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UJrrhli) JttfeUigfiirrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, October IQ. 1807.
Letter from Gen. J, B. Gordon on tbe
Political Situation.
INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE.
icy been pursued by the North.it would have, must be silent, when in conflict, with the Con j Jif£f|’/ffieda^gereTwbuffi threaten youth^ale fcmaie. Irom l J?j ^"aman
stimulated industry and enterprise/given hope to j stitution, which is the statutory law, of these liberlies ' I one learning its letters to the ^ —J ^ S
General J. B. Gordon :
Dear Sir—Will yon
favor us with your
Dr. H. XI. Tucker’* AUdreea.
We invite public attention to the address of
Doctor Tccker, which appears in this issue of
the Intelligencer, and especially do we invite,
at the request of the author of the address, the
attention of the Georgia Press to it. A more
practical, chaste, and eloquent production, on a
subject in which not only the present generation
inhabiting our State, but future generations also,
are deeply interested—that of Education—we
have rarely, if ever read. It cannot but make a
favorable impression upon the public mind, and
especially upon the minds of those who are en
gaged in the instruction of the youth of our State,
from the Presidents of our colleges down to the
humblest teacher in the academies and “ Old
Field Schools’ thereof.
Clrcnmventlon or God.
The Springfield Republican, referring to the
reconstruction enactment ment of Congress—and
the Springfield Republican is, as its title indicates,
not only a republican paper, but one of the ablest
in New England—says that they are failures, be
cause “ Congress" had “ tried to circumvent God."
There is truth and farce in the declaration. Says
the Augusta Contitutionalist—" When God has
made an inferior humanity, man cannot undo the
work of Providence, and when God has ordain
ed that this inferior humanity shall be subordi
nate, vain man shall never successfully mock
Him by attempting to degrade the superior and
elevate the servile. It is this frantic effort for
ihe meanest of all party ends, that has finally
disgusted the honest masses of the North and
brought the Congress and its adherents to the
pillory of public opinion.”
There can be no worse evil, says the Boston
Post, “befall either the country, or the Southern
negroes, who are expected to hold the balance of
power in the country, than their drilling by
Radical party-men, and the mustering of them
into secret leagues, orders, and associations. No
party of real lreedom and progress requires to
stoop to any such ignoble device as that. We
have been told that the Southern blacks are de
graded by servitude, and need nothing so much
as education ; it is safe to conclude, then, thai
they requ re far different teachings from any
they will receive in these midnight leagues an j
lodges in which they are being initiated. The
black man likes mystery and secrecy. To ex
pect to enlighten him in respect to his first du
ties as a citizen, and to qualify him for the propei
use of the elective franchise, by dragging him
into dark caucuses which teach nothing but par
tisan catch-words, inculcate no duty of a
higher character than that of imitation, and
drill In nothing but tbe right responses to
party questions, is like counting on a crop ol
virtues by pinning ou tbe distinctive badgei-
of tbe Evil One. Tbe negro stands rather in
the place of a ward, of whom the ruling powei
in the Slate is the natural guardian. That haF
been the favorite theory with Republicans in
days past. But now he has become a full
blown citizen ; not simply the equal, but tbe
superior of the white man who has given to the
community in which be dwells all the cbarac
ter and wealth it ever enjoyed. It is not to
be wondered at, seeing to what an extern
partisan whippers-in are carrying this matter
that the Southern white population so gener
ally express their preference for a continuation
.of uaked military rule over the negro supremacy
which promises to be entailed through a Con
vention system.”
The reader will see in the foregoing, how the
Republican and Democratic presses of tbe North,
are beginning to agree in their views of tbe ne
gro in the South, and in their view of what
radical republicanism will bring upon the whole
cpuutry, and to what its exactions upon, and op
pression of, the South, will reduce it. Hence,
the days of radical supremacy, judging from the
recent elections in Pennsylvania and in Ohio,
may be considered as rapidly approaching its
end. It 1ms endeavored “to circumvent Ood," and
it takes no prophet to foretell its doom.
New York State Democratic Platform.
Let all true Southern men take consolation,
the rescue is at hand. Connecticut, California.
Pennsylvania, Ohio; nay Northern sentiment
everywhere; comes to the relief of the South.
To our readers, we say, “ faint not iu this hour
of trial,” relief is at hand. Yield not an iota ol
your rights—swerve not an inch from the sol
emn duty which you owe to your wives, youi
children, your race. But a few days ago, we
said to our readers, “daylight is breaking.” It
bus, thank God, broke, and is illuminating the
American Republic from Maino to Texas. He
who dallies now is a dastard, he who sides with
the enemies of constitutional liberty, is forever
lost.
"Breathes there a man with aonl so dead,
Who never to himself hath said.
This is my own, my native land;
Whose thoughts have ne'er within him burned,
As home his footsteps he hath turned,
JF'rom wandering on a foreign strand ?
If each there be, go mark him well.
High though hie title, proud his name,
Whate'er of wealth or wish can claim.
Despite of riches, power, and pelf.
The wretch concentered all In self.
Living, may purchase fair renown,
. But, doubly dying, shall go down.
To the vile earth from whence he sprung,
Lbrwirr, c.nhokokid and vnsunu.”
So be it with those who desert their race, tbeii
own “Sunny South,” and the cause to whicl
they are bound by every tie of appreciative
Southern manhood.
But to the New York Democratic Platform
from which we have been diverted, and especially
to its third section, which reads thus:
3. That we denounce the efforts of the radical
party to retain the power it has usurped by es
tablishing negro supremacy in the South by
military force, coupled with the disfranchisement
of the mass of the white population, as an out
rage upon democratic principles, and an at
tempt to undermine and destroy the republic,
and that we stigmatize the refusal of that party
iu this State to submit tlie question of negro
suffrage to the people as a cowardly evasion ol
a paramount issue iu the pending struggle.
While in the North; iu the great State of New
York; we see such denunciations of radical
measures, is it not humiliating to see in the
South—to see here in Atlanta—Southern men
affiliating with that despicable radical party?
But so it is, and “pity ’tis, ’tis true 1 ” Ye “twink
ling 8'ars bide your diminished heads!” Ye de
serters of your homes, your altars, and your fire
sides, seek not to attain the confidence of your
people. Your influence over them has passed
away forever.' While Northern men, and West-
allowing us to make such disposition of the
same as we may think best, and oblige
Yours respectfully,
D. F. Hammond,
Wm. Ezzard,
D. P. Hill,
*T. L. Hopkins,
G. M. Lawton.
Atlanta, Oct. 11,1867.
To Meters. D. T. Hammond, Wm. Ezzard, D. P. Hill.
