Newspaper Page Text
ito luieUigencrr
PUBLIC!' it:. J • Y AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWiN WHITAKER,
l’roprlotor.
DEMOCRATIC TICKET I
FOIl CONGIIEHH:
(BXTUTBlOOHGBXMlOSAI. DIRBIOT)
Cen. P. M. B, YOUNG.
Of the County of Bartow.
fob district hjenatok.
COL. GEOBCE HILLYER,
poll REPBESEPITTATIVES.
COLONEL E. F. HOGE,
OB. J. S. WILSON,
HENRY JACKSON.
FOB SHERIFF J
J. O. HARRIS,
FOB CLERK 8CPEBI0K COURT:
W. B. VENABLE.
FOB TAX RECEIVER:
A. G. GBISB.
FOB TAX COLLECTOR:
SARIVEL B. BOYLE.
FOB COUNTY TREASURER:
C. II. PAYNE.
FOB COUNTY SURVEYOR:
W. A. BABD1N.
FOB CORONER t
WILLIARI KILE.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
—
Wednesday, December 21. <870.
The address to the peopie.ol Georgia from
General Robert Toombs and the Hon. Linton
Stephens, upon tbe subject of illegal voting was
received yesterday for publication in the Intel
ligencer. which will be found in this morn
ing’s issue, and as it contains the legal opinion
of two of Georgia’s nobit; and distinguished
Bons, wo have no doubt but that the same
will attract tbe general attention of the people.
The .whole question, in our Judgment, turns
upon tbe validity of the act psssed by The last
Legislature and approved by the Governor
October 25,1870.
—t m ■ *•
Major John B. Steele.
Who has been with us in this ofllft for seve
ral years, is still quite ill 4 his residence, on
Calhoun street He was thought to be a little
better yesterday by Dr. Pinckney, his physi
cian. Tbe Major bos not been out of his room
lor five weeks.
Capt. V/. D. Ellis, our Local, has not been
able to be at bis post lor about three weeks, by
Beverc allliction from eflects of cold settled in
his eye.
We have greatly misBed Major Steele and
Capt. Ellis lrom tbe office, but hope they mav
both recover and Btill live to do good service, as
they have done in the past.
Cabinet Stumors.
The Capital is lull of rumors.concerning pro
poBed Cabinet changes. Ackerman, it is said, is
a candidate for tbe United Stales Senate, and in
case this State indorses liis claim, he will re
sign the Attorney Generalship which he now
holds. The redoubtable Roberson, who is sup
posed to know a great deal more about naval
matters than ho has cvei given any cvinence 01,
is looking lor like favors, lrom his own native
New Jersey.
In case Ackerman is urrossful, Senator Wil
liams, of Oregon, will g > mio the Cabinet, and,
stranger than all, Form 1 10 spoken of for Secre
tary of the Navy. Ur mi Las astonished the
country so olten 111 putting queer material into
his Cabinet, that il tin* new additions are made,
he may justly claim to li.i.e a Cabinet ol politi
cal curiosities.
Don. ir...u Haases.
The design j •••mi* lions in the early history
oithc Demoi r.,Mc p ,.n, was evidently intended
to keep up and t-uti .m our orgauization. With
out some well < > hed rule ot this kind, no
party could It ng m .ive, hence this has been
the long established usage of all parties lor
many years past. To this, we do not make an
objection, but most heartily give it our approba
tion and approval. The Deinocra'ic party iu
those days had a certain line of policy, and were
governed by well lounded principles, based
upon the Constitution and rights ot the people
of the entire Country. From these old land
marks, the party has greatly departed, and the
principles and doctrines once promulgated have
become transformed into a conglomerated mass
o{ expressed creeds which have become so broad as
to cover all degrees and shades of character, who
may come within the scope ol its benigu influ
ences. We take the position and fearlessly pro
claim our opinion to the world, that we are op
posed to any ellort being made upon the part of
the Democratic party in affiliating with the
negro element of the South—lrom the fact that
the Democrats of the North and Northwest are
fully committed upon the subject of making
this a White Man’s Government; while the
Constitution of the country does secure to them
the right to vote and the right ot holding office,
yet believe the time is not far distant when a
radical change must be made upon this whole
subject, wheu the negro will be reduced to the
simple position of a free negro, but sustained in
all ot his religious and civil rights and protec
tiou oi life and property. At the same time,
he should be educated, in order to make him an
uselul and honest citizen in the country where
he may live. That the God ot nations ever
desigued the negro to occupy positions in any
of the departments ol state, or to be the equal
of the white man in any respect, is a
question which is irrecouciliable with
common sense and the history of the two races,
lie is so diflerent from the white race in his
physiological being, that you can never, what
ever may be the advantages of education
he may secure, make the two races
socially equal, morally or intellectually. And
we regret to see an ellort made upon the part ol
Democrats to drag this element into our organi
zations, and if successful, time will develop
the iact, that while for a period it may prove a
source of strength, but iu the end an element ol
evil, and eveutually demolish the Democratic
party. In all of our party nominations, they
will be dragged in and used by unprincipled
demagogues to subserve the worst ot purposes.
Even at the present periodjin the history of the
Democratic party, these nominations have be
come so adroitly managed by tricksters who
pull tbe wires for selfish motives, that the hon
est and purest men of the country are generally
overlooked, and the immoral and profligate
occupy every position within the gilts ot
the people. While these are facts ot every day’s
occurrence around us—and it is well known
that it is utterly impossible lor any man, who
■will not consent to enter into all the little tricks
practiced to obtain office in the present history
of the country, ever to get a position on any ot
the legislative or judicial departments of'the
State, with such a condition ol things, we
need not be surprised at seeing men utterly
repudiating nominations, and failing to comply
with their requirements, in accordance with
Democratic usages in former years; and until
a diflerent course is adopted ami a belter
line ol policy sustained, the independent
voters of this country will sever every
tie which has bound them to the
Democratic party, and give their suflrages to
men who are hoEest, moral and competent, ir
respective of party considerations, witn the hope
of wresting the country from the hands of those
who expect tc fatten upon her spoils.
B. I. Kimball.
From the following article, transferred from
the Seaport Appeal, published at Brunswick, Ga.,
it appears that Mr. Kimball has bought out the
interest of the late contractors, Messrs. J. E
Conant & Co., to buiui the Brunswick & Al
bany Railroad.
