Newspaper Page Text
‘ ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT."—Jefferson.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 2,1867.
NUMBER 40.
UMIu Jntrlluprrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, October 2, 1867.
Letter From Judge Iverson L. Harris.
The letter of Jcdok Harris which we pub
lish to-day, has been transmitted by the j>er-
inission of Judge Walker, to whom it is ad
dressed, for that purpose. To some, the views
<>| this distinguished jurist and patriotic Georgi
an, will appear startling, but they can only be
answered by a logic, which, up to this time, we
have not seen presented by those who may
differ from him.
Important Correspondence.
We copy to-day from the Milledgeville Fed-
mil Union, an important correspondence be
tween Judge Augustus Reese of the Ocmul
gee Circuit and Major Gen. John Pope com
manding this Military District. The conclusion,
says that paper “to which Judge Reese has
arrived, is, in our opinion, as irresistible as his
argument is unanswerable. We deeply deplore
this unfortunate disagreement, because it de
prives this circuit of one of the clearest headed
Judges In the land. Personally, all the graces
of a gentleman sit upon him ; and the affec
tions of our whole people cluster around him.
The people of the Circuit look upon. Judge
Itecse as dutiful cliddren upon a much loved
and respected parent. May God’s blessings and
man’s honors coyer his pathway through hie."
.Most heartily do we endorse the foregoing com
plimentary allusions of our Milledgeville cotem
porary to Judge Reese, the upright, independ
ent, Judge, of whom it shall be written, as
“ with a pen of iron and the point a diamond," well
done, “thou good and faithful servant of the
people."
Judge Warner’s Letter—Correction.
As we copied Judge Warner’s letter from the
Era, we insert the following from that paper of
yesterday :
“ A grave error occurred in one paragraph ot
the letter of Hon. Hiram Warner, published in
the Era on the 14th instant. In the published
letter the Judge is made to suy:
“‘This people have suffered enough already,
they cannot afford to commit another military
blunder.’
“ What the Judge wrote was :
“ ‘They cannot afford to commit another po
litical blunder.’”
Candidates for the Convention.
The “ Opinion ” of yesterday, in an article
headed as above, says: “Let the Democrats
Humiliate and bring forward their own candi
dates.” To this, we reply, let the Radical Recon
struction Republicans nominate and bring forward
their own candidates. The Democrats, and all
ot 11erB opposed to radicalism, are ready for the
struggle ; and more, ate confident ot victory.—
Bring out your Radicul ticket, then; “ let there
be no juggling, no tricks, but a square, stand-up
fight upon the” true issues. Bring out your own
candidates, we are ready for the contest.
-< a* ■
A Candid Radical.
Hon. John Hickman, who was last week nom
inated in Chester county for the Pennsylvania
Legislature, made a speech in which he gave his
opinion of Hnrrisburg in the following plain
terms :
l would rather spend three mouths iu the poor
house or prison of Chester county than in Har
risburg. No man can go there and come back
v. ith an unsullied reputation, and 1 am not sure
that it is not my enemies rather than my friends
that desire to send me there.
What a picture is hero presented of a Radical
Slate Legislature of one of the most important
States of the “Union”—the second in population,
as it is in political importance—the first in po
litical corruption. Says the Wilmington (N. C.)
Journal: “It is a great pity that more of the
same sort do not recognize and appreciate what
is required of them by their party, while filling
public positions, and a greater pity that more do
not place a higher estimate upon an unsullied
reputation. We like the candor of this man,
and ho knows full well that those who serve
the Radical party, if they are possessed of any
reputation of account whatever, cannot preserve
that reputation unsullied and do the public work
of the party. And yet there are more like him,
who profess no desire to share the work, and the
c-dimn which that work naturally attaches to the
party, and still are found among its followers,
endorsing by their votes the action and policy
they profess to despise.”
It is rumored here that Maggie Mitchell will
retire from the stage after playing a series of
tarewell engagements throughout the country
next winter, preparatory to marrying a journal
ist in Boston, who has beeu long devoted to her.
The dimiuutive comedienne has been very suc
cessful,dramatical^'and pecuniarily,ou the stage,
and though very girlish-looking, is quite old
enough to marry. The journalist and she are
said to have been engaged for fifteen years, which
is a test ot the heart as well as of patience.—
Long courtships are troublesome sometimes; but
they arc good guarantees for the luture.
DuATn of Alexander T. Stewart.—Yester
day the numerous friends of Sir. Alexander T.
Stewart were startled by ths announcement of
his death in Baris. Upon inquiry at his place of
business, corner cf Broadway and Chambers
street, we were informed that there was not the
slightest particle of truth in the statement- Mr.
Stewart was heard from only a few days ago.—
He was then in London in periect health, and
had not been in Paris within six weeks previous.
—A . r. Herald, Sept. 20.
In less than five years, says the Chicago
Timet, the country will see radicalism reduced
to its proper elements. We shall see the radical
ticket composed somewhat as follows
For President—Escobedo.
For Vice-President—Tehee-Fuug.
For Senator—Cuftee Black.
For Dispenser of Pap—Rev. Slick Sneezer,
formerlv of Massachusetts.
Letter from the Hon. Iveraon L. Harris,
one of the Judaea ot the Supreme Court
of the State of Georgia, on the “Politi
cal Situation.’’
Milledgeville, Sept 14,1867. j
To the Hon. Dawson A. Walker, Dalton :
My dear Judge—l received your letter of the
5th instant,referring to our frequent conversations
heretofore concerning our condition as a people,
and desiring me to reduce to writing the views
expressed by me as to “the status of Georgia” at
this time, and the course which I thought it
most expedient to pursue in reference to the pro
posed call of a Convention to revise the Slate
Constitution; with the additional request that
you might exhibit or publish the same, as you
thought proper.
I sat down at once, to comply with the request,
to reduce my opinions to writing, but found, af
ter 1 had done so, notwithstanding a constant ef
fort at condensation, that I could not either fully
or fairly present them within such limits as the
rules ol good taste require in a letter. I there
lore must beg you to excuse me for not forward
ing the article prepared, and to substitute there
for, very much compressed, a mere outline of the
course of thought by which I have been con
ducted to the conclusions herein stated, and on
which I would act, were I not disfranchised.
