and upon
whom? a gentleman, who, after an absence
of forty-five years, bail returned to view the
scenes of early associations, and who is a
native of Georgia, and who by this shame
less letter writer, is twitted tor not having
been in the Confederate army. Allow me to
state what I do know. This New Orleans gen
tleman is now 68 years of age; that he bad sev
en sons in the Confederate army, four of whom
perished, and one on the 28th of July, 1864, on
the Federal breast works at Atlanta, aud by
them was boried. All of these were well known
to the editor who published this letter with its
contemptible heading, when he was an editor in
Louisana, and a blatant secessionist. This has
been shown to the gentleman from New Orleans,
and we are authorized to say every word is cor
rectly true; and furthermore authorises its pub
lication. He sends his name, which will be given”
to any gentleman who may feel himself agrieved.
He will, until the tenth of September, be found
at the Irwin House in this place.
Veritas.
The CoBaUteacf a:
Hon. George H. Pendletoa. ln a recent speech
at Lima, Allen county, Ohio, spins up the incon
sistencies of the - Radicals ill this scathing and
unanswerable manner:
In 1820 they opposed the establishment of the
Missouri compromise line. Iu 1854 they op
posed its abrogation. In 1896 they opposed its
re-enactment.
In 1846 they refused the uaefof State jails and
State magistrates to execute the fugitive slave
law, on the ground that the/ielnm of fugitives
was the duty of the Federal Government. In
1850 they refused to vote a njbre stringent Fed
eral law, on the ground that the return of fugi
tives was the duty of the State governments. In
1856 they passed personal liberty bills, on the
ground that the State shouldnot assist the Fed
eral Government; and in 1861 they repealed all
laws on the subject, on the ground that neither
State nor Federal Governments should execute
the Constitution.
In 1857 they had possession of the State Gov
ernments; they magnified States’ rights, adopted
the resolution of ’98 and ’99 $£their conventions,
exalted the idea of com ” ... .
unity, and prepared to array '^etitates in armed
conflict with the Federal antnority. In 1862
they had possession of the Federal Government,
they denounced States’ rights, called the Ken
tucky resolutions treason, and have, as far as in
their power, by mere brute fosce, as well as legis
lation, reduced and degraded the State Govern
ments.
In 1876 they declared that, “no war could be
right, aad no peace could be wrong;” that if the
South desired to change their political relations
and form of government, their rights could not
be denied. In 1862 they declared that the trini
ty of ocr salvation was “taxation, emancipation
and war.”
In 1854 they declared that the interests of the
country required the restriction of suffrage, and
tiiat the Germans, and Irish, and English, and
French, ought to be disfranchised. Iu 1867 they
declare that the interest ot the country requires
its extension, and that it must be given even to
the negroes.
In 1859 Mr. Chase, then Governor of Ohio, as
serted : “ We have rights which the Federal
Government must not invade; rights superior to
its power, on which our sovereignty depends;
and we mean to assert these rights against all
tyrannical assumption of authority.” In 1867
General Hayes, who aspires to be Governor of
Ohio, asserts that the States have no sovereignty
whatever. -
In 1864 they asserted that the President had
the power, by proclamation, to emancipate four
millions ot slaves. In 1867 they deny that he
has power to remove a member ot his Cabinet.
In 1862 party purposes required them to con
sider the Union unbroken. In Louisiana the
Federal Government had possession of New
Orleans atone. They admitted Hahn and Flan
ders to their seats as Representatives from that
State. In 1865 it had possession of every foot
of the State; these same men present themselves
as Senators, and they are rejected because the
State of Louisiana had ceased to exist.
In 1862 they desired to cieate West Virginia—
they must have the consent of the old State
they elect Governor Pierpontand a Legislature,
and take their law as the solemu act of the State
of Virginia assenting to itsown dismemberment
lo 1863 they set up a military government over
Pierpont and his Legislature, on the ground that
prior to his election secession had destroyed the
State.