Jno. L. Hopkins, Geo. M. Lawton:
Gentlemen—I Lave yours of to-day, asking my
“ views on the political situation of the coun-
try,” Ac. I have hitherto abstained from taking
any part in political discussions; but by request,
wrote, on my return from a recent visit to Penn
sylvania, a letter to a Congressman from that
Slate, which embraces my political opinions, a
copy of which is at your service.
I am, Gentlemen, most respectfully,
your obedient servant,
J. B. Gordon.
Atlanta, Oct. 11, 1867.
Atlanta, Oct. 3,1807.
Hon. John D. Stilee, M. C., Alientown, Penns; - is :
Mv Dear Sir—Duriug my recent .. it to
your beautiful section, you complimeuted me by
asking my opinions upon the political questions
which distract the country. I had not then an
opportunity of unfolding them as fully as I de
sired, nor will the pressure of business engage
ments permit me now to give you much more
than a synopsis of the points I would g'adly dis
cuss.
I have not hitherto felt the degree of despond
ency common to our people. I have not per
mitted myself to believe that the political night
which seems now to thicken, would be succeeded
by no morning; that the unfriendly Federal leg-
slation—which has depressed and discouraged
our people more than their extreme poverty;
which has made the present so cheerless and the
future so appalling; which robs the day of its
snergy and the night of its sleep; social inter
course of its enjoyment and paralizes the arm of
mterprize—would be sustained by the honest
masses of the North, when they had learned,
ihrougli social and commercial intercourse, and
ither sources, that such legislation is unnecessary
is precautionary measures against revolution,
ind especially when they had begun to realize,
*3 they sooner or later must, how inimical to
constitutional government among themselves is
tue spirit of that legislation, which has inflicted
upon us the destruction of private rights, the
prostration of States, and the loss of liberty.—
To be more specific, I have hoped and believed,
and still believe, that the people of the North,
when the passions engendered by the war had
•subsided, and the spirit and sentiment of our
people better understood, would vote out of
power a party whose policy is, wo thiuk, un
justifiably harsh towards us, and tends to destroy
constitutional liberty on this continent.
Are these propositions true ?
I remark that the legislation ot the present
Congress is unjustifiable:
1. Because the theory of a dissolution ol the
Union by ordinances of secession, and the pres
ent existence of the Southern States only as con
quered territory—the theory upon which the
Sherman bills are sustained—is totally inconsis
tent with the avowed and universally recognized
object and logic of war waged by t he North.
Let us appeal to facts.
The war was one ol theories—waged to en
force diflerent constructions ot the Consttiution
or to define the reserved rights of the States.
A majority of the Southern people asserted
the right of States to withdraw from the Union,
and attempted to exercise that right. A majori
ty of the Northern people denied the right and
went to war, to prevent its exercise. Whatever
may be said in vindication or condemnation of
this eflort of the Soutli to separate from the
North, it is certainly true that the determination
to preserve the Union filled the armies of the
North with volunteers. It was the great rally
ing cry which broke down party differences and
united your people “ The Union, it must he pre
served!" was the language ot your orators.—
Union was inscribed on your banners and en
graved on the swords of your officers. The zeal
of your people was intense, indeed. Your Presi
dent proclaimed, and your highest legislative
bodies most solemnly declared the war waged to
save the Constitution and the Union. Your
looms wove Union prints; aud the skins from
the hares of your forest, were manufactured into
Union hats. Your ministers preached Union
from the pulpit; and I am told, that in one in
stance at least, your very sacramental boards
were spread with the stars and stripes, the em
blem of Union. I mention these facts in no
spirit of reflection; but solely to evidence the
prevalence of this sentiment among the masses
ofthe North. Whatever else, in its progress, may
have been involved in the contest, the preser
vation of the Union was the prime object of the
war, and so continued to its close. It was the
key,note in your “call to arms” and the great
source of your rejoicing alter the surrender.
The officers and men of the Confederate army
will not soon forget, the assurances of the United
States soldiers there, that the war was waged to
prevent a rupture of the Union; and that the
most liberal policy wou'd be pursued by the
Government towards our people. I quote nesrlv
verbatim the language, of a distinguished offi
cer appointed by General Grant, to confer, with
those selected by General Lee, as to the details
>f the surrender, parole &e. He said to me—
The war is over and we must forget the
past. Wc respect the manhood and courage ol
four people and have no doubt, you fought,
:rom convictions of duty, to your State -, but (he
idded with great ent phaeis) the Union must be
preserved.” This spirit of generosity pervaded
Gen. Grant’s entire army. And the Hon. E. B.
Wasliburne of Illinois, the intimate friend ol
President Liucoln, who was present with Gen.
Grant at Appomattox C. H. and with whom I
conversed freely on our way to Petersburg, after
the surrender, assured me that President Liucoln
uimsclt desired to impose no burdens on the
South; but would deal with her people, in a
spirit of the broadest magnanimity. Such I be
lieve to have been the sentiment of the North,
without distinction of party, down to the assas
sination of the President. With these assur
ances, the officers and men of the Confederate
army, returned to their homes, to observe in
good faith the terms of parole—“to obey the
laws of the States"—the States—“where they re-
j our discouraged and poverty stricken people, j States. The power oi the Common must bend, j _ ..
; confidence to capital, commercial and agricultural j before the majesty of the Statutory law. Am 11 that the Constitution, like the “sword
prosperity to tbe whole South, restored the Union 1 not correct in this ? Then under that law—the j on, “^^"^sfrtless power Many of our
indeed, and inaugerated an era of better feeling \ Constitution, no such anomaly exists, or can I people atone time thought thatthe distinguished
v ; CaptaiD of your armies would be a break-water
between them and the extreme men at the North.
i have indulged in the pleasing anticipation, j par^of the population, even at
ot tho likft the ‘*SWOrd Ot Giue- I stl ... /All** men crenel-
views on the political situation of the country, j between the sedans, and of nearer approach to i exist, as a conquered State : under that instm
fi Imriniv lie fry molro enoh ~C ' ’ 1 r . . .
forgetfulness of the past, than it now seems pos
sible to attain.
This brings me to the second reason I propose
to give to sustain the position that the legislation
of the present Congress is unjustifiable, viz: that
the prevalence of a proscriptive spirit iu the
counsels of the nation has prevented the attain
ment of these desired ends.
Thirdly: The bills enacted by Congress for
ment, insurrection may be suppressed : but a
State destroyed—conquered ? Never.
There is therefore then, no justification for
these congressional bills in the position, we
Lave been considering.