Mr. Kimball is a soli T man—a good judge of
human nature—and he 11 .1 viands exactly how
to manage men and bus.*»? . He has already
made his mark in this > ate. and as he is now .
the sole contractor, th. iud, we have no doubt,
will be pushed tbr u. li i > completion without
delay. We want • 1 m le such enterprising
men as Mr. H. I. Kituoi 1 in Georgia:
The B. & A. R it — 1 ti • reader interested in
the prosperity and mpd ouiidiDg of this great
enterpiisc, will ft •••» • .cn gratified as we are
ourselves up r the t.nt.ouncetnent that H. I.
Kimball, E q., the inv nan ot Georgians now
sole contractor, it. Ur> ng bought out the inter
est of the late contractors, J. E. Conant & Co.
Mr. Kimball’s well known abilities, as a driving
and pushing man, gives us new hopes that the
road will be constructed and completed as rap
idly as men and money can accomplish it. His
clever paymaster, Capt. George L. Cook, will
commence paying ofl the accumulated indebt
edness of the late contractors on to-morrow,
and will continue as per advertisement.
H Mr. Kimball accomplishes this great object
as rapidly as he did his huge enterprises at At
lanta, he will establish a reputation that will
have no bounds in the great commonwealth. It
is an object worthy the undivided attention and
energy of eyea H. L Kimball.
ILLEGAL VOTING.
To tjjjPI*rgia :
Tbe conlption of the faction which has
seized upon the government of this State, for
purposes of fraud and plunder, is nowhere
more conspicuous than in their attempts to
prolong their power by illegal voting in the
e,ection now at hand, in defiance alike of the
Constitution of the State and the u Enforce
ment Act ” of Congress,
We beg to call your attention to two of these
attempts, for the purpose of showing yon that
they are no less marked by futility and nullity
than yon already know them to be by infamy.
One of these appears in certain provisions of the
recent Election Act. Tbe 8lh section of that
act provides that the managers of election
" shall not permit any pereon to challenge any
vote, or hinder or delay or interfere with any
other person in the free and speedy casting ol
his ballot.” The 7th section provides that even
the managers themselves H shall have no power
to refuse the ballots” (was the plural number
intentional ?) “ of any male person of apparent
full age, a resident ot the county, who has not
previously voted at the said election.” These
provisions are directly in the teeth of the Const!
tntion of the State and of the Enforcement Act
of Congress, and are unconstitutional, null and
void. The Constitution in the 6th section oi
the 2d article declares that “the following
classes of persons shall not be permitted to
register, vote, or hold dffice:
*• First—Those who shall have been convicted
of treason, embezzlement of public funds,
malfeasance in office, crime punishable by law
with imprisonment in the penitentiary, or
bribery.
“ Second—Idiots or insane persons.”
The 19th section of the Enforcement Act ot
Congress provides that in any election for repre
sentative or delegate in Congress, any person
who shall “ knowingly and wilfully receive the
vote of any person not entitled to vote may be
punished to the extent of three yean’ imprison
ment and five hundred dollars fine. Thus the
Constitution peremptorily commands that cer
tain classes of persons, inclnding idiots, lunatics
and felons,shall not be permitted to vote; and
tbe Enforcement Act provides, that managers,
who permit such persons to vote in an election
lor Congress, shall be subject to the high penalty
already mentioned. The Election Act ot the
Legislature declares that all these classes ol
persons shall be permitted to vote without ques
tion of their right, although the managers may
know that such persons are prohibited from
voting by tbe Constitution, and the managers
are prohibited by tbe Act of Congress from
receiving their votes Was there ever greater
efirontery of usurpation and revolutionary
defiance of law ? Was ever any act of a so-called
legislative body more plainly unconstitutional,
null and void ? Citizens or managers who can
conceive themselves to be bound by this part ol
the Election Act will deserve to be themselves
excluded from the ballot upon the ground that
they are “ idiots or insane persons.” If it be
suggested that the oath to be taken by tbe mana-
f ers will bind them to carry ont all parts of tbe
ilection Act, the answer is obvious, and con
elusive. Au oath to violate the Constitution or
a Constitutional act of Congress can be no more
binding than an oath to commit treason or mur
dcr or to break all tbe commandments of the
Decalogue. Otherwise all the governments of
the earth, and the government of God Himself
might be defeated and overthrown by the power
of illegal oaths prescribed by bad men. Men
cannot swear themselves out of their obliga
tions to their God or to the true laws of their
country. Bat the form of the oath prescribed in
this case contains a most important qualifica
tion which removes ail difficulty as to its true
construction or the extent of its obligation, for
it binds the managers to carry into efiect not
only tbe provisions of this act, bat also “ tbe
other laws ior holding electicns.” Now, the
highest of all “ laws for holding elections” are
the Cot btitution and Constitutional acts of Con
gress; and, whenever any mere State statute or
part of a State statute is in conflict with these,
it is unconstitutional, nail and void, and must be
so held and treated by all officers and citizens.
The only proper construction of the oath, there
fore, is that the managers shall endeavor to
carry into effect all the “laws for holding elec
tions,” making those of inferior dignity yield to
those ot superior obligation in all cases ot con
flict. Therefore, every manager who believes
either tbe Constitution of the State or the en
forcement Act of Congress to be a higher law
than a mere act of the State Legislature, will be
bound by the terms of the very oath itself to
disregard that portion ot the State Act which
commands the managers to receive voles which
are lorbidden to be received both by the Con
stitution and by the Act of Congress.
But, in addition to the disqualifications of
voters already mentioned, the Constitution ol
this State prescribes another which is likely to
be ol far more importance than all the rest in
the election now at hand; and the Enforcement
Act applies to and enforces this disqualification
as well as all others prescribed by the Constitu
tion of our Stale. We remark in this connec
tion that neither the so-called 15th Amendment
ol the Constitution of the United States, nor
the act of Congress to enforce it confers the
right of voting upon any one whomsoever.
The Amendment, by its very terms, simply pro
vides tbat the rieht of voting shall not be “ de
nied or abridged on account of race, color or
previous condition ol servitude.” It leaves each
State perfectly free to deny the right or abridge
it ior whatever other reason sh9 may choose to
prescribe; and the Enforcement Act following
the same idea enforces by heavy penalty, all dis
qualifications prescribed by the States with the
single exception of such as may be lounded on
“race, color, or previous condition ol servitude.”
