Weekly Atlanta intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1865-18??, December 21, 1870, Image 1

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Weekly Atlanta intelligencer., December 21, 1870, Image 1

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Newspaper Page Text‘ERROR CEASE8 TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT ."—Jefferson. VOLUME XXII ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 21, 1870. NUMBER 50 tPreklo Jateiligcncrr KUUl.trdilLJ DALLY AND WEEKLY BY JARED IRWIN WHITAKER, Proprietor. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, December ai, >870. Gkmkral F E Spinnkr, Treasurer ol tbe United Hutoa, will please accept our thanks for a copy ol his Report to the Secretary ol the Treasury for the year 1870. Bo tar as we have examined the report, !t exhibits valuable information and shows the finances ol the Government to be in a healthy condition. Wb call attention to the list of election managers appointed and confirmed by the Geor gia Senate lor the purpose of holding the elec tion on the 20th, 21st and 23d, December 1870, under the late election bill. A low more days and the election will be over, Hinl somebody ili-fuated ; but we presume their comfort will be in being with the majority, as that is generally the side o! success. We trust the black birds in the next Legisla ture will be scarce. fleu. B. U. mil. We publish in this issue ol the Intbi.li- nxscKK the address ol the Hon. II. II. Hill, which appeared in the Chronicle <t Sentinel of the Ilth inaL, to the peoploof Georgia. This address is one ol purpose, and time will no doubt reveal the purpose. Mr. Hill is an able and fsarles* orator and writer, but in this address there is nothing new to the civilian or statesman, unless it bo in his statement where be says, “ and you mint agree with me that the hope ol a change at the North, winch would obliterate those amendrueuta, must bo aban doned.” Just here is the mistake. We do not agree with Mr. Hill, nor will the Democracy agree with him, that there is uo hope ol a change, and that ail hope must be abandoned. To abandon all opposition to the unjust charge of the government of our Fathers, and opposition to negro supremacy, and to give up all hope ol change, which would rcelore the government—and establish the supremacy of the white race—is nothing more than to aban don the Democratic party, and the platform .adopted at Macou In December, 18(17, and tho national platform adopted in New York in July, 1868, and at Atlanta in August, 1870 Willi all due deference to Mr. Hill, we say, there ia hope—and we advise Democrats and all others who are in lavor of bringing about the dicsirablo change, and to perpetuate true consti tutional liberty, to be ol good cheer, and to abide in the good old Democratic ship, and ail will be well in the end, and our children will live to thank aDd rejoice. Address from lion. B. If. IIill on the Sit uation. TO THB PBOFLB OP GEORGIA. The relation I have borne to you during the iast fifteen yean will justify, if not demand this address. I began life with the distinct resolution never to enter public or political station, but to limit the gratification of ambition to professional suc cess. This resolution v&i based upon the as sumption that the integrity of thti government would not be disturbed, and was departed from only when that integrity was brought into question. Entering politics with none but the most unselfish and patriotic desire to aid in pre serving our constitutional union J. was caught in the current which quickened into revolutionary madness on tbo repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, and have since been borne along, every hour vainly but earnestly endeavoring to arrest its wild rush to our ruin. Through all its three stages of secession, co ercion and reconstruction, I have been the zeal ous and consistent antagonist of the revolution, and regarding aa I did the first stage as an error, the second as a crime, and the third as a mon strous usurpation, 1 would not, it 1 could, dis guise from you the fact that the conscious me mory that I opposed all, and am, in no degree, responsible for the consequence* of any, has been to mo a well-spring of joy through all the horrors of the past, and will be a source ol strength lir all the struggles of the lulure. Whatever else be lost, this cousciousness of self sacrifice and devotion to what I believed was right is a treasure of exbaiutless wealth which no power cau destroy and no misfortune can take away. The revolution, at least in its work of violence, let us hope, is at an end. Loaving now out nt view the material and moral devastations sus tained, it is our dnty to ascertain and fix with all possible distinctness, and without passion, the chances wrought by the revolution in our political framework; for these ahanges, though wrought as results are, now to ftocome causes, and, in their time must work results, for good or evil, over all our country lor, perhaps, genera tions to come. The tangible, permanent results thus wrought by the war in the character of our political in stitution* are embodied in what are known as the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend meets to the Constitution of the Unitod'Statee. It is historical accuracy to say that the thir teenth amendment received the assent of the original constituency of tho Southern States; am! the two other amendments did not receive tbat| assent. Nevcttheless, all these amend menu have been proclaimed by tho power bav- ing jurisdiction ol the question, to hnve received constitutional ratification, and to constitute parts of the national fundamental law. Taking this, than, as our starting point, the first question is. What arc the specific changes wrought by these amendments ? The first changes I notice are, perhaps the only ones which the popular miud seem* to be aware of as accomplished at all. The amend ments, in the order named, establish with a qualification, the freedom, civil equality and po litical equality of the laces—ail races and colors. Tho only badge of bondage remaining in America is the qualification alluded to—being the disabilities imposed by the Fourteenth Amendment upon a portion of the white race in the Southern States. But, in truth, these changes in the relative status of the different racos are the most insig nificant effects of these amend me: its. Not only h*» ;h.< civil and political status of the negro in'-*, l-e-»n ebauged, but, what is inexpressibly lar more, the jurisdiction over the civil and the political statu* of all the races in ail the State* will tie hoid to have been trausterr-.’d by these twoh.I.ncnU from the Btatrfl severally, to the Oeu'ral Government. This eflects a great ci>*r K r in the character ol the General Goveru- m'n«— jrxatiy increasing the National and as gr-V'j ''■fieuing its Federal features. Indeed, langiifT* cau not express ideas more intensely National than are the ideas covered by the words ‘J irisdiction over the civil and political status ol the citizeu." Theee powers being con ferred, it will be difficult to say what power has not bwn conferred. While State government# may remain as convenient regulators of limited local imerests, it will be held that under these amendments to the now National Constitution, tho General Government has acquired revisory ]>osrers over the entire State government, and over all the Legislative, Executive and Judicial departments of the State governments. In view of the thorough changes thus wrought by thase amendments in the whole character of the G-neral and State governments, tho next question becomes ol exceeding great impor