Let us go farther. Let us suppose lor the
sake of the argument, that the law, quoted from
Yattell, is applicable to us, however peculiar the
character of our Government, and the laws,
governing the people of the Southern States, ! which control it -, that the war really placed us
out of the Union aud therefore gives the North
the right since the surrender to deal with us as
conquered territory. Will the military bills
then be justifiable V I think not; lor although
the general government, may upon this sup
position dictate the terms, upon wich the con
quered (?i States may be readmitted into the
Union, yet she is bound to impose only such
are avowedly “ outside the Constitutionor
else sustained by their advocates, on the ground
that these States are conquered territory aud
therefore subject to such disabilities and exac
tions as the conqueror may choose to impose.
Let us examine. The Southern States are eith
er in the Union or out. If out by their own
act, then I am free to admit, they are conquered
territory. But if out, by what process did they
go out? * By ordinances ot secession? If these,
per se, carried the States out, then they must
have been lawful—constitutional or in accord
ance with reserved rights. Otherwise they were
null and void. But if lairful—if these States, in
adopting these ordinances, exercised a constitu
tional or reserved right, upon what plea can the
North justify the act of war? If, I say, these
States only exercised a right (and it was a right
it really the ordinances of secession did iu fact
carry them out of the Union,) then was the
North not excusable in going to war to prevent
the exercise of a right. It cannot be claimed
that the North fought in self-defense, for the
South did not propose to attack the North or the
General Government, but simply to withdraw,
and in withdrawing to pay her portion ofthe
national debt, &c. Now upon this theory, that
the South is really out of the Union by seces
sion, it seein6 to me that the logical conclusion
is inevitable that war by the North was unjusti
fiable—every file lost, an unjustifiable sacrifice,
if not murder—every dollar’s worth of property
destroyed, an unjustifiable waste, it not robbery.
Understand me. 1 do not assume such a posi
tion. I am endeavoring to show the logical con
sequences of such premises. Now if the war
by the Government was itself unjustifiable, then
a fortiori, the burdens laid upon the South,
who, by this theory, did no wrong—burdens
consequent upon the war—are still less justifia
ble.
I have the best reasons for saying that at one
time since the surrender, Gen. Grant had faith
iu the integrity and honesty of purpose of the
South, as he had respected the valor ot h*-r sons
on the field. He could not fail to know, that the
same instincts of chivalry which bade her fly to
arms in defence of what she conceived to be her
threatened rights, binds her to observe, the obli
gations imposed by her defeat. It the same gen
erous impulses actuate him uow, he will save the - oBffiwili
South from destruction, and restore the Consti- and w 1
tution, with peace, quiet, and confidence, to the
country. What higher ambition could inspire
him ? To bring order out of chaos; to bring
back the better days of the Republic, would
give him a place by the side of V ashington. Let
him hold in his hand the Constitution, over this
boiling political as the sea-god his trident, and
command “peace be still," aud the waves will obey
him, and we shall have a great calm.
Let mo, in conclusion, my dear sir, sc*, at rest.
... I as far as the mere assertion of one who has
exactions, as are not antagonistic to morality j opportunities to know the sentiments of our
and justice, and such as are “countenanced by
reason and conformable to humanity."
The law of humanity may be said to vary' with
the character ot the people to whom it is applied.
What are humane exactions from an uncivilized,
barbarous nation, might be the essence of cru-
eltv, when demanded of a highly cultivated, hon
orable, and spirited people. To pass laws in
tended to give equal social position to all classes
of a people, among whom intelligence gave no
rank and virtue no distinction, would be no vio
lation of the laws of humanity; but to center by
civil rights bills, privileges on the ignorant and
vicious, which intelligent society has a right to
deny, is not humane to a people who can feel the
sting of the attempted degradation. Terms of
settlement might have been imposed, with jus
tice, upon defeated Mexico, tor instance, which
would not lie jnst to us, and for the reason, that
the South, iu attempting to withdraw from the
Union, for which she was attacked and overpow
ered, felt—sincerely felt—that she was exercising
a right. She is therefore entitled to unusual
kindness, respect, aud consideration.
The best definition of humanity is probably
this: “A disposition to treat with tenderness,
those who are helpless and defenseless.” Is it
humane to the “helpless and defenseless,” but in
telligent, whites ot the South to legislate them
out of power and subject them to the control of
t the ignorant and easily beguiled blacks? Is it,
■ on the other hand, humane to the blacks to con-
people, can do it, the question what wifi our peo
ple do if disappointed in the hope of relief from
the North, and these grevious burdens are in
creased ? Will she attempt armed resistance?
Nonsense. She will avoid the folly ot defying
power, as she would have the North despise the
meauness of insulting her weakness. But if ever,
with her own finger, she iraces “dishonor in the
ashes of her slain heroes, some power, mightier
than her own will, must control her nerves and
guide her hand. Nor will she consent to sign
her own death warrant and name her former
slaves as her rightful executioners. It perish she
mu3t, as Tennessee has perished, she will wel
come rather, the epitaph of the Martyr, than
that ot the Suicide.
#•*•*****■*
I am, mv dear Sir, very truly yours,
J. B. Gordon:
No, sir; there is but one reasonable solution • fer upon them privileges which they have not
of difficulty and that is in a nut-shell. The South ! the intelligence to exercise for their own welfare
believed siie had the constitutional or reserved i —to excite in them hopes of power which can-
right to withdraw—the North denied—war en- not be realized, except at the cost of the good or-
eued—the North was victorious aud enforced i der and peace of the whole community—to
lier construction of the Constitution and reserv- I arouse in them passions which they have not the
cm men, are bravely battling for your rights,
you desert the cause of your own people, and j side”—aud obligations imposed by the defeat ol
betray them to their enemies. There is, and
never will be pardon for sin.so odious, so enor
mous.
Change* In the Cabinet.
Ihe Nashville Gazette of the 19th instant,
*avs that " Senator Patterson, the President’s
Non-in-law, staled publicly Wednesday night
that Ex-Governor Seymour will succeed Seward.
From a similar source it is learned that Frank
P. Blair, Jr.. Gen. McCleraand and Gen. Ewing
are named lor the War Office. 3Ir. Johnson
has failed to make the use he wished ot General
Sherman. For Secretary McCulloch’s place
ure several names mentioned. Messrs. Black
and Cowan are mentioned as the representatives
of Pennsylvania. New York prefers and will
ask for the Treasury Department, and will give I
itie Slate Department to Pennsylvania. Gen- !
eral Howard is expected to be assigned to a ;
command in Texas or on the plains, and Judge '
llolt is to be disposed of in the same way. The |
c lerks in the Departments who still remained
true to their Radical principles are very nervous,!
and fear discharge.”
The Virginia papers report heavy frosts in
diflerent sections of that State. It is feared the
tobacco crop 1ms been Injured.
.he theory of secession. They spoke in terms
of appreciation of the courtesy and magnani
mity of tbe Union army; and urged our people
’ to return to their allegiance to the Federal Union.