Iu 18C1 and 18G2 and 1868 and 1804 and 1865
and 1866, during the war and after the war, they
admitted Representativee from Kentucky, and
now they reject them until a committee can in
quire whether Kentucky has a republican gov
ernment.
In 1868, they established military commissions
in Ohio for. the trial, of citizens, and by their
judgment sent themtodeatb or exile. In 1867,
•th<» Supufna-.CouFt, by.a.iryanimoua decision,
declares these tribunals illegal, and their senten
ces void. In 1863, they vexed us with many
oaths, and in 1867, the Supreme Court refused
to administer them.
For this they have threatened to impeach the
Judges, and they have actually reduced their
numbers.
In 1864, they appealed to the patriotism ol the
people, and raised immense armies to maintain
the Constitution and the Union. In 1865, they
preterred to continue the war rather than make
peace on the basis of maintaining the Constitu
tion and Union.
And to-day, calling themselves with contenta-
tious hypocrisy the Union party, they would
prefer to recognize the independence of the Con
federate States rather than restore the Union on
the basis of the Constitution.
They have held and abandoned every theory
of the government and political opinion.
Tlie Criala aar lh« Rem«4>'.
The following editorial article was published
in the New York Herald of Thursday last. It
will be observed that the removal of Sheridan is
sustained as constitutional and legal, and that
Mr. Johnson is called on to check the wave of
Radicalism.
Over thirty millions of people to be ruled by
Puritanism and the negro! This is the result oi
four years of terrible war; the sacrifice of two
hundred thousand lives; the sinking cf national
morality; the wrecking of commerce; the ruin
of our agricultural interests; the imposing upon
our country a debt of three thousand millions of
dollars. The niad revolutionary element that
blindly urges the nation to ruin still continues its
race. To halt is-death to them; and yet they
must be halted. True to their ideas, and true to
revolutionary rules, they begin now to approach
the setibnd phase in the overthrow of all gov
ernment. Heretofore they have followed a_sin-
§ le idea to its wildest extreme; they now re-
uce themselves to upholding men instead of
principles. They now strike the name of Sheri-
•.rrStttml dan as the loudest note upon their political
**' *** harp,. Jtnd ~wonld make the country believe
that the transfer of that officer to other dit
ties is an assault upon them. In the trans
fer of Sheridan we see nothing outside of the
simple military right which exists in the hands
of the President to carry out the duty devolving
upon him as Commander-in-Chief of onr army
and Executive of the nation. If he thinks that
a change of officers is desirable in any command,
he is acting properly in making that change.—
General Grant, as a soldier, shows his good sense
in obeying the order to assign Sheridan to other
duty. It alters no law that Congress has made
and affects no principle ot reconstruction, as is
proven by Grant’s order to Thomas, which is
virtually a simple change ot executives to cariy
out the same general plan. The relative merits
of Thomas and Sheridan to fill the position are
scarcely worth arguing. Sheridan is a bold,
dashing soldier, with a statesmanlike mind that
leaps to a conclusion and an exercise of rigid
justice. What is overturned in the leap some
times wounds when the sensibilities are keen.—
Thomas, comprehensive and great in solid mili
tary genius, moves slower, but with not less of
certainty and justice ; hut in his exercise of
power he will wotind less than the brilliant
cavaliy officer who has—first on the field, and
next in the most difficult of the five Military
Reconst ruction Districts—challenged our admi
ration. The country loses nothing in the change;
the law is not altered; reconstruction goes on as
before and in the same channel.