It is my conviction, after long and mature
thought, that the many great questions involved
in the inquiry, “ What is the status of Georgia
at this time 7” cannot be solved by considering
them as falling within the province of either
municipal or constitutional law.
They can find a correct solution only by the
application to them of the principles of interna
tional law, to which domain of jurisprudence
exclusicely belong the adjustment and determi-
uation of the controversies of States lately bel
ligerent, and Lite relations which, upon the ces
sation of hostilities, they bear to each other.
Let me in advance say, that, educated from
early manhood in the political school of Jeffer
son and Troup; and believing in the sovereignty
of tach State, and, consequently, in the abstract
right of secession ; my opinions are, as you will
see, the necessary result of such an education.
Now, I take it to be an undeniable fact, that
Georgia, by the ordinance of her Convention in
1861, did dissolve her connection with the Fed
eral Union, and renounce the Federal Consti
tution.
This act put Georgia out of the Federal
Union.
1 lake it to be also au undeniable fact, that
Georgia, as a State, has not been restored to her
former position in the Federal Union.
This being so, she is still out of the Federal
Union. What interest or property as a State,
if my premises are right, she has in a Constitu
tion which she solemnly renounced, and which
has not beeu re-extended over her as a State iu
the Federal Union, and as it existed before her
secession, I am at a loss to discover. Having
none as a State, how can she, in reference to po
litical rights and privileges, rightfully claim its
benefits and protection ?
Upon this view you will perceive that I utterly
deny that there was a civil war in its legitimate
sense—that we were rebels—traitors. A ne
cessary consequence from this position is, that
upon the termination of hostilities there can b«
no confiscation or amenability to the municipal
laws of the conqueror.
The claim that the Constitution is ours, and
that we have never parted with it, contains wilh-
iu it the fatal admission of our guilt as traitors.
“ The status of Georgia, theo, at this time,” is
that of a conquered State out of the Federal
Union.
It tliis is so, it is in the light only of the laws
of nations that our situation can be properly
considered.
It must, l think, be conceded by every jurist,
whose reading has extended beyond Blackslone
and the Constitution ot the Uuited States, that
it is a settled and unquestionable doctrine of the
laws of nations, that the conqueror, according to
the customs of Christian civilized nations, may
rule the State conquered at his will, as by mould
ing its political institutions to that will, with no
other restrictions on his power than the cus
tomary usages of such nations.
The Cougress of the United States, from this
source, and this alone, derived their power to pass
the re construction acts ; they do not spring from
the exercise ot enumerated and delegated powers
to Congress, but from the power outside of the
Constitution inherent iu the victor.
Viewing those acts, then, in the light of terms
imposed by the conqueror on the conquered—and
I am driven by a 9tern logic to look at them in
that light, and in no other—so regarding them, I
am called on to determine what line ot conduct
it is most expedient to pursue. I am compelled,
also, to remember at tbesame time, that there is
no earthly tribunal to which the conquered can
appeal tor remedy or redress. Are we not, then,
by an inexorable necessity compelled to choose
between acquiescing in those acts, or resistance ?
Would not the last be downright madness? The
other alternative is the only thing left us.
From the views I have thus taken of our situ
ation, and thoroughly convinced that a Conven
tion will be called, that the opposition ot the
whites will not only be utterly unavailing but ac
tually prejudicial, I am constrained to say,
being very much controlled in my judgment
by what I deem a wise expediency, as also by
reasons which prudence forbids the utterance
of now, that if I had the right to a vote 1
would vote for the call of a convention.—
1 would then cordially co-operate with the col
ored voters in the election to that convention of
the most intelligent, independent, dispassionate
and prudeut delegates not disfranchised I could
fiud. To them I would commit the high task ot
moulding our organic law according to our alter
ed condition, so as to fulfil the requisitions o!
the reconstruction acts, that Georgia may be re
stored to the Federal Union ; and if our present
State Constitution needed other guards for the
protection of public and private property against
plunder or legislative abuse, they should be pro
vided. By the adoption of the provision of
those acts in reference to suffrage, I would close
at once, which, if not thus disposedef, will prove
a perennial fount of agitation, anxiety, alarm.
It is difilcult to over-estimate the importance ot
vigilance and concerted action on the part of all
ood and true patriots in preventing the conven
tion lrotn getting into the power or UDder the
control of selfish, unprincipled, bad men, who.
why I should withhold the permission desired.
They are, therefore, placed at your discretion.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Iverson L. Harris.
From the Milledgeville Federal Union.
Xo tUc People or tbe Oemuljjee Judicial
District.
Fellow- Citizens :
Elected by you to the Judgship of this Circuit
without opposition, it is due to vou that you
should underslaud why it is that I do not from
this day exercise the functions of the office. 1
refer you to the appended correspondence.
Augustus Reese.
September 20lh, 1807.
Madison, Ga., Sept. 5,1867.
To Major General Pope, Commandant Third Mil
itary ltistrict, &c. :
General—Since I have been on the bench of
the Superior Courts, I have sedulously endeavor
ed to have justice administered according to
law, “without discrimination as to classes or in
dividuals;” how far I have succeeded is best
known to tbe peopie, the bar, and “the Supreme
Court, for tbe correction of errors.”
Since the passage of what are commonly
called the Military bills, looking to my own in
terest. as well n-« tha interest of inv constituents,
I have labored to conform to all military orders;
and until the publication of General Orders Nos.
53 and 55, hoped I should be able to do so.—
Truthfulness, General, requires me to saj’, that
I cauuot obtain my consent to be made instru
mental in carrying out these orders; and it is
due that you should have my reasons, which I
will now proceed to give without much argu
mentation.
Gen’l, when I received from the people of my
Judicial District through the Executive ot the
State, my commission, I took aud subscribed
the following oath, viz : “I swear that I will
administer justice without respect to persons,
and do equal rights to the poor and the rich,
and that I will faithfully and impartially' dis
charge and perforin all the duties incumbent on
me as Judge of the Superior Courts of this
State, according to the best of my ability and
understanding, and agreeable to the Laws and
Constitution of this State, and the Constitution
of the Uuited States.” When, how, and where
I have been absolved from this obligation, I am
not able to understand. With this obligation
remaining, after a careful review ot the several
theories, touching the status of the Southern
States, I am unable to adopt any process of
reasoning by which I cau arrive at the conclu
sion that the orders referred to are the Laws of
Georgia, the Constitution thereof, or the Con
stitution of the United States, or are otherwise,
within the purview and meaning of said obliga
tion.