tance. Have these cm *nd meets become in f&ct fixed parts of the National Constitution, and will they be so held ? After giving this subject not only a careful, but a most anxious consideration, I have been driven to the conclusion that these three amendments are in fact, and will be held in law, fixed parts ot the Constitution, as binding upon the States and people as the original pro vision* of that instrument. The legal ratification of the thirteenth amend ment is conceded by all It must be also con ceded—is conceded—that the ratifications of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments have been proclaimed. By whom T I answer by the po litical departments ol the General Govern ment having the jurisdiction so to proclaim. But it ia said the ratifications were not free or real, bat forced aad usurpatory, and, that, there- lore, the Supreme Court will declare the procla mations of sach ratifications to be null and void. I reply, tho Supreme Court has only Judicial power, and the power ia question is political and nut judicial. * — s - esses arising under the Constitution—that is, to questions * rising in the construction of the Constitu tor after it is made, and not to the making 1 tacit. The political power makes the Constitution and the Judicial power construes it. The political power haviDg proclaimed those amendments to be parts of the Constitu tion, the judicial power cau have no jurisdic tion to review or reverse that proclamation, but can only decide what the amendments, so pro claimed, mean. The facts necessary to ratifica tion, as recited by the political power, must be accepted as true by the J udiciary, and cannot l>c ever judicially questioned ; for the judicial i# no part o! the amending power. There is a vast difference, in this respect, between the making of the Constitution and the passage of laws under it after made. But, I am asked, can usurpation become law binding a people and courts? I reply, yes, easily, very easily, and often. As efforts the most patriotic feeling, became rebellious, so usurpation the most glaring, succeeding, be comes law. A majority of human governments hare no origin save in usurpations. Indeed successful usurpation is the strongest expression of [lower, and law itself, in its iast analysis, is only power. In plain truth, human experience has discov crcd but one remedy for usurpation. That remedy is preventive—not curative : military— not civil. It is the sword. To apply this rem udy in this case, the Suuth was unable, and the North unwilling. Conceding then, that theee amendments were usurpations, they were suc cessful, and have become law—fundamental law—binding upon States and people, courts and rulers. It may Lave been criminal—was criminal—to aid in committing a usurpation ; It is crime itself to break the law. And thus are wo bound. But, again, we are told, the Northern people will discover their error, and a reaction will take place which will obliterate these amend ments. Bat it will taka three fourths of the States to obliterate. Besides, I now be lievo the following propositions may be correct ly assumed concerning the Northern people. 1. Feeling that their protection was in tbeir power rather than in the law, they have not been induced to understand and learn the na ture of their government as their lathers did. What men do not know they cacnot love. Their government the Northern people know. They know its power, in one sense, and, tor that, they love it. They do not understand its federative character and do not love it. 2. The Northern peoplo believe that what they nndeisiand to be the State’s rights theory, was the real source, and, therefore, the cause of suci-ssion, the war, and all its consequences Therefore they hate that theory of our govern ment. J. The increase in population, the great ac - cumulation of wealth, the wonderful growth of commerce and trade, the close intermixture of many States and people through the agencies of railroads aad other improvements, require, in the opinion of the Northern people, a strong national government, and if these amendments increase the national powers ol the government, they are not likely, on that account, to change them. 4. Add to these views the well known fact that the great body of the Northern people re gard the freedom and tho civil and political equality of the Dogro as great national, philan thropic and religious results; and you must agree with me that the hope of a change at the North, which would obliterate these amend ments, must be abandoned. If we could not hold the Northern people to tho franchise system when we had it with all the sanctity of common revolutionary struggles hal lowing it, how shall we induce them to return voluntarily to that system alter, aa they believe, they have paid so much in treasure and blood to get rid of it. In a word, the masses ot the Northern people have been taught to regard, and do regard slavery, secession ana State rights as words of closa affinity, if not ot identi cal meaning, and whether they are right or wrong in their conviction there is no proba bility of its early change. The conclusion, then, is that we have a new National Constitution with new and enlarged powers ot government, establishing new and different relations between the General and State Governments; and also anew system of industry, with a new, if not anomalous condi tion of society. llow this new system will operate; whether, under it government will be more stable; the enjoyment ot life, liberty and property more se cure ; whether statesmanship shall be more ele vated, laws more respected and justly enforced, and nntural prosperity and moral excellence ad vanced and increased; whether “the magnetism of conciliated interests and kindly sympathies” which so distinguished the old system can be imparted to the new, are all problems which experience alone can solve, and upon which I do not now propose to speculate. But there are a tow immediate and pressing duties resulting from the above premises, to which I will call your attention. 1st. It is the duty of evory good citizen to abide and obey the Constitution and laws as they exist, precisely as it be had co-operated in establishing and enacting them. Because we disapproved a proposed law can furnish no ex- cuso for disobeying an enacted law. Every good and trustworthy citizen will oppese if can, and disapprove any how, a proposed wrong; aud every atich citizen will likewise obey an ex isting law and abide an accomplished f»ct. If the citizens’ opinion of the law, rather than the law itseli, furnished the measure of his obliga tion to obey, it would be impossible to have uniform rule, aettled law, or stable government 2d. It was your opinion that the colored man was not prepared at once and indiscriminately to understand and appreciate, and, therefore, to receive the great trust of suffrage. But right or wrong, wisely or unwisely, the new fundamen tal law b*s conferred upon him the right to ex ercise that trust It has, tker*fore, become onr duty os it is also our interest, not only to permit aad assent to its exercise, but also to render roady protection and cheerful assistance to the colored man in its tree, full and unre stricted enjoyment I know, fellow-citizens, that you concur in theee views and do not need this admonition; but there ia no subject on which the Northern people and the government itself so greatly suspect your fidelity; and, therefore, you will know how to pardon this re pealed counsel. 