The removal of Sheridan will perhaps elevate
him. It almost places a Presidential nomination
in his grasp. The great Radical element of the
country, looking for an exponent of its will, may
turn to Sheridan. General Grant who feels
somewhat disposed to remain in a position which
makes him the focus of power, will throw his in
fluence in the scale of his favorite. The recon
struction problem, however, in its present phase,
is bringing daily new elements to the surface;
and until we know if Mr. Johnson will plaj' his
great trump card or not there can be but little
certainty about the next Presidency. That
trump card it is now lime that Mr. Johnson
should play. The moment has come; the revo
lutionary wave which freed the negro is now
dashing him against the common sense of the
country, to the ruin of its present interests and
its future greatness. We are now threatened
with a negro representative froni each Congres
sional District in the South, and the code which
is to govern the United States may receive laws
based upon ignorance instead of education. The
wave must lie stopped ; it has broken from the
control of those who first gave it impulse. The
national revulsion of feeling demands that it be
halted, and demands, too, that Mr. Johnson halt
it. Let him strike the blow; let liim now give
the country universal amnesty. The negro will
then take his proper place, and in the light of a
•freedom which is his right he may emerge from
mental darkness. With universal amnesty the
reconstruction problem will be finished at
stroke; intelligence wifi replace ignorance, and
Pnritanism and the negro may take position
second to the common sense of the country.
“ Io the short space of one revolving moon,
Was statesman, poet, fiddler and buffoon. 1 '
They have been true to their passions; true
to their desires; true to their partisan interests;
but never true to the Constitution. They do not
understand what it is to “stand by the Constitu
tion’” They proclaim loudly that the Constitu
tion does not exist either iu theory or prac
tice in ten States of the Union ; and their most
trusted and able leader, in the fullness of his
contempt for that instrument, aud for the few
Republicans who are willing to obey it, declares
iu his owu choice language “that some fragments
of the old and broken Constitution stick in their
gizzards and trouble them of nights.”
Gen. Pope got offended recently because a
band played “ Dixie ” on a public occasion in a
town of Georgia. Gen. Pope might remember
that President Lincoln, on a pnblic occasion in
Washington, as the rebellion was going down,
called for a hand to play it in Lis presence, re
marking that we could not aiiuid to give such
good tnne over to a bad cause, and that hence
forth “ Dixie ” should be a national American
melody.—N. Y. Express..
From the Macon Telegraph.
0 tbe Voter* of tbe 4th Con[renlonal
District.
Crawford Coonty, Ga , Aug. 22,1867.
At the solicitation of my friends, both colcred
and white, I have determined to announce my
self a candidate tor Congress in this district. In
soliciting your suffrages Tor the position to which
I aspire, it may not be amiss for me to give -you
a short history of my life, and the principles
which will guide my official conduct in the event
I shall be honored by the suffrages of my fellow-
citizens.
1 was born a slave, on the plantation ot Benj.
Lockett, Warren county, Mississippi. I remained
with my old master until 1864, when I was
brought to Georgia and sold to Mr. Isaac Den
nis. My old master raised me as well as slaves
are usually raised, giving me the rudiments of a
common English education, and instilling iuto
my youthful mind the principles of honesty and
virtue. And I wilt say here that I have never
departed from them.
In the event I am elected, I shall use the ut
most of my feeble powers to bring about a re
conciliation between the two sections. We have
had war enough and strife enough. While I am
free to confess that my greatest efforts will be
directed to the interest and welfare of my own
race, I shall do all I cau to ameliorate the con
dition ol tbe whites, believing that the interests
of the two races are identical here in the South.
I shall do all in my power to repeal the un
just discrimination against the products of
my section, to-wit: the tax on cotton and to
bacco. I will give one iustauce of the iiardship
of the tax on cotton. Last year I rented a small
farm of Dr. Simmons, of this county. After
paying him the rent, I bad five bales of cotton.
On them I paid a tax of fifteen dollars a bale,
making seventy-five dollars. It is needless for
me to tell poor men how mueh I have needed
that money this year. It would have breaded
my family the whole year. I have felt its hard
ness. I wish it repealed.
You may wish to know my position on recon
struction. I am in favor of reconstruction under
the Military bills; though, if I am elected, I
shall use my influence to have the disqualifica
tions removed from all.
Yours, very truly, Ei.lick Mahaly.
