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ERROR.CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11,1867.
NUMBER 37.
Wttkl) JnttlligfBffr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
[WednMday, September I l, 1807.
CoUmI Farrow an4 the Colored People.
We commend to the colored people in this vi
cinity a perusal of the following article which
appeared in the Macon Telegraph, of Sunday
morning last, under the above heading, as it is
the production of one whose status in regard to
/vies, and whose interests, social, political, and
material, arc identical with theirs; and, more es-
]>ucially, as it is directed at one whose deletion to
the cause of the colored race is actively mani
fested in this community on every public occa
sion. The writer of the article, Weslkv Bi«b,
is well known to his colored brethren throughout
all Middle and Southern Georgia :
•• There great lUteuncn,
Wnen time hu made bold with the king and subject.
Throwing down all fence that stood 'twist their power
A nd others' rights, are, on a change
Like wanton salmon coming in with floods.
That leap o'er wires and net*, and lia-te their way,
To he, at their return, to every one a prey.”
Present on the occasion of the convention <>n
Tuesday last, it was with much surprise that I
observed the manner in which Col. Furrow, of
Atlanta, evaded a reply and dodged the very ira
Ilortant questions which were propounded to him
by a gentleman of the city. Whetlur or not the
leaker was in favor of social equality, of no
amalgamation of the races, or whether lie was
in favor of electing colored delegates to Congress
—Iteing the three questions submitted—we do
not know, nor from any remark made dining a
lengthy address were we enabled to elicit itic
much coveted information. The questions were
propounded in an honest, manly manner, and in
justice to the large concourse of people assent
bled for the purpose of having their understand
ing enlightened, they at least demanded an nn
equivocal reply, in lieu of a futile attempt at
borrowed wit, which iell short of the object at
which it was directed. As a colored man, as
one who endeavored during his servitude to do
his duty to his owners, and now us a freeman
who desires only that justice lie done him ..nd
his, I feci constrained to summon Col. Farrow
to the witness stand, that he may undisguiscdly,
fully and freely answer the questions as pro
pounded on the morning of the 27th, and on the
occasion of the Convention in this city. If he
is opposed to recognizing me and those of my
color as his equals socially; if he is opposed to
ttie State of Georgia’s being represented in the
halls of Congress exclusively by colored men,
then would I be pleased to have him assign his
reasons therefor, and to inform me iu what he
differs from the most violent of our opponents.
It is well known that Colonel Farrow, not
many years since, was a dealer in human llesli.
He enriched himself by olieriug to the highest
bidder men and women of my race; but now
that he cun no longer “put money in his purse”
by bartering away the rights and liberties of hu
man beings, with patriotic (?) zeal, he gently ca-
i eases the same articles of merchandise that he
muy wlu them to docility and put upon their
duped hacks a saddle that lie may ride to ollice
<>n. Should I misrepresent the Colonel, I shall
take pleasure in making a public retraction when
the gentleman announces bis willingness to in
vite me and those of my color to his parlors;
will uot deny us the privilege of tree intercourse
with his family, and will advocate the right to
an exclusive colored representatiou in Congress.
It is also well kuowu that Colonel Farrow held
IMisition under the Confederate Government—a
Government he very sueeringly denounces, now
that its Nitre Bureau has ceased to be a paying
institution. Verily, hath a Daniel come to judg
ment !
As the history of nations as well as individuals
is not unfrequently repealed, muy not the same
result follow if the Colonel fails to be hunted
down by that office of honor aud profit which is
now chasing (?) him ? As a colored mau I de
sire to see my race elevated above their former
status, and I ant inclined to look with suspicion
upon the white mau who would conic out in op
position to his people, that he might elevate us.
The colored man tought to restore a shattered
Union—fought for his freedom, and tought for
the right of citizenship, which white men (par
ticularly our friends, so-called) should not at
tempt to rob him of. The battle fields of our
country are still red with the blood of a colored
soldiery, aud. strange as it may appear, the life-
current of one colored officer is yet unshed—
from the humiliating fact that while we were
deemed patriotic, intelligent enough to dou the
uniform of a private in the ranks, we were not
considered worthy of carrying a sword or wear
ing t lie mantle ot office. The smoke ot battle
huviug cleared away, aud now that we are en
dowed with rights aud privileges from which we
have ever been excluded, may vve not claim, and
should we not demand the right to elevate to a
portion of the offices within the gift of the peo
ple of Georgia, men of our own color? What
says Colonel Farrow to the proposition ?
Hoping, Mr. Editor, that Col. F. will give me
some ot the “ brains ” which he denied the un
tutored assemblage of Tuesday last, aud trusting
that I have not trespassed upon the columns of
your paper, nor upon the patience of your read
ers, I have the honor to remain, while pausing
lor a reply, very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant, Wesley Bibb.
Connected with the loregoing, we embrace the
present opportunity ot presenting also to the
colored people in this vicinity the iollowiug
“ POLITICAL VIEWS OF A COLORED LADY "
which wc copy from the Baltimore Gazette, and
which wc commend also to their attention r.s
embracing a far more patriotic and sound appre
ciation of the condition of her race, aud what is
required ot them, to promote their prosperity
aud happiness, than has yet been uttered by any
ot their self-styled, and pretended, white radical
friends. Says the Baltimore Gazette :
Mrs. Francis Ellen Watkins Harper, the color
ed lecturer, addressed a large assemblage at the
Union (.colored) church last night. She is a wo
man ot superior education, speaks well, and
thoroughly enlists the attention of her audience.
She told her hearers a great deal of good,.sound,
practical sense, and enforced her remarks with
much earnesiuess. The followiug is the conclu
ding portion of her lecture:
“Now I hold that between tiie white man and
the colored men ot the South there is a commu
nity of interests. That the true peace, progress
anil prosperity of society is not conceived by in
creasing the privileges of one class and curtail
ing the right of the other, but in the holding of
the balances equally between man aud man, be
tween race ana race. Is there oue right claimed
for the colored naan that is not for the interest
ot the white man to maintain ? Now what do
I claim for the colored mau ? In the first place,
let me say what I do not claim—tor in the first
place I do claim for hioi social equality. There
are some white people I should not wish to see
any l»w enacted compelling me to associate with
them. A man may call me uigger all the day,
until his tongue is tired, so that the law does not
allow him to treat me as a nigger. 1 do uot ask
lor social equality. All I asK is for the domi
nant race to take its Chrislless, godless preju
dices out of the way and give the colored man
a chance to grow, to place himself iu antago
nism with his fate and to accept life, uot as a
matter ot ease and indulgence, but of struggle
aud victory, and achievements. Neither do I ask
lor him any confiscated lands. 1 waut no man's
farms, and I do uot thiuk it is wisest and
best to have the minds of our people needlessly
unsettled by the losses they may never realize.