8d. I respectfully suggest that the time has arrived when duty does not require, nor interest seek, a continuance of the divisions on the principles and events which have led to our present condition. Their heroism in the field and wisdom in the Cabinet during the war; their fortitude under suffering, and patience under wrong, since the war ; and, above aP, the grandeur ot that manhood which they almost universally exhibited in persistently withholding their asseiit, under the severest threats, from a scheme which proposed to manacle intelligence and virtue, and tura loose ignorance and vice to inaugurate government and administer law, have made a record ot sincerity, devotion and truss ol honor lor the Bo.uihern people which time must ever brighten and discussion cannot strengthen. Let us, therefore, cease all quar reling over tne past and all threatenings lor the tulure, and manfully unite our energies to bring back prosperity to our country and good wilt among our people. Touching the pending election, I will add but one sugge*tion It is of secondary importance whom else you choose for your General Assem bly; but it is of first importance that you choose honeat men. We are suffering for wise and honest legislation. We can never get such legislation uate«s you elect members whom feed lobhvists cannot buy. A black man who can not be bought is better than a white man who can, and a Republican who cannot be bought is better than a Democrat who can. The worst possible condition lor any people is a body of ignorant and venal legislators under the con trol of a band of professional lobbyists feed by unscrupulous speculators. No government can be stable, and no country can be prosperous if these things meet not condemnation by, and correction from, the people. December S, 1870. Bbnj. H. Hill. [From the Angnata Constitutionalist, Dee. IS, 1870. A nattier “ftste on tlae Sit nation.** Hon. B 3. Hill has published in the Chroni cle and Sentinel an address to the people of Georgia which raav or may not astonish the people aforesaid We shall, on the morrow, reproduce Mr. Hill’s latest effusion, more aa an act of courtesy to a distinguished gentleman than for any other reason. The address in question contains few, if any, thoughts which have not already been repeated by Messrs. Car- pentar and Butler from every stamp in South Carolina, and not one mode ot reasoning which the Courier-Journal and kindred sheets have not exhausted during the past six months. Mr Hill has condensed an old and long story into two columns, or rather given to the world an ancient song with what would at first appear a new tune. If there is anything at all original in this address, it must be the adroit manner of reproducing familiar material and stamping it with something like a peculiar individualism. Our neighbor ot the Chronicle and Sentinel is rsther dubious as to Mr. Hill’s exact meaning with regard to the 14th and 15th amendments. We quote the concluding paragraphs of our contemporary’s comment; “If Mr. Hill means to say that th# questions attempted to be settled and fixed by these amendments are now of lorce and obligatory upon us, and that we should no longer strive or attempt outside of the means provided in the constitution lor their repeal of abrogation, ws most heartily concur with him. To this extent we believe all will agree with the distinguished gentleman. 1 But we can never consent that these amend ments shall be admitted and held by our peo ple as containing principles in harmany with the original provisions of the constitution. We hold that these amendments have destroyed the character of the original compact between the States, that they arc subversive of a free repre- sentativs government; yet, having been passed according to the forms oi l*w, we are disposed to submit to them, but no longer than their re peal can be effected in a peaceful constitutional wav. To this extent we believe Mr. Hill goes, and no further. To this extent we believe he will be endorsed by the intelligent men of the State.” It may be ungracious to ask a gentleman to explain bis explanation, but it certainly is in cumbent upon Mr. Hill to let the people of Georgia know, through the public prints, what be really docs mean. For our part, we have little doubt that Mr. Ilill advises a final cessa tion ot warfare against the amendments, on the ground that they cannot and will not be re pealed. If this be a correct interpretation of his position, we concur with the Chronicle and Sentinel in an emphatic dissent. We may recur to this subject again. There cortaiuly can be no room for donbt,for if Mr. Hill has not mads a full and complete surrender to the Republican party, we are only mistaken—that’s all. He is now at the poiot where Ex-Governor Brown started three years ago. Long time getting there 1 Fu power of the (Supreme Court is itseli limited to 1 Ton Tax L5TSXJ.IG5JTCVB. Palmetto, Ga., Dec. 13,1870. Below I give a short account of a man that was found dead yesterday morning near this place. An inquest was held, and the jury re turned a verdict that Hr. John Thomas Frailes came to his death on last Saturday night by drunkenness, and froze to death. There was two men left Palmetto about night with the de- . ceased, but left him near the place where he Again, this judicial was found dead. All three were intoxicated. A.S.W. Tnnuslllcx (he Alps. However amazing are American triumphs in engineering and the construction of great public works, we should Dot imagine that Europe is behind us in similar enterprises. Indeed, while onr own are admirable for their enormous ex tent, rather than for the difficulties they over come, Europe poesibly excels us in the gran deur of single works, and in the exhibition ot scientific skill in successfully carrying them on. Probably tho greatest feat ot engineering that the world has yet seen Is the Mount Oenis tun nel, which is to be completed next month. It is 14,000 yards or almost eight miles long, and is designed for a railway to connect France and Italy near the point at which those two countries and Switzerland come together. It passes un der three peak*, one of which called the Grand Vallon, has a summit elevated 11,000 leet above the sea; but it takes Us name from the still higher and more widely known Mount Cenis, although about twenty miles ofi. It was begun in 1857, long after the Hoosac tunnel, which, although only four miles long, and by no means so difficult or complicated a piece of engineer ing as the Mount Cenis tunnel, is not expected to be completed for at least two years to come. This perforation ol the Alps has been talked of for nearly a quarter of a century, and many scientific men, or persons claiming to be such, pronounced its completion to be an impossibility. It was predicted that the workmen would be destroyed by damp and foul air at the end of a narrow tunnel tour miles long; that no motive power could be found for the machines to be used in boring the rock, &c., &c. It may be in teresting to know how the great Italian engin eers in charge of the work succeeded ia over coming all difficulties and making and impossi bility possible. The usual mode ot supplying air in making tunnels, by sinking vertical wells from the sur face ot the soil to a depth reaching the proposed line ot horizontal excavation, and working from one of them to the other, was impracticable, for the mountains, the Mount Cents passes through, rise up a mile above it and it might take halt a century to make the wells. Accordingly the tunnel had to be made by boring from the op posite ends, and then the difficulty was to sup ply air to the workmen. As steam engines re quire fire and air, they could not well be used in boring at any considerable distance from the openings. After long deliberation and many experiments, it wae determined and many ex