Gen. Pope’s Rebels.—The Hartford Times,
which is not afraid to tell the troth and call
things by their right names, thus characterizes a
few of Gen. Pope’s “rebels” and their crimes. It
says:
“Hill, Johnson, Perry, and others, are no long
er ‘rebels,’ for two and a half yeare ago they
gave ip rebellion, aided in abolishing slavery,
‘tlie cause of the rebellion,’ and have since only
asked that tbe Constitution which they have
sworn to support shall be respected by North and
South alike—that the people ot the State shall
be permitted to manage their own local affairs in
their own way—that Congress shall be kept with
in its Constitutional limits—and that the white
race shall not be oppressed or placed In subjec
tion to negro domination. This is their position ;
and it is right. In objecting to military despot
ism—the obliteration of States by simple acis of j
Congress—the reversal of the fundamental rule
of free government, established by tbe patriots
of the revolution, these gentlemen who have ig
nored rebellion and aided in the abolition ot
slavery, now stand upon sound principles.”
From the New York Express,
(teneral Grant—Wbat Is He?
That is the question which, now more than
ever, perplexes the party of great moral ideas.
Tlie Times keeps on making believe it thinks he
is in accord with the Jacobins, yet it is plainly
apparent, from the following, that the editor is
not half so easy in bis mind as he pretends:
“This conflict of statement on a matter Con
cerning which the country is entitled to know
the Whole truth, illustrates the necessity for an
early publication of tlie correspondence between
General Grant and the President iu regard both
to Mr. Stanton and General Sheridan. We can
understand the motive of Mr. Johnson in with
holding these le'ters from the country. Doubt
less he realizes the advantage to be derived from
the bare supposition that Grant is, to some ex
tent, On his side. But any advantage of this na
ture will be too brief in its duration to atone for
the odipm which the President incurs tor his ap
parent^ connection with the disingenuous state
ments which have found their way iuto newspa
pers. Three months at the furthest will drag
from him the documents he now keeps secret.—
Why wait tor the compulsory call of Congress?
■Why attempt to evade the responsibility of a
‘policy’ which is altogether his own, and the con
sequences of which be should be content to
carry ? Let the people read these Grant-John-
sou letters without delay.”
The Tribune, not daring to attack Gen. Grant
ipenly, thus continues a raking fire upon him
from its masked batteries:
“ Andrew Johnson (we are told) does not re
tract ; no sane man can hope that a movement
which begins with tiie removal of Sheridan can
mean repeutance or remorse. The change is
from the defensive to the offensive, and Mr.
Johnson marshals his desperate force to open at
tack upon Congress. It may reconstruct the
laws, but lie will reconstruct the machinery by
which they are administered. . We believe that
the President desires to so far modify his policy
that it may obtain the support of the Conserva
tive Republicans, aud to dazzle with the robbery
of great names, or the betrayal of great reputa
tions, the perception of the people. He throws
Use fame of Thomas as a vail over the down fall
of loyalty in Louisiana, and makes the General
of the army a sentinel at tlie door of the White
House.”
The editor w inds up with a threat,—
“ But beneath aud beyond all this parade, tlie
keen eyes of the people detect the swiftly mov
ing, unrelenting foe pushing onward to the at
tack. They know in Andrew Johnson a man
resolved to prevent the reconstruction of the
South upon the principles they have laid down
through Congress; they know’ that his purpose
is to replace the Rebel States in the Union with
out guarantees or pledges, free to repudiate here
after their surrender of rebel principles; they
know that when he disgraced Sheridan, he in
sulted them. They perfectly understand that he
means war, and no longer one of defensive stra
tegy, but a deliberate and combined aggression.”
How to Core Carbuncle.
A correspondent furnishes us kindly with the
following. It deserves to be noted by Use Medi
cal faculty and by those who may not be able to
have able physicians at hand when in such un
common danger:—N. 0. Picayune.
New Orleans, July 31st, 1867.
Editors Picayune—Having noticed in your
morning’s issue an account of a death in Missis
sippi from the effects of “carbuncle,” or “car-
bone,” I send you a recipe of a remedy for that
disease, which has never been known to ia.il r
“Prepare a round piece of linen of a sufficient
size to cover the whole diseased part, and spread
thereon a slight film ot storax ointment, and
then a layer of bichloride of mercury (corrective
sublime) of the thickness of a silver quarter
dollar.”