Nor do I wish the colored man to join any party
as a mere camp follower. I do uot thiuk there
is anv need to build up either a while man’s or
a black man's party, when the interests ot both
are bound up iu oue great bundle. That there
will he a radical aud a conservative party, is
w hat we may expect. Perhaps we need them
both in the State to balance each other. »\ e
mav need them iu the political world as m the
physical world. The centripetal and centntugal
lorces are needed lor the solar system, oue at
tracting one way aud the other impelling the
other, aud between them boLh the planets ate
held in their orbits. The Conservative will
have reaped for the past: to him it has apparent
benefits and advantages. The Radical lias re
gird for the future: to him it has its hopes aud
promises. The colored man has a sail past: let
him Hit his eyes hopefully to the future. 1 lie
future comes to him now with its hopes ot help
ing reconstruction : let him try to make the Cou-
btiuiiion and statute-book of Virginia the best
land-mark of her progress, the mud failhiul ex
pression ot her conscience, and the highest expo
nent of our civil liberty. In voting for her of-
I fleers let them represent our highest intelligence,
] and not our deeptst ignorance; not our preju-
j dices and passions—not the old hates of the
| plantation, but the new community of interests
rising out ot freedom.”
The Proper Policy.
The Augusta Chronicle <fc Sentinel, in an article
advocating the assembling of a “Conservative
Convention” in the State, says :
“If we conld hope to defeat a Convention—if
indeed there was 'a bare possibility of doing so,
there might he reasons why the contest should
be made mainly upon that question. For our
selves, we confess that, judging from the tone of
ilie State press, and the information which
reaches us from the difiercnl portions of the
•State iu private letters and through personal in
terviews with the leading men in the different
I localities, we have no doubt but that a consider
able majority of the voters are in favor of hold
ing the Convention, and will vote for it. We
assume that a Convention is a fixed fact. We
must; therefore, set ourselves to work in earnest
to secure the control ot that body so that its la-
lxirs may not be directed solely to the building
up of a Radical party in the Slate upon ike dis
franchisement and degradation of the white race.
In such a contest we cannot afford to be losers.
We must win this fichtor we shall not, for a
long time at feast, be In a*con-3itlon to give shape,
direction or control to our State or Federal legis
lation.”
“All that is worth having or contending for is
involved in the character, ability, and patriotism
of the members of the Convention. We believe
that if we could have a meeting of delegates from
all the counties in the State, that a plan or plat
form for the campaign could be devised and ar
ranged which would unite all the conservative
dements and secure an easy victory over the
Radicals. Without such organization and com
mon ground of action, we think the contest very
doubtful."
Wc entirely agree with our Augusta cotempo
rary. All now “that is worth having or con
tending for, is involved in the character, ability,
and patriotism of the members of the Conven
tion." We have lor some time past regretted
that this view of our“political situation” did not
impress itsell upon the minds of our cotempora-
ries ol the Conservative press of this State, as it
had impressed this journal. We urged it, but
met with no favorable response till the Chroni
cle if- Sentinel came to our aid. We again urge
it, tor unless there be in the approaching Conven
tion a large conservative element, Georgia will
fall into the keeping of those who will build up
a radical party in it “upon the disfranchisement
and degradation of the white race,” as surely as
a Convention assembles, of which there is now,
in mir judgment, not a doubt. Nor will this be
all: she will be given over to the spoilers, and
her once proud and blazing escutcheon be blot
ted by repudiation. Tbe “signs of the times”
are too indicative of this, for it to escape the no
tice of any intelligeut and patriotic observer.
The Frlacew Swim Stint.
Tbe tollo wing sketch of a somewhat prominent
ctiaracter will, says the Chaltannooga Union,
“ bring back to mind one who used to make her
appearance as a wandering star in this city during
the war.” It wifi also bring back to the minds
of many of our own citizens, the same “wandering
gtar” who, after the war closed, honored Atlan
ta with her appearance, and during her stay in it,
created no little sensation by her “ fast driving ”
and other eccentricities. The last authentic in
telligence from Mexico in regard to her and her
Prince renders it doubtful whether they will ever
have the gratification of seeing the Emperor ot
Austria to receive their reward. He bad been
condemned to death, and she was iu prison,
biding her fate:
Tbe Priucess Salin Salrn, a very pretty little
woman, now in her twenty-seventh year, is not
“uu American lady," nor was her maiden name
Lc Clerq. Her lather, who has resided in Can
ada tor several years, bears a very different sur
name, aud is a Colonel in the British service.—
Previous to his residence in Canada he served
iu the East Indies, where his daughter was born,
her mother being a lialf-caste Hindoo. It is
pretty clear, from these premises, that ttie Prin
cess Salm Balm is not, and canuot be, “a niece
of President Johnson.” Ten years ago she ar
rived in Philadelphia with “a plentiful scarcity”
ot money, having, indeed, only the clothes which
she then wore. Her story, which there is no
reason to discredit, is that her father having treat
ed her so harshly as to make home unhappy, she
had fled from Canada. At that time, according
to the date of her birth in the Almanach de
Gotha, Miss Agnes Le Clerq (as she called her
self,) wauted some months of sweet seventeen,
but she looked three or lour years older. She
lelt Philadelphia early in 1858, aud joined a
traveling circus, where she soon became a sort
of “star.” Sbe married one ot the horse-riders
of tbe company, by whom she had one child.—
Inasmuch as sbe married her present princely
spouse in 1862, it is to be presumed that her first
husband died. The Princess is alike active in
mind aud body, capable of enduriug privation
aud fatigue, quick at resources, lively iu conver
sation, and easy in her manners. She speaks
French fluently, having learned the language in
Canada. Should her husband escape from the
l>eril which uow threatens him, there is no doubt
that tbe Emperor of Austria w ill amply reward
him aud his wife for their exertions aud sympa
thy for his brother, late the Archduke Maximil
ian.—Philadelphia Press.