periments, it was determined to use compressed air as a motive power instead ot sUatn. The boring machines which have executed this im mense work have been moved by common sir, compressed to one sixth its naturai bulk. This compressed air is conveyed from a reservoir out side the tunnel to the machines through a large air-tight iron pipe. By an ingenious mechan ism, the liberation of the compressed air move* the boring machines and ventilates the tunnel. Ten perforator* ate kept Constantly at work, and the drills bore through the rock at the average rate of nine feet a day, although through some portions of it, the quartz, they have some times not made more than sixteen to nineteen inches a day. In the excavating gallery tho temperature ranges from seventy to eighty-fire degrees of Fahrenheit all tho year round, what ever may be the change in the Alpine climate ot the surrounding country. With all the ven tilation the atmosphere within the tunnel is ex tremely unwholesome; yet the common labor ers receive only three francs (fltty-eix cents) and the experienced or skilful, five francs, tor a day’s work of eight hours, f The great work will cost about $35,000,000, but will save several hours in th* travel by rail way from Paris to Turin and lbs rest of Italy. Of coarse, however unwelcome the air of such a tunnel may bo for laborers employed in it for hoars together, it will not seriously trouble pas sengers rapidly carried through it. Still there are few whose nerves will not feel some slight shock at being hurled by -team through a tube eight mile* long, wi’h a mile high ot mountain piled up over it.—ift**ouri Republican. The Cost Strikes. Much excitement is prevailing in the coal re gions ot Pennsylvania on account of a strike of the miners. This strike was entered into by the miners to resist the reduction ef wages proposed by the proprietors. There is always two sides to any question ; and-while the consumers of coal, who will most likely suffer by this d>rang«ment in the supply, will be ready to impute the blame to the strikers, it is but just to them that these two sides should be exatxdnsd. The companies reducing the wages of the miners have on hand enormous quantities of cosl, which, by a derangement in the supply, will rapid y advance iu price. Hence, it may reasonably be inferred that the redaction in wages was determined upon tor the purpose of inducing the strike. The Btriken are well sustained by their unions; and while It will be a drain upon their funds, the great sufferers by the conspiracy will be the people who use the coal.—Rums Cornier. Thb Wtcker, a German paper published in Baltimore, and which is the recipient of Govern ment patronage, says: H it is really true that arms sold from the Troy Arsenal were shipped to France, it is a most damnable breach of faith on the part ot the President, who had promised Mr. Simon Wolf, of this city, that the sale oi Government arms to France was to be suspended. The Department ot Agriculture is about to publish a magnificently illustrated work on en tomology, comprising coleopterous, grasshopte rous and all other kinds ot insects; the connec tion whereof with agriculture is ot course at once apparent.—# Y. World. Democracy—It* Peat, Present, id* tare. For more than thirty y^ars previous to 1860, the Democratic pony was in the ascendancy in the United States. From one extremity of this great nation to the other, peace held iu sway, while prosperity and happiness crowned the people. East, West, North and South were bound together by the indissoluble cords of friendship—being identified and united in one common brotherhood. The great and prevail ing object ot the Democratic party then was to dispense the larges amount ot blessings to the whole people, irree ;ectiva of particular sections or of specified locafrties. Soon, however,yhe perplexing question of Abolitionism bccar^ e the all-absorbing topic of the fanatics at the North, and [fire-brands were thrown into onr domestic relations at the South which aroused aud put iu motion the ball which ultimately crushed American liberty and broke up all the social ties which, bound us together as one people. The year of 1860 was, and is, the ever memo rable era ia the history ot one of the greatest and most powerful nations upon earth. The Convention which assembled for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the Presidency should be viewed as the period of thejdisrup- tlon of the Union and the total overthrow of the liberties ot some thirty millions of Ameri can citizens. There were in that Convention mfen who had swor^eternal opposition to the cause ol slavery, to yield an inch until the negro was rcle^eC; from bondage. Con stitutions were to be c et aside—national laws and solemn compacts declared nnll and void— the rights of property wholly disregarded, if but the object for which they were contending could be accomplished. Upon the other hand, in that Convention were those who had for years entertained Btiently in their bosoms the thought ol building up a Southern Confederacy, a seperate and distinct government, over which they might perhaps preside, and direct the des tiny of the Young Republic. This being toe favorable crisis for the commencement of toe struggle, that feariul doctrine of secession from embiyc sprang into existence and spread with the rapidity ot a tornado throughout the South, and like an infectious disease, fastened its dead ly virus upon all who came in contact withjit. The more affectuallly to giv8 efficacy in pro pagating the doctrine of secession, two candi dates were nominated for the Presidency, know ing that most certainly a third would be, which was done by the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, a sectional candidate who was afterwards elected. This at once gave another impetus to the doc trine of secession, and toe advocates of this measure, were busily engaged in preaching its advantages from one extremity of the country to the other. State after State seceded—star after star was obliterated from the galaxy of stars, until ten of the original number were driven off, fioating upon the sea of uncertainty; which ultimately brought on a bloody revolu tion, which cost the blood and treasure of mil lions of our people, during a lour years war, without the achievement ol a single principle, or the accomplishment of any good. The clash oi arms and the roar of artillery having passed sway, and apparent peace again prevailing in the land, we will not allude to the prime actors in these bloody scenes—some have gone to the tomb, others again, stilPsurvive but are dead in history while they live. Eut eternal retribution must come upon all those wno have been the iBstrnments of the thousands who have fallen in battle, and the widows and orphans who are weeping for toe slain. For toe destruction of this Government in 1860 we believe the Democratic party are to some extent responsible; but that Democrats are now engaged North and Booth, East and West, in endeavoring to re-estab lish those great principles which are embraced in the Constitution of our fathers, aud which secures equal rights, political and religious, to all classes of citizens. We enter tain toe most favorable vie «vs in relation to the Democrats of the No i 'tn, who are engaged in bringing back our government to its original status before the war, we must give them our most hearty co-operation in this great work be fore us. From the stand-point ot reason, mod eration and justice, let the people of all classes take proper views of their “situation” without being allured away from the main object—the restoration of the government and the happi ness of