The disqualification to which we shall now al
lude, is not ot the kind prohibited by the so-called
15th Amendment, and is therefore one, which,
being expressly prescribed by the Constitution
of the State, is directly enforced by the act of
Congress. The Constitution, in prescribing the
qualifications ot a voter, provides, among other
things, that he “ shall have paid all taxes which
may have been required of him and which he
may have had an opportunity ot paying agreea
bly to law lor the year next preceding the elec
tion.” Any person therefore, who has not paid
his legal taxes lor the year 1869—“the year next
preceding the election”—is prohibited from
voting iu the election now at hand by the Con
stitution; and tbe managers ot election are
prohibited lrom receiving bis vote by the En
forcement Act of Congress. And this brings us
to the second oi tbe two attempts to control the
approaching election by illegal votes. It is
found in an act passed by the Legislature, jsut
before its recent happy adjournment, declaring
the poll tax tor the years 186S, 1869 and 1870 to
be illegal and void. The years 1868 and 1870
are merely lugged in, as a cover for tbe real and
only design, which was to give subservient
managers (it such could baply be found) a pre
text tor treating the unpaid poll tax of 1869 as
a nullity, and ihcictore no obstruction in the
way of voting. The purpose was to produce a
contrivance, which would allow the poor de
faulting negro to cast his vote for the benefit of
his masters, although he should be afterwards
prosecuted and sent to the penitentiary under
the laws against illegal voting. The only un-
coustiuitiona'ity and nullity in this case are to
be found, not in the act imposing the tax of
11:69, but iu the int minus act now under con
sideration declaring that previous tax act to be
unconstitutional and nulL The power to pro-
nounce judgment ot condemnation and nullity
upou ac s ot the Ltg stature belongs net to the
Legislature, but to the courts. It is true the
Legislature may repeal an act ou the ground ot
its uncoustiluiionaiiiv or on any other ground
which they may see tit to assign ; and they may
oiten, without impropriety, give the moral might
ot ihtir opinions touching constitutional ques
tions (wh< u they are so composed as to have
any moral weight;) but they have no power to
aflect the h gal validity ot any act, while it re
mains unrepealed or tor the period daring which
it may have remained unrepealed on the statute
book Tais declaratory act Is then nothing,
but the opinion ot the Lagislatnre; or rather
the profession ol an opinion; for we do not be
lieve that a single person who voted ior it was
ignorant enough to sincerely entertain the opin
ion which it expresses. But, to make the most
of it, it is only an opinion, and most stand or
fall upon the validity or invalidity ol the reason
on which it is grounded. The sobetance of that
reason, as given by the Legislature itself, is,
that the Constitution allows no poll tax to be
levied, except for educational purposes, and
that tbe poll tax, for the three years, mentioned,
has not been applied to educational purposes,
1 there having been and yet being no system ot
general education or common schools estab
lished by the Legislature as required by the
Constitution. It is vctv tree that this Legisla
ture have infamously refused to apply the tax as
the Constitution required them to do, and it is
also true, that, in so refusing, they have Dot
only broken their oaths, bat have defrauded
the poor children of the State, and particularly
the colored children, of the educational advan
tages which the Constitution intended to secure
to them; but what has the misapplication ot this
tax to do with the validity or legality of its
imposition ? Obviously the only unconstitu-
tionality in this case lies not in the act levying
the tax, but in the subsequent acts converting it
to unconstitutional and fraudulent uses. But
the reason given, even it it had any force at ail
in it, applies only to the tax that has been col
lected and fraudulently misapplied; not at all
to that which remains yet unpaid. It is only
the unpaid tax which keeps men from voting.
Can anybody be so excessively weak as to be
lieve tbat the Legislature had no power to levy
a tax lor “ educational purposes,” without first
constructing and patting into operation “ a
system” of general education or common
schools ? This is equivalent to saying two very
absurd things—first, tbat a system oi general
education or common schools is the only possi
ble educational purpose; and, second, that the
only constitutional way to inaugurate a systme
of general education or common schools is to
go in debt for it, and that the Legislature can
not provide itself with the means lor perform
ing a constitutional duty unless it first performs
tbe duty without the means. The only part of
this act, which has any validity, is that which
prohibits the tax collectors from making any
farther collections of the poll tox. The Legis
lature may undoubtedly suspend the collection
of any and all taxes at its pleasure, but it cannot
change facts which already belong to the past
Tbe poll tax of tbe year 1869 was long ago
required ” of every voter in the State; every
voter has had ample opportunity in the past, to
pay it “agreeably 10 law;” it'remains unpaid
by thousands and thousands ot those who
would be legal voters if they had paid it; it
cannot now be paid, for its collection has been
suspended by law; bat it was constitutional and
valid when it was levied, and has not
been, and could Dot be rendered uncon
stitutional or invalid by the subsequent absurd
declaration of tbe Legislature; and it stands and
most stand to the end of the election, as a con
stitutional mandate prohibiting every person
who has not paid it from voting, and binding
alike upon every citizen and every mi n iger ol
tbe election. It the managers shall disregard it,
by violating their oath to carry into efiect all the
laws for holding elections, the citizens at least,
can enforce it, by immediately getting out war
rants and arresting every person who votes in
violation of it. Voting before arriving at the
age of twenty-one years, is the only illegal vot
ing which falls below the grade ot felony un
der tbe laws of this State; all other illegal vot
ing, including voting without payment of taxes
for the year next preceding the election, is felony,
and therefore, leaves the offender no benefit
from the 7th Section ot the 2d Article of the
Constitution exempting voters from arrest for a
limited time and for smaller ofienses Let it also
be specially noted that the disability, arising
from failure to pay the poll tax of 1869, cannot
now be removed by payment, nor by an ofler to
pay. The 3d Section of the Enforcement Act
cannot help the difficulty, because there is no
officer now authorized to receive payment, and
no legal offer to pay can now be made. Any
default oi payment now existing is chargeable
only to the defaulter, and cannot be ascribed to
the wrongful refusal or omission ot any officer
to receive payment since the passage ct the act
prohibiting collectors from proceeding with the
collection oi the poll tax. As the tree has iallen
so mast it lie.
Freemen of Georgia I The wrong intended
to be perpetrated upon you, is enormous. The
pretexts which are used to veil it are flimsy,
absurd and inlamons The remedy is obvious and
effective. If the managers refuse to use it, it is
still largely in your own hands We exhort you
to use it with manhood and unflinching firm
ness. In doing so, you will Dot be violating law,
but only enforcing it, and saving it from viola
tion by others. R. Toombs,
Linton Stephens.