The plaster prepared thus laid with care upon
the affected part, and kept in place with strips
of sticking plaster. After twenty-four hours,
remove the plaster, and tbe carbuncle or pnstule
will be found to have been destroyed. Dress
the place now with storax ointment, spread upon
linen, three times a-day; at every dressing fa-
ment the part with a mixture of the oils of lin
seed, iily, camomile and hypericum. In the
course of eight or ten days the eschar falls off
and the sore is treated like a common one.
This remedy was discovered by a French
blacksmith by the name of Dardelle, and first
made public by the Union Medicate, a French
medical journal. X. Y. Z.
——.— -»
Death of the Sheriff of Mobile.—M. D.
Grianeil, Esq., the Sheriff of Mobile city and
county, died at his residence in that city on Sat
urday last, at 12 o’clock, after an illness of sev
eral weeks. He was a native of Mobile, and in
the 37th year of his age.
Reeellectlona or p»d«t Life*
RUNNING DOWN AN INDIAN.
There was one other cadet at the Point with
me whom I must not omit to mention as a re
markable man, and one who has siuce been very
conspicuous. I refer to Lucius B. Northrop, late
Commissary-General of the Confederate States.
When I recollect him at the Academy,-lie was a
handsome young man, with an olive complexion,
long black hair, very erect, and walked looking
straight before him, neither to the right nor the
left deigning a glance. He would fight on the
droop of a pin. His career in the army after
wards was cut short by an untoward accident.—
He was sent by the commanding officersonie-
where out in Arkansas or in the Indian Territory,
to arrest a notorious desperado. The general
belief was that the man would resist, and kill
any officer attempting to arrest him; and North
rop having to ascend a ladder into a loft to get
at the desperado, carried his pistol cocked. Un
fortunately it went off prematurely, and shot
Northrop in the leg, permanently disabling him.
Northrop was always very fond of horses, and
generally rode splendid animals. In General
Dodge’s famous expedition, many yeare ago-bn
the plains and out into a country that was then
an unknown land, and broken upon as a sort of
terra incognitia, Northrop was an officer,in the
expedition. . i- .
Dodge’s object was to negotiate with the In
dians and conciliate them. But as he advanced
into the the country the Indians all fled at his
approach. The army would see them iu the dis
tance, on the tops of hills, watching their pro
gress; but Mr. Redskin would disappear as tlie
‘pale laces’ came up. AU hopes of negotiation
seemed fruitless; you could not get a palaver
with them; nothing would induce them to come
into our camp. Finally Northrop said he would
bring an Indian in. He rode a magnificent
blooded mare ot great speed and endurance-—
The next morning, befoie day, Northrop started
out in advance of the column, and made a long
detour. At the usual hour the column marched!
As they advanced they saw an Indian on his fleet
little pony, with his lance, watching their pro
gress lrom the top of a distant hill. Suddenly
Mr. Redskin darted like an arrow from a
bow down the side of the hill, his little pony at
full speed running across the foot ot the column,
and presently Northrop appeared alter Mr. In
dian with a sharp stick, and riding as hard as he
could go. He had got in the rear of the Indian,
and was going to catch him by running him
down. The chase was very exciting, for we
could see the whole of it. Finally the blooded
mare of Northrop brought Mr. Redskin’s pony
to a stand. Of course Redskin was frightened
out of his wits at thus being run down and over
taken, and expected immediate death and scalp
ing. Lieutenant Norlhrup brought his prize
saTely into camp, where General Dodge, instead
of killing, roasting and eating him, as he expect
ed, gave him plenty to eat and drink, made hiui
presents, and then, after explaining what he
wanted With the Indians, let him go. After that
incident there was no difficulty iu having inter
views with the Indians, aud General Dodge ac
complished his negotiations.
Kep ud la tlo ii.
There begins to be—wliat tlie Express lias long
foreseen—more titan an uneasiness under tlie
heavy load of the national debt—or, in other
words, it is now demonstrated that tlie war cry
of “a national debt is a national blessing,” was
a false cry. Tlie Union is further from being
restored than it was at tlie end of the war, while
the South is to be a perpetual debt durden to us
—no more a help-meet in life.