the people of the entire country. We believe it to be a fatal error upon the part of the Democratic party to seek any affiliation with the negro element. Time will develop the fact that this must be a white man’s govern ment. We are for presenting an open front, and affiliating with no man or set of men, who unite with toe Democratic party for pecuniary advantages. We say, in conclusion, let us have a pure, Jeffersonian Democracy, composed of honest men—pure patriots and fearless states men, whose characters are unimpeachable, and who will not fear investigation. Let the Demo cratic party be composed of such material, and its triumph will be certain; but, if made up with negroes and renegades, and men who call themselves Democrats for office, gain and self- aggrandizement, and tail to respond when inter rogated by those who have toe right, defeat will be Inscribed upon our banners. Berlin Cor. M. Y. Tribune. German Politics. The election for the Prussian Landstag As sembly took place on November 9. While the voting for the improvised Diet is a direct one, based on universal suffrage, the members of the Landstag are chosen by the electors, under s census, comprising three classes, voted accord ing to property. The elections of the repre sentatives will take place on November 16, but toe result is now pretty well ascertained. Only about one-half of those entitled voted, but this indifference prevailed among all parties, and for this reason their relative strength has not been greatly changed. If it had not been for the discussions of the Liberal party, which is split into the so-called Progressists aud National Liberals, tht Liberal elements would not have lost any ground. Now they have lost a little in the cities, but more in the agricultural district*. Instead of a close alliance among themselves, they hurt each other and the common cause by a most bitter war, and in large cities like Bres lau and Cologne they foolishly acted like ene mies. The time, it ia true, was not at all favor able for political elections. The old animosities hod been buried by the war, and the patriotic feeling was paramount to any other. Thus un der the presure ot the war, Government could easily influence tho voters. Compare this gen eral elate ot feeling with the Union movement in toe first year ol your war against the rebel lion, and you will understand the present con dition of Prussian polity. Principles have been pushed into toe bock ground, and sentiments and filings are dominating. This aspect of things will change, of course, as soon the war will be over, and new parties will step in. If I judge of the present condition ot affairs rightly, the Progressists and National Liberals will reunite, and together will form a very strong party, while singly they exercise leu in fluence than by their talent, experience and political insight they are entitled to. As an other consequence ot this peaceful revolution, the dissatisfied Democrats and Socialists will form a Radical party and attract notice rather by revolutionary opposition than by a realistic policy. It is in this respect a significant tact in Berlin, the headquarters ot the Progressive party. Dr. Johann Jacoby, the Radical leader, will not be re-elected by his former constituents, and that his friends ore advocating a new party organization. The general indifference dis played at the last election can the best be justi fied, as the laws which the Landstag has to en act are of as much importance, it not of more, than the legislative problems to be solved by toe Imperial Diet The former has to heal the wounds which toe war has inflicted upon the whole State—toe towns, families and individual citizens. The old struggle for the self-govern ment ol the towns, church and school, and especially for toe free, uninfluenced election ot town officers and Mayors by the citizens, and of preachers and teachers by the communities; in short, the first principles of self-government will be taken np again, and most be decided in lavor of toe people by the newly chosen Land- stag- If the majority are feudal and conserva tive, the cause of toe people will suff-r enor mously, and the reactionary policy ot toe pres ent Ministry will attain toe upper hand. Ah Ill-Natured Fltkq.—The Philadelphia Press speaks tauntingly of toe “semi-civilization of the South.” If itmeans to reflect upon the colored portion of our population, the fling is a cruel one, nor can we admire tho inconsistency which, while charged semi-barbarism upon the negroes, at toe same time seeks to make them tke domination cla*.—Bkhmond Whig. ~ NEWS BY TELEGRAPH. Washington, December 14.-Congressman Bowen has given bail in the sum ol five thou sand dollars to answer the charge of bigamy. He asks for an early trial. George E Basie has been appointed Collec tor of Customs at Vicksburg. There is before the Supreme Court of the United States, a case from the Southern District of New York, which involves the right of mer cantile agencies to collect and communicate to their merchant subscribers, information con cerning tho financial condition and character of merchants throughout the country, os privileged communication, and farther involves the ques tion whether such mercantile agencies as con ducted iu this couatry shall longer exist. The Senate Committee on Judiciary, have made a unanimous report that Indians are not citizens ol the United States under the Four teenth Amendment of the Constitution ot the United States, the treaties and laws always hav ing regarded them as independent nations and not interiered with their local administrations. The House considered a bill for lull and gen eral amnesty and oblivion of all wrongful acts, doings or omissions ol all persons engaged in the war of the late rebellion. Exceptions are as follows: Those educated at West Point or Annapolis; members ot either House ot toe Federal or Confederate Congress; heads ol Fed eral Executive Departments; ministers abroad ; Judges of the Federal Courts, and those holding similar offices in the Confederate Government; members of Conventions who voted tor or against the Ordinance of Secession, or Govera- ors of States while in rebellion; Confederates who treated Federal prisoners cruelly or other wise than according to the usages of war; per sons entrusted with funds which they have not acoounted for, and all deserters and bounty jumpers. Property exceptions are as follows: All property wherein the United States or third parties have become rested by sale, forfeit ure or confiscation, and lands used now or here tofore, for Federal Cemeteries. Every right of action and liability arising, or any ordinance law or contract in aid of the rebellion, and every such right shall be deemed invalid. Butler reported a bill In explanation. He said that it was drawn mutalie mutandis from the amnesty bill passed by the English Parliament after the Scotch rebellion of 1745. He quoted from the preamble and body ot too act, and re ferred to the exceptions in it among which were all persons by the name and clan of Mc Gregor, and all who had been in favor ot having toe French army invade Great Britain He wished that toe state of the country was such that all of the exceptions could be struck out, but such was not the state ot the country. The bill swept out everything that had been done wrong, on one side as well as on the other, and said that no more suits could be brought tor acts done or committed during the war, either by those who warred in behalf of toe United States, or by those who warred against it. It threw toe mantle of charity over ail. The bill excepted the leaders of the rebellion; but why should they not be excepted ? They had played for an Empire and lost, and should now take the penalty of toe loss. It would be seen that toe first exceptions only applied to those mili tary and naval offleets of the United States who had received their education at West Point It did net apply to officers who had not been so educated. As to the provision referring to National Cemeteries, he said he thought it time after hearing a eulogy on Gen. Lee, that the idea that these cemeteries could be in any way compared with, shonld be put an end to. U toe Union soldiers did anything during the war they cer tainly conquered land enough to be buried in. He wanted his bill passed, if for no other reason, so that the question might be settled forever. An objection had been made to the bill that it was not a general amnesty; he was not the most forgiving of men, and he trusted that he was not the must vindictive; he could remain unforgiving as long as his neighbor, but when he did not forgive, he remembered all over. Mr. Lawrence asked Low many persona the bill would relieve. -\ Mr. Butler replied that It would relieve everybody in the South who was under legal trouble or vexation ; it would relieve every man who hold post office, or was sheriff or consta ble, before the war and had taken aa oath to support the Constitution; as to excepted classes, all they had to do was to come to Congress hereafter aud petition for the removal of their disabilities. Mr. Beck offered & substitute for the bill as follows: That all persons, other than those here inafter excepted, now disqualified to hold office by the third section ol toe 14th article of amendment tp the Constitution, as are hereby relieved from such disability, and the same is hereby removed from and after the passage ol this act, except from the following classes ol persons: First, whovever having been educated at the military academy at West Point or the naval school at Annapolis, shall have engaged in the rebellion aDd insurrected against toe United States, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. 8econd, whoever having been member of either house ot Congress of the United States, shall bare engaged in rebellion or insurrection against the same, or given aid and comlort to the enemies thereof. Third, whoever shall have held the office of head of one ol toe executive departments oi toe Gov ernment of the United States, or minister plenipotentiary, or minister resident, or judge of any court under toe United States, and shall have engaged in rebellion or insurrection against the same, or given aid and comlort to the enemies thereof Mr. Farnsworth offered a substitute for the whole bill as follows: That all political disa bilities imposed by the third section of the 14th amendment of the Constitution are hereby removed. Mr. Bingham moved a substitute for the first section, removing all political disabilities from 11 persons, except such as were Senators or Representatives in Congress in tho years 1860 and 1861, or were in either of such years offi cers in the army or navy of the United States, heads of departments, United States Judges, United States ministers, and excapt all persons who, In violation of that amendment, have held office since the 1st of June, 1870. Butler announced his purpose to have toe vote taken on the hill at 3 o’clock to-morrow. Beck opposed the bill. He said that be would have offered such a substitute as that offered by Mr. Farnsworth, but be feared that the House might not be prepared to vote tor a general re moval of disabilities, bnt might do so when cer tain cases were excepted. He expressed the fear that if the bill were passed by a simple ma jority, it would be contended that it was valid in reierence to all subjects in it that did not require a two-thirds majority, while in reference to the removal of political disabilities, it would not be valid, he declared that instead ol it being a bill granting general amnesty, it was a bill of pains and penalties, a bill making odious discrimina tions. He had never seen a bill that was far ther from carrying out the objects which it pro posed to carry oat, it was a bill adding insult to injury, he believed the Republican party and the Republican press desire to have general amnes ty extended. He thought that that party had lost State after State by Congress refusing to pass such a bill, and that it would continue to lose State after State so long as Congress main- tuned that position. Mr. Potter advocated the adoption of Farns worth’s substitute. He believed that that prop osition would be found to be not only generous but most patriotic and wisest proposition in that respect before the House. Be argued at length against those provisions of the bill rela ting to legal proceedings and rights of action and property. At the conclusion oi Mr. Pot ter’s remarks, the bill then went over till to morrow. Mr. Dawes, from the Appropriation Commit tee, reported a legislative, judicial and exexu- tive appropriation bill, which was made the special order for Tuesday next. It appropri ates about twenty millions. Brwsskia, December 14.—'The Beige says at midnight on the 6th a letter from Molike arrived at Paris announcing the capture oi Orleans and toe anmmoning oi Paris to surrender. Trochn summoned his colleagues. Peciard was inclined to treat for honorable terms. Trochu said overtures disclosed the enemye ap prehensions. It is represented that France had everything to gain by prolonging the struggle, and Paris could hold oat for a long time yet The Com mittee unanimously resolved to continue the war and reject the proposal tor surrender. London, December 13.—Clubs are excited by the report of aa important dispatch from Bis marck, declaring that Prussia would not longer respect the neutrality oi Luxemburg, and would annex that State to toe Empire. Another dispatch states that the bombard ment of Paris has commenced. Berlin, December 13.—The Queen received the following telegram from the King: “ Gene ral Headquarters, Tuesday, 13th.—After four days’ fighting around Boaugency, the French retired to Biois and Tours. Their lose was severe.” Washington, December 15.—In the House bill appropriating three hundred thousand dol Jars for revenue cutters was passed. A bill was introduced directing the Secretary of the Treasury to refund penalties and taxes illcgelly assessed uaopr the direct tax law. The amnesty ri&aption was resumed. In the Senate, -otroducod a resolution regarding toe Mnshsippi River levees, npon which he will address the Senate. Bismarck is averse to recognizing tho Repre sentatives of Lee Nominee Duptro and prefers Napoleon. King William wants to go home. Von Moltke laments the suffering of the Ger man troops from the cold. A dispatch from Cuba indicate that the In surgent Chief was executed as soon as captured. Russia Is concentrating her forces near the Turkish frontier. The President’s Private Secretary, Robert Douglass, sou of Stephen A. Douglass, was thrown from a carriage and seriously injured. Rainey has been appointed a member of tbe Committee on Freedmen’s Affairs. Nbw York, December 15.—There has been a terrific gale blowing all day. A piano factory was prostrated, and several persons buried. London, December 15.—The Times editorially protests against the proceedings of Prussia against Luxemburg, and Russia against Turkey, as having an attidue which is indefensible, bnt says that it is not too duty oi England to inter pose. Paris advices to the 10th says, the Prussians seat fictitious messages into the city by carrier pigeons, which they cantered from a balloon. Washington, Decomber 15.