Horrible Deed.—On last Saturday evening
about sundown, a negro man met on the road,
near the residence of Peter W. Reddick^ in
Webster county, a little son of Mr. Reddick,
(Horace) abont 12 years old, asked him (the
little buy) if he knew him; the answer was no;
the negro then drew a pistol and told him it he
made any alarm he would kill him, and demand
ed his money. The little fellow told him he
had no money, whereupon the negro seized him,
threw him on the ground and gagged him. He
then took his handkerchief and tied his hands
under one leg, gave him two or three kicks,
threw him over the fence, and left him.
Horace crawled home, and not being able to
open gates or climb fences, went to the horse lot,
and, fortunately, found his father in the crib, and
after repeated efforts to call him, succeeded in
making him<u»lt heard. Mr. Reddick released
his little son, and at once repaired to his dwell
ing, thinking the fiend that had committed the
hornble deed was larking near by waiting for
him to go in search of him. He is still at large
but efforts are being made tor bis capture.
the affectionate husband, the Indulgent father;
and when these lines are read, there will be
many tearful eyes, for some who once enjoyed
bis pious labore, or were his co-workers in the
Lord’s vineyard, and still linger on these mortal
spheres, will receive their first information that
another “ great man is fallen in Israel,” lrom
this offering of affection and friendship.
An aged wile, now widowed and alone, an
only son, now fatherless and sad, will mourn
when they miss the manly form and beaming
eye of the departed, bat they will sorrow not as
those without hope.
Servant of God, well done.
Rest from thy loved employ;
The battle's fought, the victory won.
Enter thy Master's toy.
The pains of death are past;
Labor and soirow cease.
And tile’s long warfare closed at last.
His soul is round in peace.
Soldier of Christ, well done;
Praise be thy new employ:
Aid white eternal ages run.
Rest in thy bavlour’s joy. H. C. H.
Democracy,
We publish iu this issue of the Intelligen
cer, the address ot the State Democratic Ex
ecutive Committee to the Democracy ot Geor
gia, and call special attention of our readers to
the address, and especially, to that portion of it
which refers to the colored people. We do not
agree with the Committee when they say, “we
would not it we could, and that we could not ii
we would, take away their political rights. 1 ’
And this attempt on the part ot the Executive
Committee to commit the Democracy of Geor
gia to the surrender of one ol the great princi
ples of the party, is not only a mistake on their
part, but will tend to disarm that gallant band
ot Northern Democrats who have been true to
the country and the Constitution, and who
have so openly and manfully opposed the con
ferring of political rights upon the negroes and
negro supremacy in the South.
This opposition to negro suffrage and their
right to hold office has contributed more than
all other causes combined to the successes and
triumphs ot tbe Democracy in the late elections
in the Northern and Western States, and it will
ultimately be so in the South it tbe Democrats
will but remain true to their principles.
We then say to Democrats, deceive not and
be ye not deceived. The negro element is one
oi weakness, and not of strength, it will finally
destroy the power and influence of any party.
—Atlanta Intelligencer.
Tne democratic Press of Georgia has brought
Into question the Democracy ot the Intelli
gencer, and yet there are tew democratic pa
pers in the State standing as fairly and squarely
upon democratic principles as the Intelligen
cer Indeed, in the above article, that paper
states that all there "Is in issue, where principle
is involved, between democracy and radicalism,
and arraigns the Democratic Executive Com
mittee ot Georgia lor surrendering the great
principles of the party.
The Intelligencer is undoubtedly right in
principle. It the democracy is not opposed to
radical reconstruction and usurpations, it is op
posed to nothing in radicalism that in princi
ple is seriously objectionable. Why the Intel
ligencer does not follow the Louisville Cou
rier-Journal and other democratic papers in ac
cepting the situation in good faith, negro suf
frage and all, may be lrom devotion to principle
or devotion to policy. We know not which
and have nothing to do with its motives. We
only know that it speaks “ the truth, the whole
truth and nothing but the truth” iu the forego
ing article and when the democracy accepts the
radical programme as its platform in word or
deed it matters very little to the people which
party administers the government.—Marietta
Journal.
We have never been uneasy abont our Demo
cracy. Our early teachings were received in
tbe old political Democratic school, and we
have never departed from the faith nor forsook
its platform. There can be no trouble about
the motive. Oar devotion is to principle; and to
policy: the best policy always is to adhere to
principle, and we shall conlione to “stick” to
the principle of the party, and will expect the
party to " stick ” to and defend its principles;
otherwise it will not be entitled to the confidence
and support ot the white race.
Georgia Finances.
CffiokB. & A. R. R. Company. 83 Wall Strut, I
New York, November 38,1870. J
To the Editor of the Herald :
Dear Sir—My attention has been called to
an article in the daily Mail, of this city, copied
no doubt from some Western paper, stating that
the State debt of Georgia at this time was $70,-
000,000, and that it would be increased by the
act authorizing the same at the last Legislature
to 90 000,000.
The statement is a most unmitigated false
hood, and was put into circulation by parties
hostile to the Brunswick and Albany Railroad
Company, and the great railroad enterprise in
the State to which State aid has been voted.
The old monopoly, the Georgia Central Rail
road Company, and its friends, have no doubt,
had much to do in circulating the falsehood in
regard to the State debt, thinking that by such
a course the guarantee tc all new enterprises
would be rendered valueless by destroying the
credit ot the State, and thus prevent the early
completion of the Brunswick and Albany Rail
road and other lines now organizing to destroy
the monster monopoly which has its head at
Savannah, and whose citizens are alarmed lest
Brunswick, with its “ twenty-five feet of water,”
should interfere with her greatness.
As the President ot the Brunswick and Al
bany Railroad Company, I deem it my duty to
set the press of the country right in dying the
falsehood circulated The building ot my road
depends upon my ability to negotiate tbe State
bonds voted to the company in the aid of the
enterprise, and the sale oi the guaranteed bonds
which the company now hold and are to receive
as the work progresses, and for this reason 1
have made out a true statement of the debt of
the State to date, and have added thereto the
whole amount of bonds which are to be loaned
to my company on this and the coming year,
showing that the debt will not exceed in total
the sum of $8,294,500, for all purposes, and that
the State debt proper is $2,814,500; and the
total amount of the State guarantee as given to
the Macon and Brunswick Railroad Company,
the Atlantic and Gulf and to my company is
only $4,016,000, for which the 3tate holds se
curely to the extent of $10,000,000. Under no
circumstances is it at all probable that the State
will be ever called upon f >t this liability.