Even after the assassination of the President, by
a crazy stage-player, which seemed to be the un
fortunate occasion for an “about lacc" of tbe
whole North, the South still felt an abiding as
surance that the return to their homes, of the
brave men who had fought under Gen. Grant
and Sherman, would greatly modify, the bitter
tone of the victorious North towards a brave
and honorable, but non-resisting and unoffend
ing people
In view of these notorious facts, is it not true
that the theory upon which the legislation of
Congress, of which the South complains, is sus
tained. is totally inconsistent with the avowed
and universally recognized object and logic of
the war waged by the North—therefore inconsis- !
tent with tbe obligations ot the- victorious to the i
vanquished—if not with the implied terms of sur- j
renuer—therefore u njustfiaSU.
Let me here make a remark, the correctness of;
which 1 have no means of proving, save by an
ed rights of the States—the South accepted the
construction—the question was decided—wheth
er rightfully or wrongfully it is idle to discuss—
the South had not made good her act of seces
sion, the States were still in the Union and should
have been so recognized.
But if these States are not out, by the adop
tion of secession ordinances, are we not then all
traitors and rebels ? By no means. But how recon
cile this difficulty? Thus: Tbe question of the right
to withdraw, whether constitutional or reserved,
was an open one—a debatable one. The affirm
ative was maintained, by some of the ablest de
baters in the country, from the inauguration ot
the government; audio every section of the
Union from Massachusetts to South Carolina—
from Jolm Quincy Adams lo John C. Calhoun.
It had not been—it could not be decided by
polemics, and going to war was a way the Amer
ican people had of discussing and settling it.—
The debate was transferred from the halls of
Cougre.33 to the fields of battle. The argument
was opened at Manassas and closed at Appo
mattox Court House. The chief debaters were
Grant and Lee. Grant’s arguments were the
weightier, and, in the surrender, Leo acknowl
edged their force. During the war, the question
was simply in process of settlement—in abeyance.
No decision was made till the surrender. It was
then settled (and rightlully nothing else was set
tled) that in future—not previously—but in fu
ture, the construction of the Constitution is, “it
perpetuates the Union.” The North had then
the right demand of the South to incorporate as
a part ol the written Constitution, “no State
shall secede from l he Union.” Indeed, it may
be said to be now written, iu the capitulation of
the Southern armies—written indelibly with the
ink used by the Medes and Persians. It had not
been written before—hence no law—hence the
act of the South was not illegal. It is not a
crime to carry concealed weapons before a law
prohibiting it is put upon the statute books of the
State. It was not a crime to secede—not a
crime to acknowledge allegiance first to one’s
State, until so declared by statutory enactment—
by the fundamental law—by the Constitution.—
But such a law did not exist until the Constitu
tion was so construed by the result of the war.
The law was not declared, hence we could not
:sin against law—hence no treason, no rebellion.
Now, by the result of the war, the law is that no
State shall secede ; and if in future we attempt
it, we shall violate law and be guilty of treason.
We are not now guilty of treason—we could not
violate what did not exist, and no intelligent,
honest jury can so fiud. Here, then, is the solu
tion of the whole matter—a solution by which
it is shown that the South have attempted to
withdraw, failed, and yet have committed no
crime ; and the North have gone to war to en
force her construction of the Constitution, and
oomraitted no wrong. Where else will you find
it—how else reconcile difficulties hitherto con
sidered irreconcilable ?
But it is maintained again that as by the law
of nations “civil war breaks tbe bands of Govern
ment"—dissolves the State—the fact of war be
tween the North and South separated us from the
Union, and, therefore, the U.States in overcoming
us, has the right to hold us as conquered territo
ry aud dictate such terms as she may choose for
our auminission into the Union. I grant that
would be the logical sequences of this law given
by Yattel. But without stopping to argue the
proposition which I think true, that this law
here quoted from this writer—viz : that civil war
dissolves the State and places the contending parties
in the position of dijftrent nations—is only appli
cable to wars between parties in a consolidated
government, and intended rather to protect the
weak against cruel exactions and executions for
treason by tbe victors, I {submit a proposition
which is, to my miud, manifestly correct, it is
this, neither YatteU, nor Grotius, nor any other
j writer upon international law, can with proprie-
I ty be quoted to define the relations of the South-
i ern States to the Federal Union. The govern
ment ol the United States is peculiar, and in
many respects, without precedent. Tbe law,
therefore, which will apply to our case must be
peculiar. International law would guide us
aright in our dealings with other nations, and
even be the highest authority in disputes, among
ourselves, if we had no statutory law ; but if all
these writers are consulted by different seekers
after truth, in connection with our own Consti
tution, they will lead inevitably to different and
conflicting conclusions. Hence possibly the in
consistency of the Uoiled States Congress in con
sidering us in the Union for some purposes and
out of it for others. In the Union to ratify or
reject an amendment to the Constitution—out of;
it for the purposes of punishment.
How then shall we settle this question ? I
answer by an appeal to oar Constitution, and to
that alone, as the international law of these
States, our own peculiar law, which .done can
settle correctly, the results of this ^cu-i-tr war.
which grew or* ot rS" yvc-.-V -r frame wotk of
political structure.
International Law, applied to us. bears the |
same relation, to the Constitution, that the e< m
virtue to control?
Is it just to tax, without representation—an ex
action which induced our first revolution, and
is regarded as just cause of war by the liberty-
loving of both hemispheres ?
Is it humane to deprive a people of the right
of trial by juiy, save as a military commander
may agree ?
To ask us, as the price of indemnity from
evils, which discourage uow and blot hope from
the future, to vote the unqualified enfranchise
ment of ignorance and disfranchisement of in
telligence, which cannot be done without self-
abasement—self-destruction ?
To vote unworthy, our best men, which we can
not do without dishonor ?
To subject, without the privilege of defense,
the torture of being branded as “ traitors ”—as
unworthy and faithless, a gallant people, descen
ded from a noble ancestry, and whose blood has
ever flowed freely in the common defense; whose
Washingtons, and Jeffersons, and Henrys, and
Rntleges contributed to the foundations, and
wfiose Clays, an8 Crawfords, aud Calhouns as
sisted in placing the very topmost stones on tbe
column of American glory?
Is it jnst, is it consistent with the dictates of
reason and humanity to hold in subjection, by
the most rigorous laws ever enacted lor the gov
ernment of a civilized people, these Slates who
went to war only In defense of rights they had
the highest authority for believing they possessed,
and whose faithlul observance of assumed obli
gations under the most trying temptations is
without a parallel in history? If not—if any
one of these questions may he answered in the
negative, then these military l>ills are un
justifiable, even by the rulings of international
law, which does not apply—or on tbe supposi
tion that we are conquered States, which I have
shown is impossible.