My analysis of these orders is that the com
petency of Jurors is made to depend upon the
politics of the person summoned. If the citizen
summoned has registered he is a competent Ju
ror; if he has not registered he must be set
aside. Now, if registration, like the payment of
taxes, was a legal duty, upon the citizen, there
would be some plausibility in the legislative au-
thority'’s excluding him from the jury box, until
he discharged that legal duty. But the Military
bills even do not make registration a legal duty:
on the contrary it is left to the free will and dis
cretion of every citizen who can take the requir
ed oath, to register or not. If these orders were
intended as a punishment upon such citizens as
canuot take the required oath, it must not be
forgotten that there are hundreds, if not thou
sands in Georgia who have ever been considered
true to the Federal Government, and who can
take the required oath, but who have not aud
will not register, fearing they may by registering
commit themselves to a programme which will
in their judgment, if successfully carried out,
work an entire change iu the form of Govern
ment under which the people of the United
States were for so long a time prosperous aud
happy. This last mentioned class of citizens,
think are in error, for I hold that every
citizen who can, ought to register, aud there
by qualify himself to prevent misetdt-f;
but these citizens in declining to register are
but exercising the rights of Americau citizens—
rights conceded by the Military bills, and in de
clining to register, commit no crime, and voilate
no legal duty. These orders carried out canuot
fail to affect most injuriously the rights and in
terests ot parties in court, especially as they
have the right under our system, iu equity,
appeal, and criminal cases to select impartial
jurors. You will pardon me, Geueral, in saying
that under the most latitudinarian construction
of the Military bills I can find no authority for
making the politics of a citizen the test of his
competency to serve on a jury, aud thereby it
may be jeopardising to parties in court the right
of being tried by au impartial jury. If the offi
cers ot court were ordered to have the juries
made up from the list of membership iu the
Baptist, Methodist or Presbyterian, or any other
church, I canuot see that such order would be
more iu conflict with Americanism, than these
orders. In the one case the religious creed of
the citizen would ne the test of his competency
to sit on a jury'—in the other case the test of
his competency is his politics. Wefe I absolved
from the obligations referred to there are other
considerations sufficient to deter me from under
taking to administer justice through the instru-
meutalities indicated
Precedents, General, in all public matters, es
pecially in judicial matters, if based upon wrong
principles, are dangerous thiugs—their influence
for evil is felt long after the occasions, which
gave birth to them, and their authors have pass
ed away. I am unwilling to be made instrumental
in engrafting upon Americau jurisprudence, the
principle that the competency of a juryman is
dependent upon his | olitics. The principle
would endanger the impartiality of juries, and
sooner or later destroy all protection to life, lib
erty. and property.
Again: without further authoritative legisla
tion, in view ot my responsibility to the law
whenever the people ot the Uuited States should
become sane, aud iu view of my accountability,
“ to him that is ready to judge the quick and the
dead,” no earthly consideration could induce me
to pass sentence upon a person convicted of a
capital offense, by the verdict ot a jury organized
as indicated in Orders No. 53 and 55.
Whilst I do not expect you, General, to con
cur iu the views herein presented, I do claim to
have accorded to me frankness, and honesty of
purpose, qualities, ouce considered virtues, the
existence ot which among Georgians, I tear you
have had too rarely occasions to remark, since
you were called to your present position. Gene
ral, I regret to have to present these considera
tions: but I dare not ignore my convictions ot
dutv It you should feel it to be your duty to
prohibit me from the further exercise ot judicial
powers, notice of that fact at your earliest con
venience is desirable, I shall make no issue
with you, tor the reason, that I know ot no ap
pellate officer or tribunal in the country at the
present time adequate to the occasion.
With high consideration, General, I am yours,
most respectfully. Augustus Reese.
N. B. Ttic regular term of Greene county
Superior Court begins on Monday next.
ment of the Reconstruction acts, and that what
ever validity they possess now they owe entirely
to that recognition. Whenever the proceedings
of the Provisional State Government, either in
its Executive or Judicial departments, conflict
with the provisions ot the Reconstruction acts,
or with the orders ot the military commander
acting iu conformity thereto, such proceedings
are without iegal validity.
The power is vested in me by the Rcconstruc
tion acts to make such orders as I consider ne
cessary to cany out the objects therein specified
ar.d such orders, therefore, carry with them in
this district all the force of law, until they are
modified or countermanded by higher authority
tbau mine.
Any law of the Provisional State Government
in conflict with orders thus issued is null and of
no effect, and any proceedings whatever under a
law thus set aside by military orders are without
validity.
My Orders 53 and 55 were issued bv virtue of
the power thus vested iu me, and 1 consider
them necessary to the execution of the acts of
Congress above specified. As the Reconstruc
tion acts became laws of the United States iu
the manner provided by the Constitution, and as
tlie question ot their constitutionality has been
presented to the Supreme Court of United
States and that highest judicial trib.. ul of the
country, has decniea mat it nas no *wr»suiclion
in the case, the consideration of thrt question
by subordinate Military or Judicial officers is
scarcely admissible.
Your argument against political tests is very
good, but totally inapplicable to the case.
My Orders require Jurors to be selected from
tbe registered voters, but make no discrimina
tion as to their politics.
Whilst I do not for the preseut prohibit you
from the further exercise of Judicial powers, I
do require you to observe the above orders, and
will not overlook any failure on your part to
carry them fully into execution. I am very re
spectfully, your obedient servant,
John Pope,
B’t. Maj. Gen’l. U. S. A. Commanding.