A Nice Stale of Affair*.
The Savaunah Republican, of the 2d instant,
says that ou Friday evening last, about 10 o'clock,
the followiug threatening letter was handed to
us while in our coun‘ing-room, by three quite in
telligeut looking colored men, whom it seems,were
selected and appoiuted as a committee of three,
by “ Baker Couucil No. 9 of tbe Union League
of America,” to wait upon Mr. Hayes aud pre
sent him with the protest and warning ot the
League against tiis “ political course
Savannah, Ga., August 30th, 1S67.— To John
E. Hayes:—Union League ot America, Baker
Council No. 9, have duly considered the bainful
effects of your Editorials in the Savannah Re-
pullictin tor two years, pray, that you discontinue
your most beauliful epithets ami (Inscriptions ot
lUe Colored citizens ot Savannah, and the Uni-
ted States: or one thousand members will take
such Legal and Natural means to stop you; as
the Law aud God ot nature have beeu pleased
to place within our power.
Jackson Brand, President.
Paul S. Reynolds, Ass’t Secretary.
This is a “nice state of affairs” indeed ! These
Union Leagues of freedmen, directed and con
trolled by bad white meD, had belter beware
how they attempt to muzzle the press, or ven
ture to inflict damage upon it in any ot our
cities. They will not only, in attempting such
violence, meet with effectual resistance, but what
is more, they will find themselves abandoned in
their hour of distress by tbe designing scoundrels
who set them on to commit such outrages. The
Republican should hand over the note of the
"President and Assistant Secretary” of “Council
No. 9" to the Solicitor General of its judicial dis
trict, for prosecution of the offenders who gave
the threatening notice.
A New Counterfeit.—A new aud dauger-
ous eouuterleit—ualioual currency—of the ue-
uomiualion of five dollars has just been put in
circulation. On the lett eud ot the note the wrist
of the lelt ann <*f Columbus is scarcely visible,
whereas in the genuine it is distinct. At top
reads : “ This note is secured by bonds.’’ The
letters “E" aud “Y” are too far apart, and the
“0” iu “Bonds” is under the “Y,” whereas the
“B” iu the same word is immediately under the
“Y” in the genuine. Tbegeneral appearance ot
tlie bill is a close imitation ot the genuine.—
Philadelphia Age.
♦
Arrest of an Emissary.—A colored man.
calling biuisel! Rev. Nat. Williams, has been ar
rested by tire military authorities for preaching
ipcendiary doctrines ’to the freed people ot Uiis
district. He was carried to headquarter- at Dar
liugton last Wednesday by a detachment of soi-
dieis sent here for that purpose, where he will be
tried by the Military Court.—BennettsviUe Journal.
Our OppreuMra-Popc, Sickles, aud Sheri
dan.
The reconstruction acts, although violative of
the Constitution are clear as matter of law in
their import. They are intended to reconstruct
the rebellious States upon a specified basis. To
accomplish this, their leading features are : first,
the designation of who shall lie voters, and how
th?s shall be ascertained; * coral, that these voters
thus fixed aud ascertained shall, by means of de
legates elected to a convention, permanently
settle the institutions and domestic policy ol the
Slates for the future; and, thirdly, that uutil such
convention shall assemble and act, the existing
laws of the State shall lie kept iu force, and ouly
such changes shall be made as may be necessary
for the preservation of order, and for the promo
tion of justice under those laws. If these laws
mean any more, it is not to fie found iu their
provisions, but in the sujiposed intent of certain
Radical party leaders, which should uot guide
tbe Military Commauders, and would not, unless
they aspire to do some service other than that
t^hich is required ot them, ,.f //,
United Stales Government.
The fact that the qualified voters are to have
a free and unbiased choice in the plan of recon
struction, and the election of delegates, fully es
tablishes the foregoing propositions. It ueces
sarily follows that all such important questions
as to who shall perform jury duty in the States
as reconstructed, are to be in abeyance under the
military rule, and any act which interferes with
a free choice under the laws, is not to be exer
cised, and is violative both ol their spirit and
letter. The military commanders may, by vir
tue of tbe \tower of bayonets, use their offices to
violate the rights conferred upon the people, and
to oppress all, or a portion of them, and there
may be no authority both willing and able to
control them, but this does uot give them the
right. Any man may, with impunity, violate
every principle of truth and honor, and if he
have power, may perpetrate wrong and injustice
upou the helpless, but if lie does, he will be a
cruel, unprincipled tyrant.
As it is clear that many of the acts of those
commanders, such as the one referred to, flud no
warrant in the laws ot reconstruction, and their
faithful execution, the conclusion is that they are
not actuated by the principle which should gov
ern soldiers in command, but prostitute their oh
fices to do the work of party, and become indeed
ouly mere Radical emissaries. Their purpose as
developed by such acts is n»t to reconstruct"the
Union, but to build up and perpetuate the Radi
cal party. As a means to this end they abuse
the high trust reposed in them by the Govern
ment, by interfering with the choice ol the elec
tors, and by fixing, by their acts, the institutions
of the States in advance ot their conventions, so
as they cannot be changed wheu these shall as
semble. No more important question is to be
solved than the qualifications of our future ju
rors. It is perhaps the most solemn to be con
sidered, for it concerns the purity of tbe waters
in the very fountains of justice, and affects the
people in their most, sacred private rights, from
the highest to the lowest, from the richest to the
poorest, and should be left to their calm and care
ful consideration, uninfluenced by any power
whatever.