The new Railroad law, as passed at i he last
Legislature, aud as approved oy thy governor
under dale ol 30th of September last, makes it
a condition of guarantee hereafter that twenty
miles of road must be completed with stock
holders’ money before any aid will be given. This
is a certain security to the State, as no company
can get aid ot the State that has not twenty
miles of road unencumbered. This act will
prevent several lines being built, ou account of
the difficulty ot obtaining Block subscriptions to
roads chartered by the last Legislature that are
not feasible.
Respectfully, your obedient servant.
Charles L. Frost.
Pres. B. & A. K. R. ol Georgia.
Endorsed—We understand that the Radical
candidate for Congress in this district, Mr. Fan
nin, declares that he can endorse every word of
Han. B. H. Hill’s address. It that be so, there
most be something rotton in the address as well
as ia the city of Denmark.—Constitutionalist.
From the Christian Index.
Ia Memorlam.
On the 4th day of July, 1839, the writer, then
a boy, was present at Pine Level Academy, at j
that time undev the superintendence of Kev. ;
Peter McIntyre, when and where he heard, tor j
the first time, a i iblic address from Rev. Adc m J
Tunno Holmes. He was then in the full vigor j
ot his mature manhood, and presented a per
sonal appearance equafcd by few, and sur
passed by none of his cpn peers. The address
was delivered upon the subject of the Temper -
ance Reformation, and it was so replete with
matured and vigorous thought that it was sub
sequently published, by request ot tbe large and
intelligent audience then present, and there are
doubtless copies ot it still in print. A little pre
vious to this, the subject of the present notice
had been married to Mrs. Nelson, a lady ol fine
culture from the State of South Carolina. She
was a member ol the Hampton family, than
whom none have a brighter record in that once
proud State; but as she still survives, further
mention iu this connection, may not be entirely
appropriate.
It was also about this period that brother
Holmes was called to the pastoral care ot two
of the most important churches in Houston
county, viz: Perry Hayneville, which he
served with charaq£ristic ability until 1851,
when he was elected to’ the Presidency of the
Baptist Female College at Cuthbert, to which
place he removed and entered upon a new
career ot usefulness.
During the autumn of 1843, while the writer
was a student at the Academy in Hayneville, tbe
Reboboth Association held its session with the
BapiiBt church in that town, and as there was
an unusual amount of religions interest mani
fested by the people, the meeting was protracted
a number, ot days. In attendance upon the
meeting ot the Association, were C. D. Mallary,
C. F. Stnrgis, J. R. Kendrick, Jacob King and
Hiram Powell; all of whom preached *with
much earnestness and power. On Monday
evening, Rev. J. H. Campbell reached the place
from Richlnnd, in Twiggs county, where he had
just closed a revival meeting of great interest.
The writer was then in his minority, and went
to the meeting with mingled feelings of curiosi
ty and respect for the talented preacher, and on
reaching the place, found the church filled with
a congregation which appeared unusually se
rious aud attentive. The text of tbe man of
God was taken in 1 Pet. 4: 18. “It the righteous
scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and
the sinner appear ?” During the delivery ot the
sermoD, many poor sinners “ were cut to the
heart, and it was there, while under deep con
viction for sin, that the writer was brought into
intimate relations with Rev. A. T. Holmes, in
whom he found a spiritual adviser every way
qualified to guide his untutored mind to Christ,
the lriend of sinners; and if it is given to the
departed to know what is occurring on earth,
then the spirit of our lamented brother under
stands what are the leelings ot his humble
biographer, and can appreciate the gratitude ot
one who now trusts for salvation in the merits
of Jesus Christ alone.
The writer was baptized by brother Holmes,
and for five years enjoyed his pastoral labors
and spiritual counsels, and when he was or
dained to the gospel ministry, his beloved pastor
was present and preached the sermon on that
occasion. An acquaintance was thus formed
that ripened into a close end cordial friendship
which, by the grace of God, continued unbro
ken until the sacred tie was rudely severed by
the icy hand of the great image-breaker. For
these and similar reasons, tbe lamented one
urgtd, as his dying request, that his religious
pupil should write the words of affectionate re
membrance which might enshrine his name as
it should meet the tearful eyes of those of his
fellow-laborers who still linger on theses mortal
shores; or as it is banded down a priceless lega
cy to coming generations. In sketching the life
and character of the deceased, those who have
ever known the power of loving, religious fel
lowship will make due allowance tor any appa
rent exaggeration in the portraiture.
Adam T. Holmes was an honest man, and
whatever weakness of our common nature he
may have betrayed in other directions, no temp
tation was sufficient to draw him from the path
of rectitude and moral integrity. He was pos
sessed of a high degree of courage, both moral
and physical, and was never, therefore, in dan
ger lrom the “fear of man which bringeth a
snarenor was he ever found employing the
arts of dissimulation in order to hide his defects
or to escepa the responsibility ol a position.
His bold, tearless and candid nature qualified
him in an eminent degree to set fo;th and de
fend the doctrines and practices which have
always been distinguishing leatnres of our de
nomination; and he never appeared to better >
advantage than when, surrounded by those who
held different views, he showed, from the Scrip
tures, the firm foundations upon which rented
his faith, and that ot his brethren. Upon what
are usually called the doctrines of grace, hii
teaching was remarkably sound, clear and lord
ble; and never, perhaps, since the days of An
drew Fuller, have the churches of any pastor
been better instructed in the Calvinistic view of
theology, than those which were blessed with
the labors of our brother whom these pages
commemorate. His members, for solid piety
and active usefulness had no superiors, as all
can testily who were acquainted with Hugh
Lawson, one of the deacons at Hayneville, and
with Samuel Felder and Barrett, who sus
tained the same relation to the church at Perry
They were men “full of faith and of the Holy
Ghost”—men always ready to do good; and we
find it difficult to repress the inquiry, When
shall we behold their like again ? To the labors
of brother Holmes they doubtless owed much
for their symmetrical and well sustained charac
ters, as Christian gentlemen, tbat have made
their example so rich a heritage to the churches
which were the scene of their earnest and use
ful lives; and wtll may they mourn for them
now, since they have passed away from the
labors ot earth to the reward of the faithful
Brother Holmes was a man of a high order of
intellect, and R9 he had enjoyed fine advan
tages ior mental cultivation, few men were bet
ter qualified for the arduous and responsible
duties ot tbe public ministry; and the Baptists
of South-western Georgia are largely indebted
to him, under God, ior their present influence
and power iu the vineyard of the Lord. While
at Cuthbert he was elected President ot the Cen
tral Institute located at Lynchburg, State ot Ala.,
which position he accepted, but retained it oniy
a short time. While at Lynchburg, he had
something like a paralytic stroke, and it was
deemed adviseable, by bis physicians, for him
to relinquish his position and res' from active
labors lor a time, hoping thereby to restore hi3
shattered health. Soon after his recovery from
this attack, he was called to the pastorate oi the
First Baptist Church in Atlanta, which relation
he sustained lor two or three years, loved and
honored by a large and appreciative flock. Iu
consequence of some disagreement which arose
between him and a portion of the members, he
resigned his charge and removed to the town of
Decatur, and labored for the churches in the
country around, until compelled, by ill health,
to relinquish the care ot churches altogether.