Heawjparteks Thibp Military District, /
(Georgia, Alabama, and Florida,) v
Atlanta, Ga., Sept., 1S67. )
The impressiao is almost universal among the
freedmen that Registration is an operation some
how preliminary to their obtaining an allotment
of the land ot their masters; and it is a common
thing to find them slyly bespeaking from the 1 ^
Registrars the selection ot a good tract. Dis
putes often arise on the important question wheth- ,. ,
er the Government is to furnish mules as well as lor siuister Purposes, it is believed, are now in
lands, the negro logic running in thiswise; “For | d u $triously occupied in striving to estrange an
wlial’s do use of bein’ sot free without lands ?- 1 fdienate permanently the wlntes and blacks.
Aud what’s de use of de lands widout mules? 1 U is ,n - v best r id S mcat tlifU ,he coursc ,nd ‘*
—Charleston Or. N. Y. Timss. ! me will more effectually contribute to
m •- j thwart the purposes of such vile creatures than
The number ot people throwu out ot employ- | any other,
mem in New Orleans by the yellow fever, this j It, however, all effort to guard the Convention
season, is great er than has hitherto been known | against a power and influence so much to be
since the commercial embarrassments ot 1857. j dreaded should prove unavailing, and a Constitu-
What the number is may be judged from the tion under their management, embodying other
fact that there are said to be 6,000 applications ! provisions thau tln.se required by the recoustruc-
for places upon the police and lor similar ap-1 tion acts, of a proscriptive, unjust, aud offensive
p..intments. j character to the u bites, should be made by it,
Four of Maximilian's soldiers recently started j aud pns*id«i for ratification to a popular vote, {
iu>m Brownsvilk lor Brazos. When about five
Hon. Augustus Reese, Madison, Ga. :
Dear "Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge
receipt ot your communication of the 5th inst.,
in which you iatoren me that you canuot as
Judge of a Superior Court of the State of Geor
gia, obtain your consent to be made instrumental
in carrying out Orders 53 and oo, issued from
these headquarters, and stating vour reasons
therefor.
Whilst 1 thank you for the candor of your
communication, I regret that you have reached
such a conclusion. 1 cauuot undertake to enter
into any argument to couvince you that my or
ders are legal and obligatory upon you. It seems
not improper, however, to state that the position
upon which your conclusion is based appears to
me to be totally untenable. Your argument is
founded upon the theory that the State Govern
ment of Georgia is a legal one, and that all acts
' contrary to the laws ot tlie State, even when
done iu pursuance of the acts of Congress, are
illegal. The preamble of the Reconstruction
Madison, Ga., Sept. 16th, 1867.
To Maj. General Pope, Commandant 3d Military
District, dec:
General—Owing to my absence in holding
Greene County Superior Court, your letter
(without date) in reply to my communication of
the 5th inst., was not received until the after
noon of Satuday last.
Your suggestions in relation to Orders Nos.
53 and 55 have caused me to give my oommuni-
tion of the 5th instant amo9t careful and search
ing review, to see if I could find any fallacy iu
the argument, or error in my conclusions. Can
dor compels me to say that I have been unable
t o detect either. You say, “my orders require the
jurors to be selected from the registered voters,
but make no distinction as to politics.” Now,
it is certainly true that the orders referred to do
not, in so many words, make a distinction as to
politics, but upon what ground is it that a large
number of our citizens who can take the regis
tration oath are excluded ? Their politics are,
not to register, or otherwise commit themselves
to the Military bills—they do not register—they
are excluded from the jury box. I most re
spectfully submit that my analysis of these or
ders, as contained in tpy first communication, is
correct, to-wit: That by these orders the politics
of the citizen is made the test of his competency
to sit upon a jury. I concede to the full extent
the doctrine that the private citizen is bound to
conform to ad laws passed by authority, until
they are declared void by the judiciary ; but a
judicial officer in discharge of his duty, sworn
to administer his office agreeable to fundamental
law, occupies a very different position. I thank
you, General, for the deferential consideration
you have been pleased to give my. embarrass
ments upon this subject. I cannot see that I
have any alternative in the premises, other than
to proceed with the discharge of official duties
as heretofore, until you shall feel it your duty to
have given to me a prohibitory notice.
With high considerations, Genera?;. I am yours
most respectfully, Augustus^ Reese,
Judge Superior Courts, &c.
N. B.—I have an adjourned court, in Baldwin
county, commencing to morrow. Next week is
the regular term for Putnam county.
Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 17,1867.
Dear Sir—I received, this morning, your let
ter of the 16th instant, in answer to mine of the
5th instant.
As our view’s of your duty to observe aud
comply with orders issued by me as District
Commander are irreconcilable; and as I consid
er it my duty to enforce my own opinion on the
subject; and as I am very unwilling, in the case
of a gentleman of your character and standing,
to resort to so unpleasant an act as your removal
from your office, I suggest that, to avoid un
pleasantness, which, 1 am sure, neither of us
seek, you resign your office.
If you should conclude not to do so, be pleased
so to inform me, and to consider this letter a
positive prohibition against the farther exercise
of your office, unless you conlorm to my order
concerning juries in this State.
I regret very much that this disagreement
should deprive the State of Georgia of the ser
vices of so competent aud worthy a Judge. I
am,’sir, very respectfully, your servant,
"(Signed) John Pope,
Brevet Major General, Uuited States Army, Com
manding Third Militaiy District.
Honorable Augustus Reese, Madison, Georgia.
Milledgeville, Sept. 20,1867.
To Major General John Pope, Commanding Third
Military District, dec. :
General—Yours of the 17tli instant, in reply
to my letter of the 16th, was not received by me
until last night. I cannot, as you have been
heretofore advised, cousisteutly with views of
duty, be made instrumental in carrying out Or
ders No. 53 and 55, nor can I bring my mind to
the conclusion that I ought to resign. Your
letter, therefore, is accepted by me as “a positive
prohibition against the farther exercise of my
office,” and will be acquiesced in by me as such.
I thank you for the kiud and complimentary
manner in which you have been pleased to com
municate your prohibitory order.
With high consideration, General, I remain
yours, most respectfully, Augustus Reese.
The tin discoveries in Missouri have created
considerable of a panic among the English tin
interests. They say if half die accounts be true,
there must be an end to tin mining in England,
where the ore is raked from a depth of two to
three thousaud feet.
Napoleon’s Son.