But what is the truth ? It is that these com
manders are giving such directions to ttie means
of reconstruction as insures the accomplishment
of their will, instead of that of the people.—
When the conventions come to act, they will
find that negroes are already jurors, and have
been so for from oue to “five years,” and they
cannot turn them out of the jury box without
producing dangerous excitement, aud this they
will forbear to do although the judgment ot a
majority may be iu its favor. Akin to this, and
a part of the same bad spirit, is tbe order touch
ing official advertisements. First, all State offi
cers are forbiddeu to speak against reconstruc
tion, although holding olfice does not change
their status as voters, and to all the voters is ac
corded freedom of choice. Then they must give
all their patronage to the press of the political
party who accepts the plau of reconstruction,
and to no others. Tims militaryis used to
“abridge tbe freedom of tbe press and of speech,”
guaranteed by the United States Constitution,
and recognized by tbe acts ot reconstruction.—
The press who have opposed reconstruction are
punished for so doing, and those who cannot sur
vive without official patronage are suppressed.—
As to these, Gen. Pope might as well have sent
a file of men to take possession of the press and
materials, and to close up the office. The difler-
ence is as to the meaus of suppressing, not as to
the principle. Thus we see that Hie officers ot a
free constitutional republic are administering
their departments upon the principles ot military
despotism, as practiced by absolute monarchical
Russia. What a combined parodox and horror!
Every negro is a ready-made instrument, in
the hands of our enemies, to be used for the tor
ture of tbe whites in every variety of way that
cunning can devise. These acts are, iu General
Pope, inconsistent and absurd, for he believes
tbe only reconstruction to be obtained is the
reconstruction ot Tennessee—and to that he is
opposed, and so ought any sensible man to be.
Aud so will any reconstruction be, based upon
tlic disfranchisement ot the most virtuous aud
intelligent, aud the entrancliisement of the most
vicious aud ignorant. It is simply the inaugu
ration, by fundamental law, ol eternal strife and
discord. Such necessarily Incomes the leading
permanent institution of ihe new governments.
General Pope is.right. To make reconstruction
effectual, under Ike reconstruction acts, even
wheu faithfully aud mercifully administered, it
will be necessary to bitnish every white man,
woman, and child, true to their race and lineage,
and turn the States absolutely over to the ue-
goes, that another Hayti may be established
within the once proud, free and happy United
States. No such act of petty official tyranny
as closes up country newspapers and takes bread
out ot the mouths of helpless “ little ones” will
suffice.
The President of the United States, feeling the
justice of the complaints we have uttered, has
removed Sheridan and Sickles. But it is too
late. The mischief is done. Sheridan's district
is thoroughly niggerized. Sickles' numerous
acts of legislation have gone into full operation.
General Grant’s orders to the new commanders
are, not to touch anything that has been done.—
Pope yet remains supreme, and we are opposed
to bis displacement—if his acts are to stand, and
if bis successor is to use hi* own discretion in
everything, as he has done. lie is good enough
military despot tor us. When tlie people of
Georgia. Alabama, and Florida, have negroes on
their grand and petit juries, they will care not
what else comes. That will lie punishment,
degradation, and humiliation enough. Banish
ment and exile will then be in order, and by
many will be welcomed as a deliverance from
the worst infliction a noble race ot men has
ever been cursed with by their oppressor?. The
President is too late in one respect, and soon
enough in another. Too late to help us, but
soon enough, perhaps, to destroy himself. He
knew the proclivity of these men when he ap
pointed them. He was opposed to the laws
which conferred authority upon them, and if he
could get none who agreed with him politically,
they were his subordinates, and could liave been
compelled to administer their offices in accord
ance with his policy. H>- has stood silently by
and seen the outrages perpetrated, and Lus au
thority defied. It is useless to Temovethem, and
permit their objectionable acts to stand.
Confederate.
- AH S*rta.
The Radicals pronounce Grant better. He is
no longer speechless.
A man in Buffalo fired a pistol into his mouth,
and it is the last morsel he will ever put there,
poor soul.
With Grant in the War Department Butler’s
breech-loading rifle contract IS likely to come to
grief. -|
The New Orleans Crescent says that Weed is
so fund of Grout because Grant is so fond of the
Weed. But T. is not the Wesd Grant is fond of.
The New Orleans Jenkins chronicles that
Sheridan, since his comb was cat, wears a white
hat in the streets of that city;
It is said that the negroes of the South no
longer smell. Enfranchisement has deodorized
them —Louisville Journal. •
This is a New York “ persdnal
Rose—it is useless—too are too lovely
to be trifled with. I nm married.
T Benedict.
• •
A history of woman’s progression, entitled
“ From the Fig Leaf to the Crinoline,” is being
written by a Hartford literateur.
A young man, in Portland, Maine, recently
committed suicide by shooting irimselt the night
before the one set for bis wedding. He left a
letter stating that he could not muster up the
courage necessary to assuming the responsibili
ties of a married man, so lie quietly shot him-
self.
A lady in St. Louis polished her husband with
a stick ot wood ; he reciprocated with a revolver.
The affair not being fatal to either was a great
disappointment to spectators.
The labor congress ask Congress to appro
priate twenty-five millions to establish the eight
hour system. Why not? Congress is appro
priate for anything extravagant.
A Gallant Soldier’s Opinion.—The daily
papers are making a great tnnddle over the opin
ions of the prominent generals and the people at
large on the question of reconstruction. They
tell us that Grant approves of the course of the
President, that/ Thomas agrees with Sheridan,
and that Sherman favors the plan of Congress,
or vice versa according to their political bias. We
can tell them all that if the Congressional system
is to put the South in possession of the negroes,
it does not meet the views ot the people, the
sailors iu our fleets, the soldiers iu our armies,
the merchants at their desks, the farmers at their
ploughs, or any other large body ot our citizens.
A St. Domingo is not wbat we fought for; we
do not waut it, and will cot have it; and that
tlie niggers, whether white or black, may under
stand as well first as last. Nations are cruel
when driven to despair; and, rather than sur
render our white nationality, we will massacre
or enslave every colored man in the States.—
This may be bold language and unconventional,
but we ask our readers whether it does not meet
tlie confirmation of their hearts? We have sa
crificed too many whites lor a principal to stop
at taking the lives of a few worthless blacks.—
N. T. Citizen.
Brutal Murder.—Our community was much
agitated last night, by a dispatch received by the
operator, about 8 o’clock, to the effect that Mr.