Returning to the city of Atlanta, his health be
gan to improve, so that he was able to resume
the active duties of the ministry, and for a time
alternated with Dr. Shaver, in supplying the
pulpit of tbe Baptist church ia Newnan. But
the seeds ot decay were sown in his system, and
again, in consequence of declining health, be
was compelled to leave his post, and learn to
suffer his Master’s will as well as to perform it
During bis last illness, the writer had several
interviews with him, in which he expressed his
unwavering trust in tbat Saviour whom be had
preached to others ; and he looked to the ter
mination ot his earthly career with a calm and
cbeerfui spirit, which showed tbat, when the
summons should come, he would be ready “ to
wrap the drapery of m» couch about him and lie
down to pleasant slumbers.” When he lelt his
end drawing near, he sent word to the writer to
Tisit him, bat on account ot other and pressing
engagements, a compliance with the request was
impracticable, so that the last scenes ot his
valuable lite must be drawn from tbe informa
tion furnished by others whose privilege it was
to be present in “ the chamber where the good
man met bis fate.” In his last hours, though
suffering from difficulty of breathing, he found
Jesus increasingly precious, and he who had
been a lellow-laborer with Jacob King, Hiram
Fowell, Cbarnock Tharp, O. D. Mailary, John
E Dawson and J. O. Screven, has gone to join
them in “ that land which has no storm;” and
joyiul indeed must be the meeting and com
munion of kindred spirits, at the Saviour’s
blessed feet!
He is gone I the able minister, the last friend,
(IT We hope for a sketch of our lamented
brother’s earlier life, from a venerable minister,
able to do full justice to the theme.
From the Savannah. Moininr News,
i il. view of tire Addreu of liie Hon. H.
ii. Hill to the People of Georgia.
Editor Morning News—The address of the
distinguished gentleman whose name heads this
article, .is characterized by all the logical dear
ness and ability appertaining to everything pro
ceeding from his pen, so tar as his premises are
concerned. Bat with all due deference to one
whom I have always regarded as among the
most illustrious ot Southern statesmen, I must
be permitted to say tbat his conclusions are not
ODly lame and impotent, but deeply mortifying
to every true D mocrat.
Nobody, certainly no lawyer, will deny that
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments ot
the Constitution are the taw of the land until
repealed. Nobody will deny that the Supreme
Court has no power to declare the proclama
tions ot the ratifications of said amendments
null aud void. Nobody will deny that the facts
necessary to ratification, as recited by the politi
cal power, must be accepted as true by the
Judiciary, and cannot be judicially questioned ;
but are these any reasons tbat a demand for
their constitutional repeal should not be made
by the Democratic party ? Are these any rea
sons why we should concur with Mr. Hill in
his policy of ‘ permanent acquiescence” in what
he himself proclaims a criminal usurpation.
Because a successful usurpation has been ac
complished, i3 that a sufficient reason why all
good meu should not combine, through the bal
lot and tbroagh political organizations, to over
throw it, and not by “permanent acquiescence,”
become parties themselves to the infamous act ?
Mr. Hill admits that through these amend
ments oi the Constitution, the Government has
become consolidated, and that the States now
have no rights, and that any powers they may
exercise are simple permissorv by the Federal
Government. To show that I am right in this
assertion 1 will quote his own words. He says:
“ Indeed, language cannot express ideas more
intensely national than are the ideas covered by
the words 4 jurisdiction over the civil and politi
cal status ot tbe citizen.’ These powers being
con'erred, it will be difficult to say what power
has not been conterred. While State govern
ments may remain as convenient regulators of
limited local interests, it will be held that under
these amendments to tbe new national Consti
tution, the General Government has acquired
revisory powers over the entire State govern
ment, find over all the legislative, executive,
and judicial departments of the State govern
ments.”
11 this be so, and I have not the least doubt of
it, how much the more is it incumbent upon
every true patriot to sink every other conside
ration in the one great object ot recovering the
rights ot the States. But instead of such a
manly and patriotic course, Mr. Hill advises us
to abandon all hope and abjectly yield to the
yoke. Hear his own words—he says:
“ Add to these views the well known fact that
the great body of the tNorthern people regard
the freedom and the civil and political equality
of the negro as great, national, philanthropic
and religions results, and you must agree with
me that the hope ot a change at the North which
would obliterate these amendments must be
abandoned.”
Why should we abandon a holy and patriotic
cause because it is not possible to obtain imme
diate success? Everything is still involved
that was in issue during the late war, except the
right ol secession and the possession of slaves.
The arena is only changed trom the battle-field
to the baliot-box. It we were willing to sacri
fice millions of treasure, and rivers of blood,
then, to preserve the institutions of our fathers
and the rights of the States, are we not willing
now to sacrifice the honors of the Federal Gov
eminent and the spoils of office to the same
noble end.
As to what Mr. Hill says in furtherance of his
permanent acquiescence policy about an honest
negro being a better member of tbe Legislature
than a dishonest white man, I perfectly agree
with him so tar as a King Lug is better than a
King Stork; any farther, I cannot see the force
ot the comparison, unless to find an honest man
at all we are compelled to seek him among the
negroes.
And now, in conclusion, Mr. Editor, permit
me to say that the true Democracy ot Georgia
have not, with Mr. Hill, lost all faith in the
National Democratic party righting this great
wrong. With confidence that they will do so,
we will support it with heart and soul until it
shall get into power, and then, if it proves re-
;-re.u;_ to its past history, and sha'l basely abau-
dcii those State rights principles, without which
there can be no Democracy, we wilt abandon It,
as a party, and rallying around one that will
b^ar on its banner the doctrine of repeal, do
battle for the rest of our lives, as we have done
in the past, lor the rights of the States,
Such a party, I confess, will have no attrac
tions for the professional politician. It would,
perhaps, for years bestow no Senatorships or
Gubernatorial honors as its rewards. Those
will consist alone in a sense of conscious ot rec
titude and patriotism, and the hope ot ultimate
success.