Again, I think these Bills unjustifiable, be
cause they impose burdens and disabilities on
our people, upon tlie false assumption, that, if
left to their own inclinations, The Southern
whites would deprive tlis blacks of legal rights
and Union men of protection. I say this pre
sumption is in conflict with the truth. Witness
the legislation of these States since the emanci
pation of the blacks. The Southern man is the
natural and genuine friend of the negro; and
tlie negro reciprocates this good will, notwith
standing the harangues of emissaries, who at
tempt to excite the negro at noonday to hate,
and the leagues, which teach him at night, to dis
trust.
As to the danger to Union men, I apprehend
that the statistics of crime, in our midst, would
show that for every Union life taken among us,
since the war, the murders of former Confede
rates might be numbered by the dozen. If the
Union man was not hanged during the war,
when passions ran high, aDd we had a Govern
ment and army to protect us, is it likelv that
such measures would be attempted now, that we
have neither?
Again, sixthly. These Bills tend to elevate the
inferior black over the white, whom God has
made his superior. Witness the history of both
races when free and left to self-government.
Witness also the able opiiron of Prof. Agassiz.
In direc antagonism with the laws of nature
and of God, they are unjustifiable.
Again: They are, in open conflict with the
fundamental principles of the Government, the
existence of a representative republic, and all
the hallowed associations of our entire past.
Lastly on this head, these cannot be justified,
because they present, to the South, or at least to
the large majority, who he’ieve them unconsti
tutional, the alternative of accepting, and thus
consenting to, a violation of the Constitution,
which they have sworn to support; or of reject
ing them and being charged with disloyalty to
the government, and threatened with "further
exactions.
Some of our good men differ in opinion as to
the constitutionality of these bills, and differ, I
think, lor the reasons I gave under my third
head. It has been ably discussed, however, and
I cannot hope to throw any new fight upon it
I dismiss it, therefore, with the remark, it is a
sad commentary on the degeneracy of the times,
that to defend the Constitution of one’s country
should be regarded as treason to one’s govern
ment. This fact is an additional evidence of
the conflict between the Constitution and the
Congress, which, in these latter days, means the
government. For my part, I cannot exactly see
bow we can “serve two masters” of equal au
thority—both sovereign—both supreme and in con
flict—the Constitution and these bills.
And now, very briefly, for my second propo
sition, viz: Tbat the legislation of the present
Congress tends to destroy constitutional liberty.
Many arguments, used to sustain my first pro
position, would be equally forcible, in the dis
cussion of this. I will add to them but one sug
gestion. Military Governments destroy liberty
Address of tlie fieorgla Teacher*’ Asso
ciation to the Public.
By order of the Georgia Teachers’ Association,
at its session in Atlauia on the 21sl of August
last, it was made the duty of the presiding offi
cer to prepare and issue an address to the public,
explaining the leading objects ol the association,
aud inviting the co-operation of the friends ol
education.
In discharge of this duty, the undersigned, not
without diffidence,yetemboldened by the nature
and source of his commission, and by the belief
that the public mind is prepossessed in favor of
the cause which he represents, respectfully so
licits the attention of liis countrymen.
The object of the association, as expressed in
the words ot its constitution, is “ the diffusion of
knowledge in regard to education.” To devel-
ope the thought that is wrapped up in these
words, and to suggest its corollaries, is by neces
sity, the object of this address.
It will be convenient to regard society as com
posed of three classes. 1. Those whose calling
it is to teach. 2. Those whose privilege it is, or
should be, to be taught. 8. Those who belong
to neither of these classes.
To say that increase of knowledge iu regard
to education, would benefit the first class, is only
to say that the better qualified a man is for his
profession, the greater will be his success. The
success of a teacher is something more Uiat his
mere personal advancement, which is only an
incident of his profession and not the object ol
it; his success consists in the mental and moral
development of his pupils, in supplying society
with valuable membeis, and tue Stale with valu
able cilizens. Thus while it was our intention
to notice at the outset the benefit to the first class
only, the very first glance that we take, shows the
benefit to all. So blended are the interests ot
these classes, that what is a blessing to either,
is a blessing lo each; and in regarding the
parts, it is difficult to restrain ourselves Irom ex
cursive views of the whole. There is peculiar
charm in a theme, all whose blanches are so at
tractive that it is not easy to confine the atten
tion to any one ot them. Endeavoring to disre
gard the spreading nature of the good in view,
we may’ observe that the diffusion ot knowledge
in regard to the science and art of teaching, will
elevate the profession of the teacher, and thus
be a benefit to every member ot it. The greater
the real merits ot the profession, the greater will
be the esteem in which it will be held; and the
position and influence in society' and in the
State, of every teacher will be advanced. There
was a time, not very long ago, when teaching
was scarcely regarded as a profession, but rather
as a trade, and when every teacher was looked
upon with supercilious eye, as one occupying
but a bumble position in life. The very’ lan
guage which we speak, bears evidence of this
undeserved degradation of one of the noblest ol
human callings. Tlie name which ot all others
best describes a teacher—pedagogue—a leader of
children—a name which ought to be one of honor
and esteem, is used only as a term ot reproach
or of contempt. Whether this is because our
predecessors were not appreciated, or whether
they merited the obloquy, let it be ours to make
our profession such a blessing that it will com
mand homage, and so to deserve position, that we
shall make it. A favorable change iu this re
spect has been in progress for years past. Bui
the time ought to come when the name ot teacher
will be a synonym lor honor, influence, and
power. Yet that time ought not to come while
we are ignorant of anything we ought to know.
The diffusion among us ot “knowledge iu regard
to education” will put us in position to hasten
that Say. It is not lor mere personal ends that
we desire position and power; it is only that we
may accomplish the better, and on a larger scale,
the benevolent objects of our vocation. It is iD
doing good that we get good, aud in the promo
tion ot others’ welfare that we enjoy our ow n.
To say that by making our profession more
valuable to the world, we shall increase its emol
uments, is true; but to urge this as a motive,
would be unworthy ol the dignity ot the pro
fession, and it is mentioned only as an incident.
It is legitimate however, to say that no man
can be a true teacher who does not enjoy his pro
fession ; and no man can enjoy it, who does not
discharge its duties well; aud none can discharge
these duties well, unless he knows what ougftt
to be known to every member ot the honorable
brotherhood. Our enjoyment will be promoted,
our zeal stimulated, our efficiency incieased by
an enlargement of our professional ki owledge.
By association with each other, we shall at once
iucrease and diffuse this knowledge. Let us be
brought together that each may' learn from each !
Almost every teacher makes discoveries—dis
coveries which for the most part die with him
self. Let tuia waste be prevented! Let ihe
scattered rays he brought together, and at tlie
focal point there wil! be brighter light, and light
tor all! Tlie best way to diffuse knowledge, is
first to concentrate it. It was an improvement
in creation, when tour days after God said “Let
there be light,” he set the sun in the heavens.