Jacob C. Cozatt, the efficient and popular con
ductor, of the S. W. R. R., had been killed by a
negro, and tbe train was in consequence delayed.
A large number of the friendsand acquaintances
of Mr. Cozatt met the train pa its arrival about
94 o’clock.
Tbe particulars of the affair, as we learn, are
as follows:
Mr. Cozatt’s attention had been directed to an
advertisement ot a stolen watch in the Columbus
papers, and learning that a watch had been tra
ded by a negro passenger to a Jew; he exam
ined it, and finding that it corresponded with the
description in the advertisement, arrested the ne
gro. Having occasion to leave the train at But
ler, be left him in charge of Mr. Daniel. Tbe
negro then reached down in his boot as it search
ing for a weapon, whereupon Mr. Daniel caught
his arm, a struggle ensued during which he es
caped from tke ear, drew his pistol and fired, the
ball passing under the train. Several tbeu at
tempted to arrest him, hut breaking loose from
them, he ran in the direction of a blacksmith
shop uear by, Mr. Cozatt nearest in pursuit, about
fifty feet behind. On turning the corner of the
shop, the smoke of the pistol was seen, and Mr.
Cozatt turning round, ruu toward the train cry-
I’m shot—run for the Doctor—don’t let me
fall in the sand.” He survived only a few mo
ments, being shot through the heart. ” The negro
escaped.— Macon Journal & Messenger, 3d inst.
A Sad Catastrophe.—Asa public journalist,
we are compelled this morning to chronicle one
>f the most heart-rending disasters that, we
think, lias ever happened in Savannah, and which
lias laid waste the happiness of a home aud
family.
Miss Daley, a young lady aged from sixteen to
eighteen years, tlie daughter of Mr. Michael Da
ley, one ol our oldest citizens, accompanied her
father North some time since, and while there
was called back by the serious illness of her sis
ter, wtio resides in this city. Leaving her father
at New York, she took passage on the steamer
Herman Livingston, which, after a sate voyage,
arrived here last night about uiue o’clock. Miss
Daley, young, and impatient no doubt to greet
her relatives, was among the first to start, unaid
ed and alone, to cross the gang plank, which in
the darkness afforded but precarious tooting even
to those who were practiced, and had experience
of Us dangers. When about midway between
the vessel and the wharf, her feet slipped, and
without a cry sbe fell into the dark water be
neath, which was rushing up with the force of a
flood tide, and sustained for a moment by her
clothing, carried her towards the stern of the
vessel, when she sunk without rising again. Out
>f a crowd on the wharf, not one could be found
brave enough to risk their life to save the drown
ing girl—a sad commentary ou the selfishness of
hutfian nature.
Her shawl aud bonnet, we believe, were recov
ered, and at ttie hour we write, efforts are being
made, with drags, to find her body.—Savannah
Republican, 2d instant.
General Grant.—If General Grant should
be guided to a conclusion as to his political sta
tus bv tlie newspapers of tlie country it would
be one of hopeless uncertainty. Since the days
of George Washington, he is the only military
man who has sought an avoidance of expressed
partisanship. General Scott, Taylor, Harrison,
Pierce, Wool, McClellau, Pope, Sheridan, and
many others, North and South, have rushed
into politics as tiiough it were a part of their
legitimate busiuess.
For a while it seemed a little ridiculous to
Americans that General Grant should not on
every occasion spout to the gasping crowds around
him. He has had the good sense not to do it,
thereby retaining the confidence and respect of
the great and powerful Democratic party. The
politicians are bound to ruin bim, however.—
They can’t let him alone. It he had three regu
lar batteries trained on about one hundred and
fifty ot them, the foremost ot tbe Radical pack,
he might be able to eat his breakfast in peace
once more.
General Grant is at the head of the army. He
has shown that he knows how to perform his
duty in obedience to orders. He has proved
himself a useful man to the country. He will
continue to be such. He is quite too far-sighted,
we apprehend, to kill himself by permitting his
name to be used in behalf of the Radical party
A party encumbered with the foulest of oflenses-
tottering in its decline, and just ready to fall
into its polluted grave—“unwept, nnllonored,
and nnsang.”— Washington Union.
The Episcopalians on Divorce.—In the
Episcopal Diocesan Convention, held in Chicago
last week, a resolution was adopted instructing
the deputies of the diocese in the next General
Convention, “to procure by general common law,
with suitable qualifications, a prohibition of the
use of tbe marriage service of the church in
cases where either party contemplating mar
riage shall have been previously divorced by civil
law on grounds other than that ot adultery.”—
The deputies are also instructed to procure a
rule of duty to be followed by the clergymen,
whose services are thus applied "for, in ascertain
ing tbe tacts bearing on such prohibition.
Radical Doemanewta Relax Cl rr a la ted la
Atlanta and the Soath,
Andrew Williams is a young and worthy
freedman who is now, and has been for some
time past, employed in this office. He is our
trusty nesseuger, and will some day, if he should
persist in tlie well-doing that has characterized
him since lie became free, exercise no little influ
ence for good, over those of his race in whose
midst his future may be cast. Whether or not
Andrew’s position or promise may have attract
ed the notice ot the radical leaders in this city,
we know not, but this we do kuow, that one of
them at least, a Mr. William Markham, recently
placed in Andrew’s bauds one ot those libellous
radical documents which are uow being, and
which have for some time past, been actively
circulated by themselves in this city and other
parts of the South. W ith quite a patronizing
air this was done, and as Andrew has the bump
ot caution more fully developed upon his crani
um than most of his race, he at once brought it
to us, in its yellow-colored envelope, and sought
our counsel in regard to its contents. Suspicious
youth! he did not exactly like the source from
whence* be received the document—there might
have been treason in it, so Andrew was distrust
ful and consequently wary. Well, we proceeded
to examine, first, the envelope, and noticed that
It bore the frank ot a Pennsylvania Congress
man, a notorious radical, one J. M. Broomall,
who, in violation ot the law regulating the frank
ing privilege, has been engaged in flooding the
South with this, and other radical documents.—
(The Postmaster General should note this,
and govern himself accordingly.) We then
proceeded to examine the document itself, and
concluded, that, as no sensible freedman, and
certainly no white man, could possibly be de
ceived by such an electioneering "dialogueas it
is termed, to place it before our readers—thus for
once in our professional capacity, aiding and
abetting the radical street distributor referred
to, in circulating the miserable trash which he
has been engaged in thrusting into the hands ot
the freedmen of this city. The document is en
titled “The Position of the Republican and
Democratic Parties,” as illustrated by a dialogue
between, says the lying introduction to it, “a
newly enfranchised freedman and a sound Radi
cal Republican.” We publish the “dialogue 1
entire, satisfied that it will be received with de
rision and contempt only by the intelligent, be
they white or be they colored.
the dialogue.