The Prince Imperial fills a large space in the
French press. The good little boy is very
bright at school, stands guard in military cos
tume, appears at public, gatherings, and is alto
gether made much of, as becomes the heir to a
throne which he is not likely to occupy. The
Emperor is about to buy an estate for him, and
is said to have selected the historic ground lying
between Bourg le Reme and Sceaux, now the
property’ of the Duke ot Treviso, for the luture
residence ot his son. The house on the estate
was built by Henry IV. for Gabrielle d’Estrees.
The Emperor is said to have offered the Duke of
Treviso three millions lor the estate, but the
Duke demands four millions.
The other day the Prince’s tutor, M. Mounier,
resigned his place, and has since published a
serio-comico letter, in which he says:
“It had become impossible for me to perform
my task as all the preceptors do in ail European
courts. I entered the palace to perform a duty,
but upon being deprived of tbe necessary means
of accomplishing it, I relinquished my mission.
Heartbroken, but convinced that it was my duty
to do so, I left. * * * I had always taken
advantage of the walks, drives, and hours of re
creation to instruct him in every way, elevate
his mind, fill it with liberal ideas, and place in
his heart the holy fire of patriotism. You should
have seen the charming compositions he wrote,
in the form ot letters, narrations and historical
essays—so well written, so correctly’ spelt! How
often in the evening, before the whole court, last
winter, he astonished every one by the way in
which he played at historical and geographical
acts contradicts this theory in direct terms in the j games, showing that he was not only conversant
following words, viz:
*• Whereas, no legal State government or ade
quate protection for life or property now exists
in the rebel States of * * * Georgia, * *
* * &c.”
The acts then proceed recognising the exist
ing State governments as provisional merely,
ami establish a military government to which
the provisional government L= made, in almost
miles on their way, totally unatmed, they were
attacked bv two Mexicans, all robbed, and one
killed.
then let tl.e whites unite, aud with manly scorn ^^Kws^the United States are pora-
mdtguanlly reject it. 1 ‘ - - - -
Accustomed to loroi my own opinions and free
ly to express them. 1 know of no sufficient reason
mount in Georgia, it follows that no proceedings
of the existing State government of Georgia pos
sessed anv validity whatever prior to the enact-
with dates and names, bat also with the man
uars, customs and state of progression of all the
principal countries. Everybody was delighted,
and told me so. Wiio would then have thought
that, three mouths later, it would be said that the
studies of the young prince were neglected, and
that the professor, who considered his education
as tbe work of a life, would be obliged to quit
the palace basely calumniated, and even forced
to leave Paris to escape from the scene ol so
much deception and bitterness.”
The new tutor is M. Filon, Professor of Rhe
toric at the Lyceum of Grenoble.—Charleston
Courier,
From the National Intelligencer.
Negro Supremacy In Uie South.
If the Radical programme is carried out, a
more serious danger threatens this country than
our thoughtful Radical friends contemplate.—
The returns of the registration show that ia
South Carolina the black majority is 24,000;
that, in Alabama it is upwards ot 40,000; and iu
Louisiana it is said to be more. Florida goes
the same way, aud it is uncertain whether the
black vote, added to the Radical whites in Vir
ginia and North Carolina, will not aontrol it In
other words, negro supremacy is a fixed fact iu
most of the Southern States, under this pro
gramme.
We know it is said that no danger to those
States or the country will result; that the supe
rior intelligence of the white popoulation will
control; and that, in any event, the supremacy
must be temporary; for immigration will soon
restore the whites to their accustomed numerical
superiority, as the black population cannot be
reinforced by those of their own color. But
suppose such laws are enacted as will tend to
check that emigration. Suppose the rights of
property are so interfered with as to induce
white men to leave; or even suppose that the
social condition of the whites is made disagree
able, how little likely that supremacy is to be
distufjofl.
Reasoning from the relations of subordination
to the white race which have hitherto existed, we
might be disposed to acquiesce in the averments
of those who apprehend nothing lrom negro su
premacy. But with the removal of that subor
dination, we apprehend that the ordinary prin
ciples of human nature will apply. The blacks
are ignorant. They are, therefore, likely to be
easily misled by arrant demagogues. They are
landless; they will be easily encouraged to form
a policy which will give them jand. They have
been told that Congress contemplates confisca
tion, and already the demagogues, a lazy element
in their midst, have been clamoring for the en
forcement of that policy. They are fond of offi
cial consequence, and are looking to the emolu
ments and the honors of office. They are uuused
to self-restraint. The institution of slavery rep
resented authority, not moral power. When the
authority was overthrown they were left to the
cravings of an unstrained, uneducated nature.—
Take all these thinge into account, and what can
you expect but that the legislation will be con
trolled by demagogues, and in the assumed inter
est of the non-taxpayers. Under negro domina
tion enterprises will be checked, capital will be
come alarmed, the cultivation of the great staple
will become neglected, the demand for labor will
become less and less, the industrial relations ot
the South will grow more disorganized than
they are to-day, and the people will be told to
apply the remedy by restrictive legislation, and
no man can foresee what will be the result of
thus investing an ignorant rabble with the con
trol of the State; or rather, no man can help see
ing that the eternal laws of God cannot be vio
lated by taking the reins of power out ot the
hands of culture, intelligence, and experience,
without the whole body politic suffering the evil
consequences.
We are told that white men will control them.
The men who control them will be those who,
like the New York demagogues, pauder most to
their worst passions aud most unworthy objects.
The sceptre of authority will pakl 1 out of the
hands of the better class of Radicals, to be wield
ed by the most unscrupulous and corrupt.
We are admonished of the soundness of these
views by the proceedings of the late Republican
Convention (so-called) in North Carolina. Mode
rate men, like Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq., were
shoved one side by such unscrupulous tricksters
as Warren Holden. The protests of the former
against confiscation were unheeded. The plat
form of the Convention, which was reported by
the lion. John Pool, and pronounced squarely
against confiscation, was set aside in that par
ticular, aftenvinleut denunciations ot it.
Amongst otKafe'speeches was that of A. H.