The Express lias done all it could to pre-edn-
cate people against these ideas of wars, or of
debt being blessings, or, that “ Unions” were lo
be restored or kept up by guns and epaulettes.
The Express has also been t rying to teach (as yet
in vain) iliut the principle of repudiation is not
confined to not paying our obligations, such
as bonds, &c., but that when once the people are
educated to pay no respect to paper constitu
tions, they will pay less respect to bouds, &c.,
for constitutions are higher aud more solemn
obligations than bonds; and if a government
repudiates constitutions, tlie people, thus taught
bad principles, will, if they can avoid the taxa
tion, repudiate mere paper promises to pay.
The startling proposition to pay the national
debt in printing paper, that is, in greenbacks, is
not more startling than the proposition to make
this printing -paper, “silver” or “gold,” or not
more extraordinary than the decision of the Court
of Appeals of this State, that to “ coin money “
in the Federal Constitution means “ printing pa
per.”
All these startling propositions and Court of
Appeals “ decisions ” are “ repudiations”—noth
ing less. To pay the national debt in green
backs is one lorm of repudiation, while making
a man promised to be paid iu coin take his pay
in printing paper, is another form of repudiation.
The subversion of the Federal Constitution un
der the five monarchs is another repudiation.—
Tlie Rump Congress—the Rump ot a Rump—
now ejecting all the members of Congress from
Kentucky, is a monstrous repudiation ot the
Federal Constitution. All such things and acts
teach people not to regard or obey any obliga
tions.
The Radicals have so demoralized our coun
try, that now there is no foreseeing where
schemes and projects will begin or end. We
have quartered upon the Northern people a stu
pendous bureau, costing millions aud millions,
called the Freedmen’s Bureau, to govern the
South—and we have given this bureau five mon
archs to uphold it. We have in this, utterly re
pudiated the principle of self, and State gov
ernment, and when the greenback printers, or
repudiators, are lectured by us for their ideas,
they silence us by the citation of such repudia
tions ot all constitutional law, of all the funda
mental principles of our government.
The only way for a Republican people to live,
or for a Republic to live, is to discharge all obli
gations, and the first and greatest debt is the
oath of tlie administrators ol the government to
uphold the Constitution of the United States.—
Once loosen the public mind from this oath, and
it breaks away from all other obligations—tor
he who cannot keep an oath will not pay debts
it he can help it.—New York Express.
Redaction at tbe North.
It has been a matter of surprise that the peo
ple of the North sustained the party at present
ih power, when it was apparent that their policy
had become so destructive; and it was hoped
that such support was owing rather to a misap
prehension of the objects aud purposes of these
leaders, than to any deliberate endorsement of
their views. Unless the people ot the Northern
States had fully made up their mind to do away
with free institutions and republican govern
ment, it was impossible to conclude that their
action bore all the significance which seemed to
attach to it. Thinking men have looked for the
evidences of that re-action which it was thought
must set in. The restoration of the Union and
the preservation of constitutional liberty abso
lately depend upon it, and we need not say that
the long delay has been very trying. At last it
is thought, unmistakable indications can be seen
that the people of the North are awaking to the
realities of the situation—they-are beginning to
see that, if the leaders are permitted to go un
checked, they will accomplish the ruin of the
nation. It is impossible to conceal from the peo
ple the fact that the reconstruction policy has
accomplished the overthrow of republican
government of ten States ot the Union, and
that it now menaces the liberties of the people of
all the States. The policy which establishes
negro supremacy in ten States is rather too
much for the Northern people. Symptoms of
dissatisfaction are apparent in all parts of the
country, and are not by any means confined to
Democrats. They are to be seen in the resolu
tions of Republican meetings—in the speeches
of men identified with tlie dominant party—in
the results of local elections, where Democratic
majorities take the place of former Radical tri
umphs—in the editorial articles of journals that
have been heretofore violently Radical. The
New York Herald is not the only paper that has
“ scented the danger afar off.” The South must
bide her time.—Columbia Phoenix.