And why should we not succeed ? The Abo
litiooists over thirty years ago appeared like a
cloud in tbe East, no bigger than a man’s hand;
for years it remained stationary, sneered at by
the world, scoffed at by all parties, ostracised
from office; but with an energy and persever
ance worthy of a better cause, it kept on its
way, gradually increasing, until tbe cloud over
shadowed and burst in a storm ol bood over
the land. Can we not display the same energy
and perseverance in a good cause that they did
in a bad one ? Consolidation with all its un
limited tyranny caDnot permanently succeed
unless the people have lost their manhood and
prove untrue to themselves. J. B.
[COSIMCHICATED ]
Sabbatli Murulos.
This has been declared by tbe inspired peD8-
men as a day ot rest. Alter tbe toil and labor
ot six days have passed away, how welcome to
the wearied body is tbe approaching Sabbath
morning. Man, forgetting the anxieties and
care3 which have oppressed him, gathers aronnd
him bis little ones, the objects ot his afl ction,
and talks to.them ot that perpetual Sabbath—
that eternal rest beyond the skies, and lrom that
quiet home he gently treads his way to the
house where tbe assembled multitudes go up to
worship the God oi their fathers, and listens to
the melting appeals ot the minister as he tells
in enrapturing tones the story of the Cross for
the redemption ot the world. Our earthly Sab
bath is but a taint emblem of that Sabbath
which has no ending, in the paradise ot God.
Here our existence is but lor “a night;”
but there it is eternal in duration. Here we
weep, we sigh, we mourn; there all “ tears are
wiped from our eyes.” Here nights of sadness
gather around our pathway; hut “ there shall
be no night there,” where God and angels and
redeemed spirits dwell forever—
“ Where congregations ne’er break np,
Or sabbaths never end.”
J ’ W> P *
Introducing troops to regulate elections has
not even tne merit ol originality. It cost King
George his colonies, and Lotus Napoleon his
empire. What is badly won is usually lost in
the end, and this will imply as well to a Pres
ident who entered the army poor and came ont
rich, as to a P evident who took np arms as a
Democrat for the Union and the Constitution
and laid them aside, a Republican of the
8traightest sect, and in the interest of despot
ism, for the sake of spoils and office. Now the
climax is capped, in the presence of four or five
thousand U. S. Troops, under General Grant’s
orders, to secure, il possible, a party victory ior
Military President. Oh, for one hour of
Old Patrick Henry to thunder against this inva
sion ot the sanctity of the ballot—or for one
hour of the calm, but overwhelming, presence
of the Father ot his Country, to warn the peo
ple against the influence ot this most wicked
and pernicious example. The spirit of the ven
erated men who frowned upon the troops quar
tered in Boston to silence the old Boston State
House into submission, rise in jndgment against
this fresh abase ot flag, country, and free gov
ernment.—New York Express.
A remarkable fact, stated in a London letter,
is that the children ot the Prince ot Wales, at
the circus, “ laughed at the tricks as if they
were the children of common people.” Well,
wouldn’t it be hard lock if they couldn’t.
NEWS BY TELEGRAPH.
Washington, December 17.—A correspond
ent of the Baltimore Sun telegraphs that
Attorney-General Akerman intimated to the
President an early resignation, partially on
account of sickness.
The Attorney-General awards the quarter of
a million withheld from the Cherokees on
account of the Cherokee participation in the
rebellion. . . _
Roderick R Butler, member of Congress from
Tennessee, has been indicted lor perjury. A
warrant is out lor his arrest. He is held in two
$2,000 bonds each, for two forgery indictments.
His colleague, Stokes, went his bail.
New York, December 17.—The Heralds
special from Rome ot the 12th says: On the
feast of the “ Immaculate Conception," a gang
of ruffians, led by a notorious infidel named
Tognette, attacked the friends ot the Pope, near
Vatican,with knives and hatchets. The soldiers
interfered. _ . . rtv .
It is announced that the Baltimore & Ohio
Railroad declines to participate in the propased
Railroad Convention at Erie.
A letter from Chiet Justice Chase, doubts
whether he can deliver the inaugural address at
the unveiling of the “ Morse Statue.” He is re
covering slowly. _ ,
The receipts of the Western Union Telegraph
Company for October, was $673,665 ; net profits
$221,415, against $201,393 for October, 1869.
Derby, December 17.—The ’prentice boys’
meeting resolved to disregard the prohibition
of their annual exercises. They will have a
parade next March. A riot is apprehended.
London, December 17 —Notwithstanding the
Prussians have captured the neighboring heights,
the French in Belfort are holding out gallantly
Victor Emanuel will' enter Rome on the 8th
ot January.
A dispatch from Versailles says that the de
lay in the bombardment ot Pans is attributed
to a lack of ammunition. The condition ot the
roads prevents its comiDg forward. Fire will
not be opened in less than two weeks.
Bordeaux, December 17.—It was officially
announced, on Wednesday, that the D.ike of
Mecklenburg had captured Preteval, between
Chateau Dunn and Vendome.
On Thursday, the French re-captured Prete
val. The battle, with the united forces of the
Duke of Mecklenburg and Frederick Charles,
lasted until night. Tne enemy’s loss was very
heavy.
Versailles, December 17.—The Prussians,
after a slight skirmish, occupied Beaumont on
the 11th inst.
Washington, December 17.—Pleasonton will
not resume hie duties as Commissioner ot
Internal Revenue for two weeks.
The Attorney General has decided that when
ever the Uuited States has paid any coupons ot
the Pacific Railroad Company, the Secretary of
the Treasury may immediately demand from
said company reimbursement therefor, and may
at once proceed, in case ot default, to seize for
payment. The Secretary of the Treasury may,
under this decision, withhold the payment tor
Government transportation over the road.
Troy, December 17.—Franklin Kettler, wife
and two oldest children, most respectable citi
zens of Southampton, were murdered by a blind
sou, who disputed with his lather about the
will.