Question. With which party should the color
ed man vote ?
Answer. The Union Republican party.
Q. Why should the colored man vote with
that party ?
A. Because that party made him free and has
given him the right to vote.
Q. Was Mr. Lincoln a Republican?
A. He was a Republican President.
Q. Are Republicans in favor of universal free
dom?
A. They are. -
Q. What is the difference between the Radi
cals and Republicans ?
A. There is none. The word Radical was ap
plied to the Republican party by its enemies, and
has been accepted by it.
Q. Tlie Radicals and Republicans are then
one and the same party.
A. Yes; and they are in favor of freedom and
universal justice.
Q. Wbat is tbe meaning of the word Radical
as applied to political parties and politicians?
A. It means one who is in favor of going to
the root of things; who is thoroughly in earnest;
who desired that slavery should be abolished, that
every disability connected therewith should be
obliterated, not only from national laws, but from
those of every State in the Union.
Q. Is Mr. Sumner a Republican ?
A. He is, and a Radical, so are Thad. Stevens,
Senator Wilson, Judge Kelley, General Butler,
Speaker Colfax, Chief Justice Chose and all others
who favor giviug colored men their rights.
Q. To which party do the friends of the color
ed men in Congress belong?
A. To the Republican party.
Q. What is a Democrat ?
A. A member of that party which before tbe
rebellion sustained every large legislative act de
manded by the slaveholders, such as the Fugi
tive Slave Law, and the attempt made to force
slavery upon the Western Territories.
Q. Who said that “ a negro had no rights that
a white man was bound to respect?”
A. Chief Justice Taney, a Democrat.
Q. Was this sentiment approved by the De
mocracy ?
A. It was; and by them only.
Q. Why did the Southern States rebel ?
A. Because the Republican party in 1861 elect
ed Abraham Liucolu President, who was op
posed to the extension of slavery.
Q. What ilid they propose to do by rebellion ?
A. Establish a government of their own, the
corner-stone of which should be slavery.
Q. Did any leading rebel make such a declara
tion ?
A. Yes; Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia,
in a speech in May, 1861, at Mongomerv, Ala.
Q. What position did Mr. Stephens hold in the
ebel Confederacy.
A. He was their Vice President.
Q. What was the position of the Democratic
party during the war ?
A. It opposed the war; declared Mr. Lincoln’s
management of it a failure; resisted every mea
sure in Congress looking to emancipation, and
denounced the Government for employing color
ed men as soldiers.
•Q. What lias that party doqp since the sur
render of the rebels ?
A. It has sustained Mr. Johnson in his efforts
to restore yonr old masters to power in the coun
try. and opposed every act for your benefit which
the Republican Congress has adopted.
Q. Is it known by any other name ?
A. It is also known as Conservative, Copper
head aud Rebel. Under each name it is the
same enemy of freedom and the rights of man.
Q. Wouid the Democrats make slaves of the
colored people again if they could ?
A. It is fail to presume that they would, for
they have opposed their freedom by every means,
and have always labored to extend slavery.
Q. Would Democrats allow colored men to
vote ?
A. No! They have always opposed it in Con
gress and in the various State Legislatures.
Q. Who abolished slavery in the District of
Columbia ?
A. A Republican Congress and Abraham Lin
coln, a Republican President.
Q. Who treed the slaves in the South ?
A. Abraham Lincoln, the Republican Presi
dent, by a proclamation.
Q. Who made the colored men soldiers ?
A. The Republican party.
Q. Who opposed this?
A. The Democrats.
Q. Who refused to recognize colored soldiers
as prisoners of war?
A. The rebels.
Q. By whom were they murdered or used as
slaves when captured ?
A. By the rebel government.
Q. What party sympathized with the rebel
government ?
A. The Democracy.
Q. Who passed the Freedmen’s Bureau bill ?
A. A Republican Congress by more than two-
thirds vote over the veto of Andrew Johnson,
the leader of the Democratic or Conservative
party.
Q. Who gave ns tbe Civil Rights bill ?
A. The same Republican Congress.
Q. What party gave us the right to vote?
A. The Republican party.
Q. What has the Democratic, Conservative or
Copperhead party ever done for the colored
people?
A. It has tried to keep them in slavery, and
opposed giving them the benefit of tbe Freed
men’s Bureaa and Civil Rights bills, and tbe
right to vote.
Q. Why cannot colored men support the De
mocratic party.
A. Because that party would disfranchise
them, and, it possible, return them to slavery,
and certainly keep them in an inferior position
before the law.
Q. With whom do tbe disloyal white men of
the South desire the colored men to vote ?
A. With the Democratic party.
Q. Woutd not tbe Democrats take away all
the negroe's rights ?
A. They would,
Q. Then why do they pretend to be the best
friends of colored men ?
A. Because they contend they are of a lower
race, incapable of providing for themselves, and*
are, therefore, happier in au inferior position, or
in slavery.
Q. How would it suit them to be served iu the
same manner ?
A. They would not endure it. They call
themselves a superior race of beings, and claim
they are born your rulers.
Q. Why do they not do uuto others as they
would he done by ?
A. Because they are devoid of priuciple, and
destitute ot all sense of justice where the colored
man is concerned.
Q. Do all white persons belong to a party
which would treat us iu that way ?
A. They do not. There are many who have
stood up nobly for your rights, and who will aid
you to the eud ; indeed, all true Republicans are
such.
Q. Are there any while persons who have
always contended tor our liberty ?
A. Yes; there are many such.
Q. To which party do these tried friends ol
ours now belong ?