Galloway, colored, who, while disclaiming con
fiscation, announced himself in favor of taxation
as follows: “ I want to see the man who owns
one or two thousand acres of land taxed a dollar
bn'the acre, and if tie -ean’t pay the taxes sell the
properly to the highest bidder—let the sheriff
sell it, and then we negroes shall become land-
owners.” [Applause.] This speech, says the
Raleigh Register, by Sir. Goodloe, who is an un
impeachable Radical, was made before tbe un
palatable resolutions were offered, and seems to
foreshadow a “ policy ” which is to be substitu
ted for the “ mild confiscation ” of Thad. Ste
vens.
Again we quote from the Register :
When the anti-confiscation resolution was up
for consideration, Mr. Mabson, colored, of New
Hanover, protested against its passage, as some
thing that should be left to Congress; and added,
significantly: “ Fellow-citizens, let me say to
you, here to-day, particularly to every represen
tative of the colored people of this State, repre
sent your people honestly. * * Now, in refer
ence to this confiscation, which every one ot you
know as well as I do, that it is not a material
matter to us whether the property of the people
of the South is confiscated or not.” Again:
“If the white people will act honestly,” &c.,
with the colored people, “the Congress of the
United States should not confiscate their pro
perty. But as long as they take the advantage
of our people, and refuse to give them remunej
ration,’’ &c., then Congress will be “very certain
to confiscate their property; and I do not care
if they do.” [Applause.] “It is the duty of
every liberty-laving and law-abiding citizen to
endeavor to put the lands of the South into cul
tivation, and the oniy way we can get them into
cultivation, is by the Congress of the United
States taking a decided stand, and make these
men, th it are owners ol the land come forward
and either sell it to us or give it to us.” [Ap
plause] This Mr. Mabson is evidently a man of
intelligence, and of decision and firmnes. His
speech gave tone to the debate, and w»s a con
clusive argument in the minds of a large major-
itv of the colored delegates against the resolu
tion.
Mr. Coleman, of Cabarrus, white, said: “This
question of confiscation, gentlemen, is not a
question of principle. [Applaus .] It is barely
a question of expediency; and what right has
this convention here to-day assembled to pledge
the Republican party of North Carolina to say
that we at e opposed to confiscation, ivhen wc
don't ka/nc what may occur next week or next
month? [Applause.] * * I wish to say, in
making the remarks that I am making, I do not
commit myself on the question of confiscation,
for or against it; but claiming to be a Republi
can, I am opposed to adding a plank to that
platform that may sink it forever.”
Tku3 we see Galloway is in favor of taxing
land out of the possession of its owners. Mab
son would have Congress compel them to sell or
give it. While the tricky Coleman opposes an
anti-confiscation pledge, not knowing what may
turn up.
These tilings, be it remembered, took place in
a convention in a State where the whites are in
the ascendant. W liat prospect is there of ma
king headway’ against such doctrines in States
where the whites are in the minority.
General Beauregard’s Speech.—The fol
lowing letter clears up the doubt hanging over
the remarkable sentiments reported by telegraph
to have been publicly expressed by General
Beauregard :
Baltimore, September 19th, 1867.
To the Editors of the Baltimore Gazette :
Dear Sirs ; I notice iu your paper of yes
terday an article copied from the New \ ork
Express of the 17th instant, in which certain
political opinions are stated to have been ex
pressed by me at a dinner given to me by a
trieud at the New York Hotel. The dinner was
a private one, and the statement of the Express,
being but a brief and incomplete abstract of the
remarks which I made whilst conversing with
the tew friends present, conveys an erroneous
impression ol the views expressed by me on tiiat
occasion.
BeiDg still an “outlaw” in my own native
country, I do not feel called upon to publicly
uphold its government, especially at this time
when the country is divided in opinion as to
whether Congress or the Executive constitutes
“the government.” But I am lree to state that
unless the Conservative element of the nation
soon awakens to the dangers which threaten the
liberties ot the county, I confidently believe that
its form ot government will, ere long, be changed
to a military despotism, after a period of an
archy more or less prolonged. Yours, very
truly, G. T. Beauregard.
—♦*-
We regret to learn, says the Albany News ot
the 21st, of the death of Mr. Jared Irwin, an old
and esteemed citizen of this county, at his resi
dence, ou Thursday morning last His disease,
we learn, was congestion of the longs.
Wliat the Radicals Have Done.
The Metropolitan Record prefers the following
bill of indictment against the Radical faction.—
It is far from complete; but as fur as it goes if is
true:
They have fastened upon the country a debt of
three thousand Millions, at least one-half of which
was stolen by official harpies and cormorants ot
their own party.
They’ have ground to the earth with a crush
ing weight of taxes the industrial and producing
classes of the country.
They have established a boud-ocraoy which
shares none of the burdens imposed upon the
people, but which waxes rich and fat on their
sweat and toil.
While they have incre.ased the price of all the
necessaries of life by their infamous policy, offi
cial plundering and partisan legislation, there
has been no corresponding increase iu the wages
of industry.
They have built up a thieving, swindling
banking system, tiiat picks out of the pockets of
the people from twenty-five to thirty millions a
year.
They have reduced ten States to the condition
of subject provinces, where all the rights ot the
people are at the will of the infamous miscreants
like Sickles and Po|>e, and where the nigger is
politically the fmperior of the White man:
They have disfranchised ten millions of our j
own race and blood. |
They have trampled under foot the great vital
principle of free government; that taxation and
representation should be inseparable.
They have deprived the President of his con
stitutional authority and power, and created in
the place of the three departments an over
shadowing usurpation in the form of a Congres
sional oligarchy.
They have inflicted eternal disgrace upon the
country by the murder of an innocent woman,
through such devil’s instruments as Holt and
Stanton.
They have made a mockery of the ballot iu
Tennessee and Missouri, where innocent men
are murdered through the connivance ot Brown-
low, Fletcher aud their hell hounds.
They have broken every Congressional and
other pledge which they made when they tricked
the country into the adoption and prosecution
of the war policy.
They have let loose a flood of spies and de
tectives over the land, and suborned perjurers to
swear away the lives ot innocent men and wo
men.
They have provoked bloody collisions in the
South, and then fabricated therefrom, through
the instrumentality of paid agents and corres
pondents, infamous lies, with which to fire the
Radical heart.
They have concocted, through such degraded
wretches and black-hearted miscreants as Ashley
and Butler, most devilish plots for the ruin ot
their political opponents.