Again : Every teacher tails into errors, of mauy
of which he is forever unconscious, but some or
all of which might be obvious, perhaps to ail .
others, perhaps to only a few. in our assoeia- i
tion with each other, if there should be only one \
wbo sees an error, his clearer view will illuini- ■
nate the minds of a;l; the weakest member of j
the profession will enjoy the counsels of the
best; aud yet the best are not so wise but mat j
they may learn something Irom the humblest ot j
their brethren. In teaching, as in everything
else, many a mistake may he exposed aud re
moved, by bringing mind in coutact wim mind.
There is such a thing as the wisdom of a body
of men, as contra-distinguished from the wisdom
of any individual man. The aggregate know
ledge and experience of all, and the modifica
tions which conflicting or different views exert
upon each oilier, produce an intellectual resul
tant force, similar to the combination of forces
in mechanics, different irom any of its consti
tuent elements, and iu this case, often superior to
them all. The wisdom of the profession is a
different thing from the wisdom ot any member
of it; and even if’it be not superior it is at least
an addition, and every member of the profession
ought to avail himself ol it, aud the world is
emitted to the benefit of it. This great mental
resultant can be attained only by a combination
such as is proposed in the Teachers’ Association.
Duriug the last thirty years, the profeissson ot
teaching has made great advances in all that con-
present; but looking bevond our own gener
ation, it includes the whole population, and net
only so, but the whole populationfior all tone.—
Whatever is to the interest of children 13 to
interest of the race—to the interest of all who
will ever live upon the earth. To legislate or to
act on such an iuterest as this is as important a
thing as men can do in this life.
There are two wavs in which diffusion of
knowledge in regard "to education” may be ot
benefit to children aud youth. 1. The acquisi
tion of knowledge aud culture may be made
easier and pleasanter, aud (2) their education
mav be made more thorough, more extensive,
and more practical. The two subjects are con
fluent and will be treated together, but it may
be observed that the former is quite as important
as the latter. A child comes into the world ut
terly ignorant and with a mind wholly unde
veloped. A huge task lies beiore him. To at
tain trom nothing to the position of a well-edu
cated man, is a stupendous undertaking. Fer-
haps ho man has ever done a greater work. 7
Suppose some plan were devised to relieve this
woik of half its toil, would it not be a great
benefaction ? It is perfectly safe to say, that an
improvement even greater than this lias been
wrought in the last thirty years. A lad can
learn as much ot the Latin language uow in
four years as he formerly could in ten years, aud
with far less wear and tear ot mind and feeling.
Tlie time has passed when a poor boy must
spend years of miserable drudgery on Rudiman s
or Adams’ Latin grammar before he is permitted
to translate a word, or see the application of a
solitary principle that he has learned. Those
who studied Latin lorty years ago, as the writer
did, and who are now acquainted with the im
proved plan of teaching, know very well tlie dif
ference between the old ox-cart system and the
present expeditious system introduced by Dr.
Arnold. The study of Latin and Greek is now
a pleasure ; formerly it was martyrdom.
So too with Arithmetic. Formerly it was the
driest and most repulsive of all studies; years
were wasted uppn it; and when the tedious and
painful process was over, the learner had acquir
ed noihing but a number of rules which he did
not understand, which he was liable and almost
certain to forget, and which when forgotten, left
the poor victim of bad teaching helpless and
unable to perform many such operations of arith
metic as are required by ordinary business. On
the splendid system of analysis now in use, a
youth can be made really master of the science
and art of arithmetic iu a comparatively short
Line; and so beautiful is tlie process, that almost
any youth is charmed with the study, and pur
sues it with delight. Governed by no arbitrary
rules, but basing his calculations on the reasons
of things, tlie/e is no strain upon his memory;
and as long as he retains his understanding he is
prepared fur any emergency in figures that can
possibly arise. Other improvements just as
great have been introduced, but let the two that
have been named suffice.
Now many teachers arc not aware even at the
presen' day of the new and better methods ot
instruction. Shut up to themselves, they have
not kept pace with the times, and their unfor
tunate pupils ure subjected needlessly to the
same malpractice that was endured by their
fathers generations ago. “Diffusion of knowl
edge in regard to education ” would surely be a
priceless boon to these poor children Of misfor
tune and grief. Let tlieir teachers associate
with other teachers who are alive and awake, to
all that is doing, and to all that ran be done to
improve the art of instruction, and their teachers
would soon be taught how to teach, aDd they
—the pupils—with less labor and no torture,
would learu more and learn belter!
Moreover, the art of teaching is still progres
sive, mid iu the next decade, other and perhaps
great improvements will be introduced. Let the
teachers come together, so that as soon as any
one lias learned a^ new aud valuable thing, all
will learn it, and thus the slowest will be brought
up to the speed of the quickest.
Iu the art of disc ipline,as great advances have
been made, as in the art of instruction. Form
erly, the rod mercilessly used, was the only cor
rective of impropriety in conduct, and the only
stimulus to study. No interest in study tor it
own sake was ever excited, no noble principle
was ever appealed to. All depended on the fear
ot the lash. The worst passions ot the hear
were developed by this misguided system, and
the only wonder is, that this was not seen at the
time. As a minor, but still dreudlul evil, tbe
persons of children were outrageously aud wick
edly abused. There are men who wear to this
day the scars of wounds inflicted in those days
of school-boy wretchedness, and schoolmaster’s
tyranny. Those days of semi-barbarism have
passed. A happy reaction has taken place.—
Perhaps the reaction is extreme. Sentiment as
mawkish as it is unscriptural, may have taken the
place of the truculent spirit of former days. It
is to the pupil’s interest that the exact medium
between kindness and severity should be ascer
tained, and that that discipline should be adopted
which will make bis childhood happy, and his
manhood useful. A teacher is not likely to err
on either extreme, who enjoys the society of the
wisest and best of the profession.
So, aho, with colleges. The miserable sys
tem of espionage which ptoduced much disorder
and prevented none, has gone to keep company
wiih the other follies of tlie dark ages. Tbe de
tective system has given way to the preventive.