A. The Republican party.
Q. To what party do the white people ot the
South belong?
> A. The larger portion belong to the Demo
cratic party.
Q. Are the former slave-holuers and leaders
of the rebellion members of that party ?
A. They are, and would not regard you as
having any r,gills if they were in power.
Q. Colored men should then vote with the
Republican or Radical party ?
A. They should, and shun the Democratic
party as they would the overseer’s last and the
auction block.
Q. Has the Republican party deceived the
colored people?
A. It has not. While the Democratic party
has always been opposed to their freedom, their
education, and their right to vote, tbe Republi
can party has maintained these rights.
Q. By whose exertion are we being educated ?
A. By the efforts of loyal teachers ■ and
through the benevolence of Republican friends.
Q. Who builds aud maintains our school
houses ?
A. The Freedmeu’s Bureau and charitable
people ot the North.
Q. By whom have school-houses been burned
and our teachers persecuted ?
A. By rebel friends of the Democratic party,
Q. To what pai ty do the leading colored men
belong ?
A. Without exception to the Republican
party.
Q. What are the most promiuent principles
advocated by the Republican party ?
A. Equal rights before the law and at the bal
lot box for all men Without regard to race or
color.
Q. Do not the Military Reconstruction acts
secure to us these rights ?
A. Yes; but yon may be deprived of them if
your enemies get into power.
Q. What would the people think if the colored
men voted with the Democratic party ?
A. The people ot the North would think that
they did not fully understand their own rights
nor the duties devolving on them ; and the peo
pie of the South would proudly say : “We have
always told you that the negro did not wish to
be free.”
Q. What use has been made of the money
which the colored people of the Southern States
have paid as taxes ?
A. It has been used to establish schools for
white children; to pay the expenses ot making
and executing laws in which the colored men
have had no voice, and iu endeavoring to have
the Supreme Court set aside the law which gives
you the right to vote.
Q. What I are tlie Democrats using my own
money to take away my rights ?
A. They have always done so, and will con
tinne to while they remain in power.
Q. Some people say that we shall be dis
charged from work if we dare vote the Repub
lican ticket. Will they do that?
A. You should remember that your labor is
worth just as much to the mau who employs
you as his money is to you.
Q. You would advise us, then, to disregard
these threats and vole with the Republican
party ?
A. Most certainly I would. Had you not
rather suffer, or eveu starve to death, than to aid
a party to re-enslave you ? Remember your for
mer condition and avoid a return to slavery.
Q. The while people South say that the Re
publicans of the North do not care for the col
ored men only so far as they can use them to
continue iu political power. Is that true?
A. It is not.
Q. What is the reason that several of tlie
Northern States do not give us the right to vote ?
A. Chiefly because they have in the past been
controlled by the Democratic pariy. Iu the
Western States, where what are called the
“Black Laws” have existed, which did notallow
colored people to live in them, there are large
bodies of whites who moved originally from the
slave States, and carried the haired and preju
dices ot slavery with them.
Q. What has the Republican party done in
those States about such laws ?
A. Abolished them as last as it obtained
power.
Q. To what is the Republican party commit
ted ?
A. To immediate reconstruction under the
laws of Congress; the establishment of common
schools, open to all; opposition to all forms of
slavery ; the protection of free speech; the se
curing to every citizen tlie right to vote; the
protection of every man in the enjoyment ot
equal rights, under and before the law, and the
perpetual maintenance of the Federal Union.
Q. Well, I am satisfied. You havecleariy
shown me my duly, and I shall impart the in
formation to my people.
A. Let me say to you further, you mast re
member what has been the past record ot the
Democratic party, and not trust it in the future.
In order that you may work to the best advan
tage lor the success of that party which is your
true friend, you should have an association,
where ail, white and colored, who ought to be
long to the Republican party can be brought to
gether. You want to be so organized that you
will act as one man. Y»u should organize
Union Leagues and Republican Clubs. Here is
a Constitution for a Union Republican Club.—
You can take this and call together some of yonr
Republican friends, have them sign it, and elect
the officers provided therein. Then hold a meet
ing once in each week, talk these matters over,
read newspapers and documents to those who
cannot read, and take such measures as will re
sult in conveying to every colored man the cor
rect view ot his duties at this time. This is tbe
Constitution of which I speak :
CONSTITUTION.
Article I. This Club shall be known as the
Union Republican Cub of , (name of town,)
county ol , State of .
Article II. This Club is organized for the
purpose ot advancing tbe interests of tbe Union
Republican party in this State and throughouF
the na ion. It will strive to elevate labor, edu
cate the ignorant, and sustain tlie cause of uni
versal justice.
Article ILL The officers of this club shall
be a President, two Vice Presidents, a Secretary,
a Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of five
members. The above named officers shall be
elected at the first meeting in January and Jnly
in each year, and they shall hold over until their
successors are duly elected and qualified.
Article IV. The officers of this club shall
perform the duties required of similar officers by
ordinary parliamentary usage. The Executive
Committee shall prepare business for the meet
ings of the club and make such arrangements as
shall secure a good attendance. They shall also
make such efforts as may be iu their power to
make the meetings interesting and profitable.
Article V. The only qualifications necessary -
to become a member of this club shall be a good
moral character and an expressed determination
to support the principles of the Union Republi
can party.
Article VL The expenses of this club shall
be defrayed by voluntary contributions lrom
among the members and others.
When each county is organized, the clubs
therein should then meet aud elect an Executive
Committee. This Committee should take gener
al direction of the campaign ; call meetings, ob
tain speakers, circulate documents, sustain loyal
newspapers, see that all qualified voters are reg
istered, and that tbe right tickets are in circula
tion when election day comes.
Tbe State Tax,
We learn from the Federal Union ot Tuesday
last that the State tax of Georgia for this year
will be thirty cents on the one hundred dollars.
Ivor the intelligencer. |
(education In the South.
No. 1.