They have reduced the agricultural and pro-
aucing portion of the country to a state or tribu
tary vassalage to the manufacturing monopolies
of Puritania.
They are now engaged in a deep conspiracy
to change the form of our government and re
duce the North to the same, condition as the
South.
Such are the acts, such the designs of the
Radical partj’.
From the New York World.
Reaction aud Returns.
We are prone in these days of steam and the
telegraph to boast of our extraordinary facilities
in the speedy reception and transmission of im
portant news; but from this silence of the Tri
bune and other Radical journals hereabouts, we
are inclined to think tiiat, even with their boast
ed “enterprise,” they have not heard lrom Maine,
or Vermont, or California, or any other State in
Which elections have been held ot late. To be
sure, the Tribune, which has lately received “let
ters” in four days’ time from San Francisco, ex
pects some time in the course of the autumu to
receive “actual figures from the Goldeu State,”
which will materially abate the Democratic dis
position to shout, over the returns already given.
It should be remembered, however, that the tele
graph agencies are nearly everywhere in Radical
hands; that tbe most favorable show tor that
side has been sent over the wires first; and it is
a fact that iu every recent instance, in Maine and
California particularly, the additional returns
from day to day have been in lavor ot the
Democrats. The gains have been greater
ever than were at first reluctantly reported
by the telegraphic agents. While the Tribune
is waiting for the “actual figures” from Cali
fornia, we will refresh its memory by repeating
the returns received already : la California the
Democrats have gaiued 26,000 votes ; they have
gained 5,000 votes in Vermont; 14,000 in Maine;
and, within a few months, they have also gained
11.000 votes in Connecticut; 20,000 in Kentucky •
2.000 in Rhode Island; 5,000 in New Hamp
shire; and 1,000 in Montana—in seven States
and one Territory, 84,000 votes. The gains in
single States—for instance in Maine, in Connecti
cut, and in California—are relatively far greater
than will be necessary to carry Ohio, Pennsylva
nia, and New York for the Democracy. In the
last election for Governor in Ohio, in. 1865, the
Radical majority was only 29,926, and the negro
suffrage issue presented in this fall’s canvass, the
Tribune predicts, will cost the Radical patty
“many thousand” votes. A change of 15,000
voles will enable the Democrats to carry Ohio;
a change of less than 7,000 votes in New York
will secure the same result, while iu Pennsylva
nia a change of less than 9,000 is necessary.
With only these gains the Te-action will be less
manifest in these three States than it is in Maine,
Connecticut or California.
The Election.—It will be seen that General
Pope has ordered an election in this Slate, for
or against a Convention as the vote will show,
to commence on the 29th ot October, and the
polls to be kept open for three days. Perhaps
there may be orders from higher quarters to
have the election at a later period, allowing those
who come under the Amnesty Proclamation to
register. That remains to be seen however.
The idea of Gen. Pope in voting by districts,
is something new and uncalled for, and to our
mind savors of an intention to embarrass the
white voters of the State. The old system is the
only true and correct one, and freer from fraud.
In looking over the Comptroller General’s report
we see that the number of polls given in by
white and black for the counties of Chatham,
Bryan and Eftiugham was in 1866,4,338. Under
Gen. Pope’s order that district is entitled to eight
delegates. In the 34th district, composing the
counties of Gwinnett, DeKalb and Henry the
full poll was 4,218, entitled to only five delegates.
Registration may have developed strange facts
and multiplied numbers wonderfully, but the
public is in tbe dark. It would have been well
to have given to the public, and for the good of
the State, the registration list, and the tax re
ceivers hereafter would be advised as to the
numbers and names in the different counties.
If a protest tie worth anything on our part, we
protest against this new innovation as to the
mode of calling or voting for a Convention. It
don’t look right ami it will not work right.—
Milledgeville Recorder.
Affair at Union Springs—Keffeu Shot
at.—From a private letter, shown us by a friend,
we learn that there was a public meeting at
Union Springs, Ala., on Saturday last. The
“scoundrel” Keffer made one of those infamous
speeches which would have become the “stinkec”
on this side ol the liver, who, with $10,000 in
hand and $3,000,000 to back him, can’t pay one
day’s hotel bill at a country town. Kefler’s har-
rangue was supported by a negro named Speed,
aud was forcibly replied to by Colonel Peebles
and Major Daniel, of Bulloch county. A large
number of n.-groes wire present. About dark
of the same dav, as Keffer was leaving town to
visit one Black, a Radical, he was shot at, and
tbe ball grazed his skull, producing ooly a slight
wc’ind. Abont nine o’clock lie returned and
pointed out ifr. Green Andrews as ttie person
who had shot at him. Andrews was arrested
and placed in confinement. The next morning
the “Leagues,” all armed, had reached the out
skirts of the town, when they were met by the
Marshal who told them they would not be allow
ed to enter the place, as the citizens were well
armed and would prevent it. Wiiat their object
was is not stated. T wo Leagues were dispersed
or surrendered ; the remaining one was, at the time
of writing, encamped under the “ bluff. ’ No
excitement in town.
At Keffer’s meeting a large number of negroes
carried arms. Keffer made theui stack weapons
near the spmker’s stand. Can’t the “stink-e’
ot Columbus help KerfV-r tj excite the negroes
and diet mb all order and law ? That’s ttxe- mis
sion ot each Radical.—Columbus Bun.
An old man an<J, Wbman, who have for years
sold apples and nuts in Spruce street, under the
shadow of the Tribune building, are to-day worth
$50,000 or $60,000 apiece, while not one of the
writers of that journal, unless a stockholder, has
much more than enough to bury him decently.
Tite Boston Post says: “ The steel of a hoop-
skirt, a gaiter, and a grease spot were iound on
the sidewalk ot one of our streets yesterday.—
It is supposed that a lady unfortunately’ melted,
and these were her remains.”
Some years since Mr. Thomas Winams pro
cured a buck and doe for his place, near Balti
more, These, in time, increased until the herd
of deer numbers fifty-two, all iu fine condition,
and completely domesticated. The whole herd
Mr. Winams now presents to Druid Hill Park.