The appeal to the fear of God, to a sense
of propriety, to a sense' of honor, to a sense
of manliness, and to good breeding, has been
found to be the proper restraint for young
gentlemen. For much of the college-mis
chief ot days gone by, the Faculty were as
much to blame as the students. What were
orCe known as college tricks, and college pranks,
have gone to keep company with tlie degrading
system of detection and cross-questioning which
produced them. Both are buried in one dishon
orable grave. Still, perfection iu college disci
pline is not yet attained, and perhaps never will
be. It is for the student’s interest, that those
whose business it is to study this most impor
tant subject, associate together, and receive the
benefit of each other’s experience aud coun
sel
Under our present system of schools and col
leges, or rather under our present want of sys
tem, a great inconvenience arises from the want
ot adaptation of the schools aud colleges to
each other. Many students enter college win
aie not properly prepared for it. It is'seldom
that any two are prepared alike; and the differ
ence consists not only in the amount but in the
kind of preparation. Each school has its own
text books, and its own methods of instruction,
a id comparatively few of these are exactly such
as will best qualify a student for any ot the col
leges. Tae disadvantage to most students aris
ing from this cause, is one from which they
never can recover in all after life. From irregu
larity and want of method in their early instruc
tion, their scholarship is forever halt and lame.
Tfte same lameness afflicts the colleges them
selves. Between them and the schools there
ought to be an adaptedness ; they should lie as
it were articulated together, so that one will
play into the other smoothly. Owing to this
want ol fitDess and mutual adjustment, we move
on slowly, painiully and awkwardly, as with
ankles out ol joint. If the teachers were brought
togetlier, some understanding might be had, by |
means of which the transition (tom school to'
college would lie natural and easy, and the stu
dent would begin in the one where he left oft in
the other, and his entire education would be but
the carrying out of a single homogeneous sys
tem. Unity of purpose, essential to the highest
-uccess in any undertaking, is especially so in
the irreat work oi education.
The same principle might be carried, in some
places at least, to a still greater extent. Schools
might be so graded that one would be a stepping
stone to the other. First, the primary school,
then tbe grammar school, then the high school,
then the college, and in future generations we
might have what we are not prepared for now—
tbe grand University.
At present there is in Georgia no settled sys
tem of gradations whatever. Adjustment is tbe
exception, not the rule ; for the most part, all is
confused and incongruous. Surelv it is time that
we had decided on some digested' plan of opera
tions, consistent with itself, so that in the great
work of educating our youth we shall enjoy the
advantage of method.
But aside from those wbo teach and those who
are to be taught, society at large will receive
benefit from the “ diffusion of knowledge in re
gard to education.” It must be a satisfaction to
savages, so the greater tbe enlightenment of th
community in general, the greater is the benefit
to any individual member of it.
Aside from all individual interests, the State
as a State, depends for all its future pro«p er j tv
and glory on the “diffusion of knowledge Jq
regard to education”. Without such know ledge
we shall either have no systems of education or
such as we have will be bad. If our children
grow up under such circumstances, they will
not be able to cope with the more favored so a
of other States and countries, and we shall bedri-
taDced in the great race of civilization and
intelligence.
Take a larger view. All tlie property i n t y e
world will soon be in the hands of those who
are now lioys and girls. All the governments in
the world will soon be administered by them. All
interests ot all kinds and grades under the who e
heavens, will soon be under their control. Thev
are to be the proprietors and managers of the
world, not of the world as it now is, but of the
improved world as it will be, when developed in
the next fifty years as it has been in the last
fifty, and when posterity will smile at our doings
as we do at those ot our ancestors. It will be a
great thing to be a man fifty years hence. An
uneducated man then, will be in poor conditim
to meet the responsibilities ot the age, and to
hold his hand in the life-struggle with the ac
complished and well trained men with w’hom the
world will then be filled. Let Georgia be be
hind other States now in the education of her
children, and where will she be then, when the
rest of the world has kept marching on ? As
surely as the weak give way before the strong,
so surely unless we take speedy steps for ad
vancement, will our posterity either disappear
or be menials in the service of their superiors.
It is in vain to boast ot our blood. The no
blest blood is but a poor antagonist to well-de
veloped brain.
All the great future of our children is in the
hands of our teachers. They are the mould in
which the character ot posterity is cast. Our
State will be, decades hence, just what the
teachers of the present day make it. Who are the
important men ? Who above all others should
be consecrated to tbeir profession ? What pro
fession above all others (less than heaven-or
dained) should be sustained at any expense and
at all hazards? What profession above all oth
ers should avail itself of every means, by asso
ciation and otherwise, to attain to tbe highest
development ? What could bk-S9 the world
more than the “diffusion of knowledge in regard
to education ?”
“ The diffusion of knowledge in regard to ed-
uca'ion,” is the object of the “Georgia Teach
ers’ Association.” Will the people of Georgia
sustain it?
In a great work like this there can he no suc
cess without organization. Soldiers organized
into armies are a match for fifty times their
number of mere individual men not acting in
concert. 'i bus does organization multiply
power. Partizans organize to carry
out their purposes; and we have seen
what vvouders a well organized force of a few
determined men can achieve. Even the religion
which came down to us from Heaven, requires
au organization to sustain it. Every grand idea
it it be progressive, and ahove ail it it be aggres
sive, must have its organization, otherwise it will
never be aught else than a mere idea as useless
as a castle in the air. Those who would “ dif
fuse knowledge in regard to education," must
combat ignorance and prejudice w’ith their atten
dant train—stalwart foes that cannot be over
come whoutit organization.
While organized effort is needed for all tbe
purposes in view, it is e9peciallv necessary in or
der to influence legislation. The legislation of
Georgia in regard to education has not been re
markable either for wisdom or for liberality.—
There has been moral power enough in the
State for years, to have brought about a dif
ferent result, but that power lias been scattered
and therefore wasted. Let the friends of educa
tion organize their forces, and in due time, they
will accomplish the noble and philanthropicendB
which they propose ! Our legislators will be ed
ucated up to the point of liberal action, and the
people will be educated to sustain them in it.
No organization has been proposed nor sug
gested, other than the Georgia Teachers’ Asso
ciation. L is not likely that anything better can
be suggested than a union of those men who
aboye all others, are chiefly interested in the ob-
j< cts proposed. Will the people sustain the en
terprise ?
Let it not be said in disparagement of our ef
forts, that we are over-sanguine Ol results! We
weli know that all great letoims proceed slowly.
We anticipate nothing immediate that will he
very astounding. But if it will take time, and
much lime to accomplish our ends, there is the
stronger reason why we should begin at once
Nor are we carried away with the belief that we
•hall ever accomplish all that we desire. It will
not be surprising if in many respects we fall
short. But having made up our minds in ad
vance, to submit in this, >n everything else, to
t le imperfectious ot all that is human, we are
none the less hopeful rliai a degree ot success
may be attained which will fully rervard our
effort s.
It is thought pertinent respectfully to suggest
tbe following inquiries to certain classes specifi
cally :
1. Is it not the duty of every teacher fa
Georgia to unite with the association both
for the sake of what lie may contribute to
it and for tlie sake of what he may get from it;
and having united with it, is it not the duty of
each to meet the obligations thereby incurred
with fidelity and zeal ?