—Th6 President has nominated Michael Scbangfecnssy for Mar shal of the Southern District of Mississippi. The Senate has confirmed Hast), Collector, at Vicksburg. Hiram Springfield bos been confirmed as Marshal for toe Northern District of Alabama. Also, Mason, as post-master at Newborn, Ala. It is understood at toe White House, that Mr. Bouiwell has not resigned. Relations between the Secretary and President are cordial. Pleasanton’s nomination had not a dissent ing vote in the Cabinet. llevei’B bill aiding the Mississippi levees, is for the levee betweaa the Mississippi and Yazoo rivers. It appropriates two million dollars or five million acres ol land. In tbe House, Mr. Farnosworth made a pow erful speech in favor of a clean amnesty. Mr. Lawrence opposed any amnesty, until those excluded gave evidence of repentance. Mr. Wood said the bill was in no sense an amnesty bill. Its class exceptions involved many who suffered no disabilities under tbe Fifteenth Amendment, and instead ot amnesty it was a property-grabbing bill. Instead of be ing a measure of grace, it was a bill to defeat justice; a bill to deny the rights of men to re cover property. It was a measure, toe effect of which—he would not say the design of it—was to do injustice, to deprive litigants of their proper redress, and to grant a boon and relief to those who were least entitled to it Mr. Maynard argued against toe principles'oi universal amnesty. Sarge&nt will vote for Farnsworth’s substi tutes removing all disabilities for the following reasons: First, that toe pledge of the republican party to remove all disabilities as soon as public safe ty would allow, meant what it said, and that it ia not necessary for public safety that those dis abilities should be continued. Second, because toe political power of ex-reb els is not diminished by their incapacity t& hold office, as every one of them can vote at any election, and any man elected by such men is as dangerous to good government, and as frilly represents their principles and purposes as either oi iiisae disqualified individuals could. Third, because their exclusion from office is a badge of distinction, and from a rebel stand-point is persecution aud not punishment, and enhances their influence for evil, if they see fit to exercise said influence. Fourth, because as a mere party measure it is not bad policy to add a few thousand to the number ol democratic office seekers, while add ing nothing to the number of democratic voters. Fifth, because the men under disabilities, are invariably men ot the worst of the late rebels, and hence, as a matter of precaution, or even of justice, their exclusion does not answer the purpose. The Republican party is great and liberal enough to extend mercy to all classes of citizens and should add this crowning act to its great and successful war and reconstruction policy. The discussion continued to great length and will be resumed oa Tuesday. SENATE. Several bills removing political disabilities were passed. The bill incorporating the Southern Express Company was reported back with amendments. A bill was introduced, selling certain lands in South Carolina belonging to the government. Mr. Schurz then delivered an address of un usual length, to which the Senate listened with marked attention. Adjourned. Raleigh, December 15.—The House to-day sent a committee ol three to bar the Senate from impeaching Governor Holden, demanding that they take order in the* matter, and informing the Senate that articles of impeachment would soon be produced. The Senate replied that it would consider the matter and take action thereon. Richmond, December 15.—The Republican State Central Committee, last nigtit, adopted resolutions praying Congress to pass a general amnesty bill. Wash ing ton, December 15.—A large num ber ot Sugar importers and refiners were before tbe Committee on Ways and Means to-day. Mr. Sheldon, of La., was present, representing toe interests ot the sugar growers. The Com mittee agreed to & modification of the law. Proposed changes, it is thought, will greatly benefit home producers. BE, 1 f We have transferred the card issued by Col. Blodgett, from the Era, addressed to too people oi Georgia, to toe Intelligences. Al though we do not agree with him in politics, yet we publish his card, and trust tbe people of Georgia, of all parties, may, without deatinction of color, obey the laws and keep the peace. This is very important, and we make special appeal to the Democrats, so that no disturbance or breach of the peace may be charged to themt Water-Wort* and Frt*-Schooli. The principles involved in this scheme of gross injustice upon the citizens of Atlanta, la the only apology we have to render for our fre quent allusion to the subject Every day de velopments are made, which satisfies us, that the citizens of the city are not in favor of the erection of either Water-Works or of Free Schools at toe present time. However strange it may appear, yet it is nevertheless true, that most generally outgoing administrations endea vor to inaugurate some great schemes for toe purpose of placing the responsibility upon those who may succeed them. While we do not, in the main, admire the principle, yet our confi dence in the honesty and intelligence of the incoming administration, with Judge Ham mond os Mayor, will indace as to hope that all - these wild aud inexpedient experiments will re ceive their disapproval, and our people saved from ruin and bankruptcy, toe direst result of enormous taxation. Already, as we walk the streots, distrust is heard from all quarters in reference to the future value ot city bonds. A gentleman of acknowledged financial abilities, and a large real estate owner in the city, said to us, that if these flf ater_ Work§ and Free-Schools were established, that he should proceed to dis pose of his bonds at the earliest opportunity, as his opinion was, that they would depreciate rapidly. Another, aud a mechanic, that the house be occupied at a rent of $30 per month, the present, he would have to pay $40 for toe incoming year. What does this argue but that landlords will be compelled to raise their recta for tho purpose of sustaining internal im provements, and the laboring dames will have to foot tho bills*- While we may not be seriously damaged ourselves os an individual, yet the largest portion of our citizens will be greatly depressed, our bonds fearfully depredated, and Gar credit injured abroad. To turn aside a state of things so destructive In their tendency to the future growth and prosperity of our rapidly increasing city, it is of toe deopest into.