Henry Smith, of Whitestone, Long Island,
accidentally dropped a cup into a cistern last
Tuesday, aud while fishing for it he hooked fast
to the clothing of liis little boy, who had beeu
missing for an hour or two. This was the first
intimation the father had that tlie boy was
drowned.
C clerk in New Haven, Conn., named Cbas.
W. Snow, has engaged in the elopement busi
ness on an extensive scale. On Tuesday last he
left for parts unknown, taking along with bin .# 4 -*
two charming ladies,. Mrs. Read and Miss Min- ,
nie M. Morley, both of Bridgeport.
Hon. John J. Tallmadge, the Democratic
candidate for Governor, was two years ago
chosen Mayor of Milwaukee on the people’s
ticket, aud the ensuing year was re-elected by
the vote of both political parties combined. He
has been tho warm friend of the soldier, and
contributed largely to the support of the Union
army.
The Three oldest members of the New
York Slate Convention are millionaires aud
Democrats—Erostus Corning - , of Albany ; Judge
Strong, of Suffolk—each aged seventy-five, and
McGee, of Schuyler, age seventy-three. The
ages of the three exceed 228 yeats. They are
all clear-headed, able men.
An old lady iu the town of Farmingtou,
Wisconsin, recently from Germany, has lain some
three months in a chamber without any medical
atteudance or otherwise, and one of her feet has
rotted entirely off. Her case was made known
by accident to some 61 the neighbors, and a phy
sician was sent for. He represents her recovery
very doubtful.
A party of travelers who have been exploring
along the Yellow Stone river in tbe Northwest,
report that on eight miles of the country there
are the most wonderful volcanic appearances,
blue flames issuing from theground accompanied
by a strong whistling sound, craters abounding
in every direction, and streams ot molten brim
stone. Hell was the name they gave their newly
discovered country. Isn’t this the same hell the
Western papers reported that Thad, Stevens and
Brownlow were establishing?
Tiie Democratic paper at Hamilton, Ohio,
says: “We accept as the truth the Commercial's
assertion that McCoole is a Democrat; no doubt
it he had been a Republican he would have acted
on radical principles, and when he had t he rebel
Jones down, and completely defenseless, he
would have spit in his face, jumped upon his
helpless body, and ended by ‘going for his pocket-
book.’ ”
Two ingenious fellows are driving a thriving
business in Fulton county, Illinois. One of them
makes his appearance at a farm-house and sells
them some very cheap calicoes, ginghams, &c.,
really excellent goods. He then produces some
appaiently fine broad-cloth, but really shoddy,
which he sells at a high figure.The cheat is soon
discovered, when his accomplice comes along,
and buys up everything that has been sold at a
nominal price.
A frightful accident occurred at the Ravine
Bridge, Ottowa, Illinois, a few days ago. Mr.
Dent was on the bridge in a buggy, wheu he
was met by Mr. Dennis Haly, driving towards
him. Haley undertook to back out, to let Dent
pass, but in doing so backed off the bridge at
the east end, precipitating himself, horses, wagoD,
wife and three children into the ravine, twenty
feet below. Mr. Haly had an arm and rib bro
ken ; a little girl had a gash cut in her head ;
Mrs. Haly, with an infant in her arms, was
caught in the top of a tree, and was rescued un
hurt ; another child escaped without injury, and,
strangest of all, the horses escaped unhurt.
TnE Times of India gives the following de
scription ot the envelope and the letter it con
tained, which the King of Burmah recently
sent to the Viceroy: “The ornamental scroll on
which the letter was written was placed in an
ivory tube about eighteen inches in length, and
rather over two inches in diameter; the surface
was marked in circular flutings, and the case was
closed with a properly fitting top made to screw
This ivery tube was encased in a covered
cloth ot gold, and that again in a case or bag of
thick crimson silk. His auriferous Majesty could
not brook the notion of such a magnificent mis
sive being sent by the common dalk alODg with
a multitude of quartertola chits for half an anua
each, so the royal letter was sent to Rangoon in
one of the King’s o wn boats specially chartered
for the purpose.”
The Indians.—The St. Louis Republican's
correspondent with the Indian Commissioner^
writing from Omaha under a recent date, says
an officer who has just arrived after traversing
tbe country from Big Horn river, estimates the
hostile Indians of the North at 22,000, most of
whom are under the savage Red Cloud, the
Chief of the upper Brule Sioux. Several hos
tile tribes are now concentrated about Rose
Brule, on the Northern slope of the Rocky Moun
tains, between Forts Phil. Kearney and C. F.
Smith. Red Clond is reported by Iron Bull to
have said, “We don’t want peace, because when
we are at peace we are poor; now we are rich.
Large numbers of Indians congregated at
Fort Rice to meet the Peace Commissioners on
their trip up the Missouri river, and were greatly
disappointed when they learned the Commis
sioners were obliged to turn back.
A letter from Fort Lamed gives an account of
a council between Colonels Murphey, Butterfield
and Wynkoop and Satarlee, head chief ot the
Kiowas, on the lOtii. Satarlee professed the
greatest friendship for the whites, and promised
to send runners to the different Southern tribes,
calling them to council with the Peace Commis
sioners in October.. Medicine Lodge Creek was
thepoint determined on as the place for the
grand council to be held with the Peace Com
missioners.
Severe Sentence of a Court Martial.—
The sentence of Captain Charles Frederick
Brown, Thirty-Seventh United States Colored
Two negro os were recently appointed on the
Shreveport police.
Brown was tripd on the charges of selling the
property of the United States and appropriating
to Lis own use the proceeds of tbe sales. IIo
was found guilty, and sentenced to be dishonor
ably d smisseff the service, with loss of all pay
unci allowances now due or hereafter to become
due; to lie foreverdisqualified to hold any office
ot trust or profit under the government; to pay
a tine of two thousand dollars, aud to be impris
oned in Fort Macon, North Carolina, until the
tine is paid; ami that the name and place of
abode ot the criminal, and the sentence, be pub-
li !; in l newspapers ot the States of Massa-
j ebuaftts and North Carolina. In approving the
sentence, tire-Secretary of War announces that
Captain Brown ceased to be an officer of the
United States Army on the 31st ultimo.