2. Is it not the duty of patrons of schools to
encourage teachers in their employ to attend the
meetings of the association ; to give them time
for this purpose, and to pay tlieir expenses in so.
doing? Time spent by the teacher in this way'
is not lost to your children—it is gained for
them; the delay is not a hindrance to their edu
cation, it is wings to it. The expense i9 really
not an expense, it is only an investment.
3. Ought not endowed institutions to require
9ome, at feast, of their officers to attend, and to
defray the expenses incurred ?
4. As travel and intercour.-e are greatly pro
moted by education, is it not to the interest of
ra lroads (to say nothing of patriotic consid
erations) to make transit to and from the associ-
aiion as cheap as possible?
5. As the press is indebted for al! that it has,
and for all that it is or will be, to the intelligence
of the people, would it not he as much to tlie in
terest of publishers, n9 it would be in keeping
with their characteristic liberality, to lend their
aid in all possible ways to the enterprise?
6. As it is the duty of statesmen to have regard
to all times as well as to the present time, would
it not he wise for our legislators, if we should
ever have any, to cherish and foster an organiza
tion, which perhaps more than any other, may
control the destinies of future Georgia?
7. Ought not all the people of Georgia to give
a hearty moral support, and, if need be, support
of every other kind, to those wlio have com
bined lor the “diffusion of knowledge in regard
to education ?” What call is louder than this?
What interest is superior? What bears more
strongly on all our real interests, both present
and prospective ? What has less of visionary
theory about it? What is more intensely prac
tical ? What so important ? What so vitalf
All has not been said that might hi ve been
said, but the case is respectfully laid beiore tlie
people, and awaits their verdict.
PHILADELPHIA CORRESPONDENCE.
[special to the intillic ejtceb.]
Philadelphia, Oct 9,1867.
stitutea merit aud usefulness. How much oft his j parents to know that judicious treatment has
may be attributed to tlie tact,that it is chiefly with
in that time that teachers have formed themselves
taken the place of the injudicious; that their
children are well taught instead of being badly
—this is axiomatic; and it seems to be "a correl- j i Dto societies, it is impossible to say ; but no one i taught, or not taught at all; that the influences
lative truth, that the Legislature and Executive, j
which impose such a Government, upon one
section of the same country, can not long save
can doubt that this has been one of tlie causes
which have resulted in good. We shall be false
to oar profession if we neglect any of the means
liberty in the other. A representative republic i of its advancement, and especially if we ignore
cannot consistently enact laws one day, to hold I s ° important and prominent a means as this. It
as conquered subjects a portion ot its citizens,
and the next day, declare, as its fundamental
law, that the just powers ot a Government are
derived from the consent of ihe governed: can
not continue long to enforce despotism with its
eannot be supposed that a teacher who stands
aloof from his fellows, aud who knows nothing
except as the result of his own personal, and,
therefore, limited observation, is equal to one
who is versed in ail tbat is known to the proles-
right hand and republicanism with its left. It sino. Suppose all the teachers of a State to
would be as consistent, in a machinist, to at- pursue this isolated life, how interior would they
tempt to drive the pulley ot a steam engine, in
two opposite directions, at the same time.
Government must soon emerge from these troub-
l‘ s, '* ftb a restored Constitution, with its bnr-
d-os ami benefits alike for all—or else, with the
C.nstitution and liberty lost.
Will Dot the good sense of the American peo
ple enable theni to appreciate this truth ? I think
so. Hence my Lope. We shall soon wrness
from the shoni of the Pacific, to the Atlantic—
brought to bear upon them are not pernicious
to mind, manners, and morals, as was once the
case, but beneficial to all; that they are not ex
pending their money, often 60 hardly earned, for
naught, but that the instruction received fe
w orth ten thousand times what it costs. Let
“ knowledge in regard to education” be “ dif
fused,” and those who now have inferior and
half-worthless teachers will eventually have
good teachers, and they may find it easier and
feiS expensive to support good schools then*
than it is to support the poorest now 1
A great pecuniary saving may result in another
be to tbe teachers oi another Slate, who had
The availed themselves ot ail the quickening and en- respect from tbe association ot teachers. From the
oub- urging influences of association ; and how dif- mutual understanding which will ensue, we may
ferentihe Slate itself would be even in tlie flr~t
generation, and how much rr-w diff-.-ren* in gen
erations to come ?
But let us tum our attention to tb.jse wfcoare,
who ought to be taught, and see in what re
approximate at least, to uniformity in text books,
and thus tens or scores of thousands of dollars
iy be annually saved to the patrons of schools.
Those who are not parents and who have
Dotliing to do with schools, colleges, or teachers,
appeal to the unanimous and honest convictions I 010:1 does to U>e Statutes of a State. Inwr- , _ „
of our people, that had this expected liberal pol- j national law thep, which is fbe common law, l from the St. Johns, to the St. Lawrence, a cor- j blessing conferred on this class is no small bless- j live among enlightened people than among
spccts “diffusion of knowledge in regard to edu- I will still be benefltted by the diffusion of knowl
cation” will be of advantage to them. Any 1 edge in regard to education." If it is better to
The elections yesterday, in this city, passed off
with unusual quietness; indeed, with the excep
tion of a few arrests for illegal voting, nothing
occurred to disturb a reign of perfect order. Thu
organization of the Democrats was all that could
be wished. Every man was at his post. At the
same time a large number of those who had
hitherto voted the Radical ticket but had become
alarm d at tbe disastrous effects of the policy of
their party upon the country, enlisted on this oc
casion in the “good old cause,” whilst many
who had not voted tor years on any side, with a
solemn appreciation of the momentous impor
tance of the issue, turned out to the rescue of
a Constitution which was being rapidly demolig] -
ed, and to save the natural supremacy of the r
own race from speedy extinction. The result
has been a splendid Democratic victory. The
whole ticket ha9 been carried, and, in several in
stances, by enormous majorities. For sheriff of
this city ther; has been a gain of some 9,000
votes in comparison with the vote of last year.
It is needless to add that the greatest enthusiasm
prevails—an enthusiasm which is intensified by
the immense successes of the party in Ohio and
Iowa. Hearts that once sunk in despair now
beat high with hope of a certain prospect of a
regenerated countiy. Verily, the Democratic
party is “ not dead yet,” or if at any time it was.
it is now rising from its ashes with a glory worthy
of its best days. Will the Radicals, now take
warning, not as regards tbeir present policy’, for
that is doomed to eternal perdition, but as re
gards their own “ reconstruction ” upon princi
ples somewhat in harmony with the hearts and
consciences of the people, and with the very life
of the Republic! C. T. if.
It is complained that the colored laborers on
the Sea Islands will not work. They think thi*
land belongs to them.