Political chat.
The Democratic State Committee of Massa
chusetts meets on Monday next, to take into
consideration the question of calling a conven
tion, and the expediency of a separate ticket,
which must come before that convention.
The California election is held on the first
Monday of September. Maine on the second
Monday of September. Ohio, Pennsylvania,
and Iowa; on the second Tuesday in October,
and Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Wisconsin on
the first Tuesday in November.
Ex-Gov. llENpy A. W(SK delivered a speech
in Richmond yesterday, in which lie favored the
upholding of this Constitution, declared test
oaths unconstitutional, said that this was a white
man’s country, and thought the national bonds
ought to be taxed and the interest on them re
duced, iu older to avoid the national dishonor of
repudiation.
In The National Labor Congress at Chicago
yesterday, the Committee on Labor Organiza
tion made a report favoring the organization of
a national labor party for the securing of needed
reforms "by proper legislation. The subject was
made a special order for to-day. A report favor
ing the establishment of a national organ was
adopted, and also a motion to send a delegate to
Europe to study the co-operative system and to
prevent by treaty certain importations detrimen
tal to workingmen &like iu Europe and America.
Old “ Thad Ste* ens” smells mice. It is said
he has canvassed both Houses of Congress anil
discovered one of the real terrors—a real Ma
sonic plot. Many of tlie members of the House,
with-General Ban’ s at tlie head, belong to the
order, and are “ cablc-towed.” In his opinion
they are bound to screen President Johnson, a
brother Mason, from all charges or disabilities,
“ murder aqij treason not excepted.” The old
anti-Masonic agitator has discovered that this is
the place wliere tfie rub conies . in—the identical
spot where the hen scratches. Somethtng in the
wind—he scents it, and behold tbe sequel. A
worse than Quy Fawkes plot. A deep-laid Ma
sonic piot, Club foot is on the alert. No im
peachment of President Johnson now 1
The Lynchburg Virginian says {..“The idea ot
sending negroes to Congress is widely discussed
and approved. We heard,a, number of gentle
men say yesterday they were in favor of it, and
hoped it would be dope. The blacks only have
to shove a few scallywag whites out of their way,
and the field will be ejear. They can have it
all their own way. And why may they not go
to Congress ? Tlie Radicals have giveu them the
power, and let them use it. If they are admitted,
very well; if they are rejected, it will prove the
liollowneBs of Radical pretensions. Let them
make the issue, and have their rights clearly de
fined.
Gen. Meade says lie has little confidence in
jppTftjci'aris, as such ; lie thinks the Presidential
nomination is being manipulated at present with
a considerable amount ot shrewdness; that a
class of men are now putting General Grant for
ward upon one side and General Sheridan upon
the other, and when they have sufficiently pitted
these two popular military men against each
other they will both he dropped and Secretary
Chase be taken up as the “third man,” being a
civilian and supposed to be available. He agreed
with us that the position ot General Grant is a
better one than the Presidency; but thought the
time would come when Grant would naturally
desire to retire from public life, and it would he
more desirable to do so from the White House
than from the head of the army. lie conceives
that the friends of Chase will leave no means
untried to secure the nomination.
A Painful Occurrence.—A gentleman in
Lee county informs us of a most paiuful circum
stance that had occurred in Claiborne county,
Tennessee, several weeks ago. A young lady,
aged about 16, by the name of Mariah Kirk, was
instantly killed, accidentally, by a boy 13 years
old, the son of Mr. Coxdile, with whom the
young lady lived. Tlie circumstances were
these:
The boy had discovered a large snake in the
yard, and insisted on Mfss Kirk to go and see it.