* cst to merchants, to mechanics, to rich men, poor men to throw themselves with might and main against the consummation of a set of cir cumstances which must end in such injury to our whole community. In viewing it in all of its parts, we are re minded very much of two half moons. The first half circle is seen in Atlanta in the com mittee who have control of tho^ water works, the other half is soon to appear in the North in the form of the contractors. These united to gether is to form the full moon, or “ring,” which will encircle the whole City Council and the real estate of Atlanta, from which the melting rays may ba reflected upon others to carry on the grandest scheme oi imposition that ever was concocted or practiced upon any people since too days of the Yazoo speculation. A word to the wiBe is sufficient Rooms op the State Central Committer Union Republican Party op Georgia Atlanta, Ga., December 12,1870. A few cases of outrage and intimidation lor political effect having already occurred, 1 have thought proper to invite the attention of the people ot this State to the fact that it is the ear nest desire of the Republican party to close up forever toe issues which have heretofore divided us, by the early admission of our State into the Union, and the seating of oar Senators and Rep resentatives in Congress. This desirable result can only be accomplish ed by such action aa will satisfy Congress and the country that the people ol Georgia recog nize the Constitution of the State and of the United States as the fundamental law, and that they are not only willing bnt ready to secure to every citizen the equal enjoyment ol civil and political rights. It is within the power, and it is the duty of the white citizens of the State to see that the colored citizens are protected in the exercise of their constitutional rights, and if this is not done. Congress will justly decide that we are unfit for self-government, and will provide other means to secure to tjbe colored men the exor cise of the rights which have been conferred upon them by the Constitutional amendments. I believe that a large majority of the people of this State will perform all the duties of good, law-abiding citizens, and to the end that the in nocent may not be made to suffer for the guilty, I hereby cail npon the good ettizena at each voting place to report to me by letter, or other wise, in fall, all the particulars of any intimida tion, whereby voters are deterred from going to the polls; any violence, or other improper con duct, whereby voters are prevented from voting, or made to vote 8gainet their will; and any other fact which would tend to make the elec tion anything bnt a fair, free, and untrammelled expression ol the popular choice. This information i3 necessary to enable Con gress to 6et aside the election where fraud, in timidation, or violence has occurred, and to take such other steps as may be necessary to se cure justice, by the enforcement of the laws ol the United States. Fo3Teb Blodgett, Chairman N. B —All papers in Georgia, favorable to a fair election, are respectfully requested to copy. Foster Blodgett. Principle*, Not Kent This is one of the time-honored mottoes of the good old Democratic party of the past, and should be during time. Tho party success depends mainly upon its principles, and fidelity to the principles, con tained ia Its platform, but on the contrary, when the party abandons or departs from its platform of principles and begins a sort ol time-serving policy, for the purpose of carrying the election at the sacrifice ot principles, it will generally end in defeat and destruction of toe party. And as an evidence of this, we call the atten tion of the reader to the lollowingaccount, giv en by a correspondent of the New York Standard of the coarse pursued by tho Democrats in the late elections in the State of Louisiana, and of the defeat of the party in that State: lo the Editor oj tne Standardt Sib—The election which has just closed in Louisiana is so thoroughly Republican in its re sults as to nail finally to the counter all toe old Democratic heresies. The Democracy made a most desperate venture, and can never rally from its discomfiture except upon another and better basis. In view of its hazard in toe con test, it went so far as to proclaim in convention its acquiescence in the 15th Amendment in the hopeof alluring colored voters as a reinforcement. But scarcely a black man was beguiled by this diplomacy, while many old Democrats angrily refused because of it, to succor this party longer at the polls. The party is now astride ot the Fifteenth Amendment, derided by many of its former adherents, helplessly swinging its legs and practically denying its very protests against color. The Republican triumph is, therefore, more than a matter of immediate majorities. It consists as well of the normal weakness of the adversary, to which is now superadded an irre concilable division in its followers upon the new tenet, deliberately incorporated beyond re traction into the platform. Will Georgia Democrats take courage and profit by the lesson taught by the course pursued in Louisiana, or will they persist in toe abandonment of their platform, and in an effort to affiliate with too negroes, and thereby establish more firmly negro supremacy in the South. The true Democracy of Georgia will never consent to any such time-serving policy, and we say to our friends in toe North and West, be not discouraged in your efforts to re store the government of onr fathers, for you have acted well your part in toe late elections, and the Georgia Democracy will *ever appre ciate the grand effort made in relieving the American people from negro supremacy in the Southern Btates and to restore constitutional liberty throughout our entire borders. Rev. John Mathews, of Montgomery, Ala., says: “ Darby’s Prophylactic Fluid is the only medicine kept in my family. dec7 wl( [From tbe Columbus Enquirer. Hon. B. H. Hill’s* Address.—The address of Hon. B. H. Hill, to the people of Georgia, which wo copy in this paper, treats the subjects discussed in his usual forcible and pointed style. Mr. Hill, while deploring the changes in our system of government that have been wrought, is despondent in his contemplation ol toe pro babilities of their repeal. He seems to think that the 14to and 15th Amendments to the Con stitution of the United States, and the subjec tion of the State Governments to Federal “ re visory power,” are irrepealable.< While toe prospect appears gloomy at present, we believe that the reaction will come, and that it will come in such force As to be irre sistible, though requiring throe-fourths of tbe States to giTO it efficiency. But we may not have to wait for the consummation of this reac tion to draw toe string from the “usurpations” referred to. It is the harsh execution of the C owers thus usurped that la most hurtful, and a are majority only is needed to prevent that. We Lave seen to what lengths Congress has stretched its newly acquired powers by its Elec tion law, Civil Rights act, etc. If Mr. Hill means that the country must acquiesce in such aggravations of powers acquired by high-»hand- ed measures, he mistakes the spirit snd purpose of the coDservatiro people of the country, both North and South. But we do not believe that ho meanB to counsel such acquiescence. Country wagons to the number of one hun dred and Ally wsre, at cue time, congregated on the eoraers af Marietta and Peachtree streets yesterday. The park of wagons, teamsters, Jbc., a* it might be termed, consisted of every variety of vehicle, excepting the lighter kinds used for riding purposes, such aa carriages, phsetons, &c. All were laden with country produce, wood, chickens, wares of domestic manufacture, and being so densely wedged in, it seemed to preclude the possibility of a dray, or even horse man, passing up or down. Not only in that vicinity were toe evidences of business very flattering yesterday, but throughout the whole city could have been seen signs of prosperity. Our city enjoys the patronage of merchants and consumers from a great distance in the ad jacent States, even West North Carolina, and bo far South and West as to verge upon the con fines of cities ol considerable importance. We mention this not in a tantallizing or boastful spirit, hut as an indubitable fact, of which the hotel registers and sales records of our mer chants will bear proof. Rcturgam has been the motto of Atlanta, and we say come on to all, where can be found every inducement for mer chants and customers. Three American ladies are Hit fiances of titled joreigners, namely: Miss Clara, daughter of Leonard w. Jerome; Miss Emily Schomberg, the noted belle ol Philadelphia; and Miss Sarah, daughter ot Minister Motley ia London.—#ew 1 York 8m.