Recent events have directed the minds of the
people North and South, to the subject of educa
tion in the ten Southern States, now under mili
tary govern lient. As usual, the unhappy peo
ple in the ten excluded States are the subjects of
gross misrepresentation. Mon in office, and
scribblers in newspapers, make extravagant
statements concerning the astounding ignorance
of the Southern people, and self-constituted pro
phets are bold to assert that in five years, or less,
the white people of the South will be excelled
in mental cultivation by their former slaves.—
Thoughtful men, who understand the white and
colored races of these States, cau afford to smile
at these absurd and ridiculous vaticinations, but
we submit that there arc many hone9t minds
North and South that will believe them to be
true, and whilst we cannot hope to reach the
former, we may reasonably aspire to furnish the
Southern people with a true statement ot the
case as it stands.
Our appeal will be made to the United States
Census of 1850. We shall enquire whether the
official records of the United States Government
represent the Southern people as an ignorant,
besotted race, indifferent to mental culture, and
content to wallow in degrading indolence. W«
select the census of 1850, because: 1. It was
taken at a period when '.here was no sectional
purpose to be served by making false returns.—
2. It is as nearly complete and satisfactory as
can be made. 3. There has been no complete
census made since that time, and published. The
census of 18G0 has not reached the present
writer, if it lias been compiled and published.
We shall first select a basis of comparison be
tween tlie two sections, North and South. To
do this we take the six New Euglaud States,
whose educational system is the subject of per
petual and fulsome eulogy. The white popula
tion of New England is nearly equal to the six
Southern States lying on the Atlantic and Gulf
of Mexico, viz: Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida and Alabama. As
we desire to make this inquiry as brief as possi
ble, we shall take the six New England States,
together with New Jersey aud Michigan, in tlie
North, because the white population of these
States is nearly the same as the white population
of the ten excluded Statqs of the South, to-wit:
White Pop.
Eight States, Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont,
Massachusetts, Rhode Islluul, Connecticut,
New Jersey and Michigan, have 3,588,696
SOUTH.
Ten State*, Virginia, North Carolina, Sontli
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis
sippi, Lonisiaua, Texas a>i<l Arkansas, have.. 3,585,112
Excess of white population in 8 Northern States 3,58-1
This comparison will give us tavored New
England, with one Central and oue Wesiern State
of the North, against which tlie benighted peo
ple of the ten excluded Southern States will be
arrayed. We shall first inquire, How do these
sections compare in regard to Universities and
Colleges, the highest institutions of learning in
the land ? The census answers the question as
follows:
The eight Northern States support 27 Colleges.
The ten Southern States support 65 Colleges.
Here we have an excess of thirty-eightcolleges
in favor of the 8onth. But, then, it may be sug
gested that these institutions iu the South are in
significant affairs, having little else than a char
ter and a name. Let us inquire how these col
leges are officered—what number of teachers they
support ? The census replies:
Eight Northern States have 293 Professors.
Ten Southern States have 391 Professors.
Here, then, is an excess of 98 Professors, sup
ported in the institutions of tiie South. But
may it not be, after all, that the besotted South
erners have more Colleges, aud more Professors
in them, than the enlightened North has, but
still, probably, the Northern Colleges educate
more pupils than the Southern? The census
answers:
Eight Northern States have 3,861 pupils in College.
Ten Sonthem States have 6,484 pupils in College.
Here w'e have an excess of 2.623 pupils, in
these Southern institutions, notwithstanding tlie
well-known fact that a large proportion of the
students in Northern Colleges are from the South
ern States! What the extent of Southern pa
tronage to Northern Colleges is, we may possi
bly inquire in the course of these papers—for
the present we let the question rest. We have
proven that the “besotted” Southerners have
more Colleges, more Pi ofessors, and more Students
than the “enlightened” North; it remains now
to inquire, how much money the two sections pay
for this department of education? Of course,
the cultivated people of New England and the
North reward their distinguished literary men
by large salaries, and prove their appreciation of
education by a heavy draft upon their pockets.
The “ besotted ” Southerners cannot be expected
to do much in this way, as they know so little
about tbe value of education. The census, how
ever, makes some strange revelations upon this
subject, also, viz:
Eight Northern States pay, to snpporl their Col
lege* f324,240
Ten Southern States, to support theirs, pay 583,815
The Southern people, then, for college educa
tion in their own midst, unaidedby any other sec
tion, pay $259,575 per annum more than the
North does, whilst ihe North draws a very large
per cent of her patronage from these “besotted”
Southerners, who have been foolish enough to
spend their money among a hostile people, who
constantly taunt the South with charges of ig
norance !
The average salary of a Professor in a Col
lege, in tbe free and enlightened North, is $1,106 ;
in the ignorant and besotted South, it is $1,493
—an excess of $487 in favor of tlie benighted
South ! Yet, unhappy people that we are, we
are utterly indifferent to the subject of educa
tion, and are likely to be outstripped, in the race
for knowledge, by our former slaves, in less than
five years! But, Mr. Editor, lest I consume too
much of your space, I conclude this article with
a short comparative view :
TABLE NO. 1—COLLEGES NORTH AND SOUTH.
No. Col. Prof. Students. Income
Eight Northern State* .
..27
293
3,861
$324,210
Ten Southern State*
..65
391
6,484
583,815
Excess in the South
..38
98
2,623
$259,575
The subject ot academic and common school
education will be examined in future papers.
A Native Georgian.
Atlanta, Ga., September, 1867.
The Recent Shell Explosion.—Saturday
last we published a report of the explosion of a
shell on Morris’ Island, by which Messrs Palmer
and Wise were injured, the former mortally, and
the latter severely, though not dangerously. Mr.
Palmer subsequently expired from the effects of
his wounds, and an inquest was held on his re
mains, under the direction ot Coroner Whiting ;
tbe jury rendering a verdict in accordance with
the facts. Mr. Wise, it is understood, is slowly
recovering from his injuries.—Charleston Courier.
On Solid Ground.—The Journal of Com
merce, iu reference to the recent misunderstand
ing between the President and General Grant,
thinks the former, now, stands on solid ground.
The editor adds:
“ It is fortunate for the President that he is en
tirely right, and now reluctantly admitted to be
so by nearly all the radical papers, in claiming
the power of removing district commanders.
Had he assumed iu that affair a power which
was not his, but General Grunt’s he would have
lost the support which he now derives from that
large part of the community who look to tlie
written law as their guide in all doubtful ques
tions.”