She being unwell, was lying <>n the bed, and re-
fnsed to go. The boy told her he would make
her go, and playfully picked up an old musket
;h»t was in the house and tired. It was loaded
with some eight or ten rifle balls, tbe whole
charge entering her mouth and blowing her bead
all to atoms.—Abingdon Virginian,
A Dreadful Calamity.—A party was given
last Thursday week at the house of Mrs. Hebron
near, Bovina, Mississippi. Before forty-eight
hours had passed, twelve of the persons who
had partaken of the entertainment—five of them
servants of the guestsr—were dead, and nine
others were dangerously ill at last accounts. The
unfortunate persons were attacked with violent
cholera symptoms and there was suspicion of
foul play. None ot the servants of the house
were attacked. The Vicksburg Telegraph con
tains the following list of the dead:
Miss Ellen Tribble, Miss Rebecca Hebron, Mr.
William Tribble, Mr. James Billingslea, Mr. Hal
Watkins, Mr. Albert Auter, Mr. Thornton
Streslily.—Mobile Tribune.
The Prospect* ot the Honey market.
There is some apprehenson felt in Wall street
that the money market will become stringent
during the fall, in consequence of a drain of cur
rency westward, to move the crops, and the
bears on the Stock Exchange have been making
capital out of tbe fears which they have excited
on the subject. There is no just cause for such
feara, however, and they are entirely without
reason. Money is in excess of the demand at
four and five per cent., and is likely to continue
without material change for some time to come.
The drain westward may advance the rate on
call loans to six and seven per cent in October,
but there will in all probability be an ample sup
ply at these figures up to the close ot the year,
when the return flow from the West will far
more than oflset the requirements of the South
to move the cotton crop.
Moreover, there Is a prospect of an influx of
capital from Europe when the demand here is
sufficiently great to secure its employment at
five or six per cent. At present money com
mands only one and a half or two per cent, in
England, and, in fact, all over Europe; and capi
tal in large amounts must be attracted before
long across tbe Atlantic. Already some millions
of dollars have found their way here from Eng
land, and we may look upon these as the first
indications of how the tide is setting. The
abundant harvest which is now nearly gathered,
promises to contribntc largely to the general
[irosperity of the country, and there is nothing
n the aspect of monetary affairs that is not en
couraging. It is even a good sign that the stag
nation of capital at this center is likely to give
place within a month or two to somt thing ap
proaching a healthy activity.—New Yoik Herald.
Universal Amnesty.—The dispatches from
Washington inform us that tbe subject ot issuing
a proclamation declaring universal amnesty for
offenses committed during tbe war is now being
considered by the President. It is a subject of
amazement that he has hesitated so long upon
this important matter. Public policy, the con
ciliation of tbe people, tbe harmony of the coun
try, tbe paramount good of tbe country, natu
rally impelled Mm at the conclusion of the war
to do this thing. There was no good reason
why it should not be done. It would have given
him tbe warm and earnest support of thousands
who have regarded him with suspicion and dis
trust ; it would have loosed the bands of thou
sands and tens of thousands who have been
crippled with tbe apprehensions of prosecution
and confiscation, and have not, for thes^reasons,
dared to expose tbeir resources and embark their
capital in business. It would bave been a relief
not only to the great body of tlie people oi the
South but to the sagacious and intelligent men
of the North. There was no good argument
agaibst it. There was no good purpose to be
subserved by bolding tbe threat ot ultimate per
secution, which tbe failure to extend general
amnesty implied, over tbe bead of eight millions
of people, for there never was any intention of
carrying it into execution. We, therefore, hope
that the rumor from W ashing ton is correct, and
we sincerely trust that the President may have
firmness enough to carry out his reported de
sign.—Louisville Courier.
Gen. Grant Does not Approve It.—Tbe
Washington correspondent of the Charleston
Courier writes:
Gen. Pope’s letter to Gen. Grant, showing the
hopelessness ot reconstruction in his district,
produced much sensation here. Gen. Grant
does not sympathize in such views. Greeley is
right. Gen. Grant does not go with the radical
extremists of Congress. Gen. Pope is the new
est candidate of the radical extremists for the
Presidency. He would no doubt accept the
office, and consider it as-hisJust due. But Gen.
Grant has not yet come to the conclusion that
he is either fit4or the place or that he will con
sent to fill it,