Wilmington, December 17—Zick McLaue-
lin, one of the notorious outlaws ot Kobeson
county, and for whose capture lame rewards
have been offered by tbe Governor of the State
and the authorities of Robeson county, was
killed yesterday, near Argile, by Henry Biggs
McLauehan had forced Biggs to accompany
him on one of his predatory excursions, Biggs
being unarmed. Stopping in a swamp, they
built a fire aud laid down to rest. McLauehliD
tell asleep, when Biggs secured his pistol and
shot him dead. The affair has caused great
excitement and much rejoicing in Robeson
county, and where McLauehlin’s many bloody
deeds had made him a terror to all good citi
zens. A company ot United States soldiers is
still in that county, aiding the citizens in their
efforts to capture or kill McLauehiin’s confede
rates.
London, December 16.—It is said that the
delay ot the French Government in acceding to
the London conlerence is wh dly due to the
difficult communication between Bordeaux and
Paris.
The Prussian Government charges that the
French consul at Luxemburg tor re-enlistment
ot fugitives from the French army.
Lille, December 16.—It is rumored that
Paris made a sortie, which accounts for the
rapid withdrawal of the German torces lrom
this region. It is said that the French came
out with an immense force, and already have
completely invested Versailles. Fiahting is
now going ou in the direction of Albert and
Abbeville.
Washington, December 17.—Rear Admiral
Samuel Breese, is dead, aged 76 years.
Detroit, December 17.—Primrose, who was
charged with, and has pleaded guilty ot, em
bezzling $23,000 from the Grand Trunk Rail
road, has been sentenced to three years’ impris
onment iu the State prison.
Division Superintendent Martin, who received
$17,000 of the money, fled to Canada.
bait Inspector reports 28,979 bushels increase
over last year.
London, December 16.—The London Exam
iner of yesterday has an editorial on the late
message ot Grant and tbe relations between the
United States and Great Britain. It urges that
the questions at issue between the two countries
be left to a court oi arbitration, and that such
court sit permanently.
The bark Ibis, trom New York for Cork, was
upset at Queenstown yesterday.
The French ports Fecamp, Dieppe and Havre
are to be blockaded.
The Baden Chamber has ratified the Federal
treaty looking to the annexation of State to the
North German Confederation.
New York, December 17—The Herald's
special from Raleigh, North Carolina, says the
Judiciary Committee of the House ot Represen
tatives have been in session since Thursday,
framing articles ot impeachment against. Holden
which articles, however, are not yet complete.
When tLey are completed, the Senate will ar
raign Governor Holden, and his official luac-
tions, will cease. The trial will not be com
menced until alter Christmas.
Washington, December 16 —Iris stated in
Republican circles, that Grant has intimated to
the heads ot bureaus and department, that the
disregard ol any recommendations to office,
made by Carl Schurz will not be regarded as a
fault.
Mr. B mtwell knows of no disagreement be
tween himself and the President.
Mr. Wm Chenawith, the mathematician and
astronomer, has died at St. Paul.
The French legation here, consider the cause
hopeless.
Pittsburg, December 16 —Francis Badger
has been found dead in his bed.
Baltimore, December 16 —Twenty stores
and eleven dwellings were burned to day.
Toronto, Canada, December 16 —The Globe,
in a long editorial, says:
“ It our neighbors, petulently and like spoiled
children, will have nothing to do with us, we
must get alot3g without them. Grant’s own
proclamation forbade trespasses, punishment
tor which he complains.
Washington. December 16 —Mr. Drake has
resigued, to take efiect on the 19th inst.
Mr. 8umner presented a petition ol the citi
zens of New England against the annexation
ot Dominica.
The Finance Committee reported adversely
to various bills abolishing the income tax.
The House bill making appropriations for
revenue cutters passed and goes to the Presi
dent.
The Southern Express Company charter was
considered. An amendment, that the franchise
shall not extend over twenty years, and the
compauy not be exempt from local taxation in
States where it operates, was adopted. The
bill then passed.
The President was requested to communi
cate any information relative to outrages upon
tbe loyal citizens ot North Carolina.
Drake took the floor to reply to Schnrz.
“ Stabbing the Republican party in cold blood,”
and “devilish conspirators,” were among tbe
milder epithets ot Drake’s denunciation of
Schurz. Schurz made a brief reply.
Mr. Morton offered a resolution requesting
the President to communicate to the Senate all
the information in his possession relative to
organized bodies of disloyal and evil-disposed
persons in the State ot North Carolina, which
have in view or threaten resistance to the
execution ot laws of the United States, or the
denial to United States citizens of the equal
protection of the laws, and their lu‘l
rights under the Constitution, and also what
murders and outrages for political purpose have
been committed by such organizations. The
resolution was adopted.
HOUSE.
The Committee on Claims reported adversely
to the claim ot J. Roes Browne, late Minister to
China.
The bill for the relief of Henry Ewell, of
Baton Rouge, passed.
A bill restoring to the estate of Samnel Miller,
of Virginia, $41,000 for stocks and bonds sold
under illegal confiscation, passed
The Reconstruction Committee reported a
bill relieving a number of persons named.—
Passed—ill to 53.
A bill from the Ways and Means Committee,
to amend an act in relation to the collection of
duties on sugar, passed.
Adjournedjtill Monday.
Roderick R. Butler, ot the 1st district of Ten
nessee, was indicted by the grand jury here
KmUj tor forgery, is signing muses of pes-
sinners to documents, whereby lie obtained the
pension money due them. A bench warrant
was issued and he will be arrested to-morrow.
Providence, December 16 —Burglars, in a t_
tempting to rob the Bank iu North Kingston,
burned the Bank and town records ot one hun
dred and sixty years.
Albany, December 16—Tbe river is full of
floating ice. Noon boats from New York, have
not yet arrived.
Brockway, the alleged counterfeiter, has been
dkcharged under the statute ot limitation.
London, December 16.—The bullion in the
Bank of England has increased a quarter of a
million.
Munich, December 15.—The Chamber of
Deputies passed for the military credit, forty
million florins.
The Federal Treaty was referred to a special
committee.
Madrid, December 15.—It is said that the
first act ol King Amadis will be to give half of
the appendage of the Crown, amounting to
twenty millions dollars, to the treasury.
New York, December 16—A special to the
World, dated London 15th, says: Proofs of
the Prussian scheme for the restoration ot the
French Empire come lrom every quarter. Bis
marck s ys that this is the only way we can
have peace ; that the Republic ot France will
fight forever; that the tail ot Paris can produce
no effect; that Prussia’s course is to make
terms with the Empire and go home, and let
the Freuch fight it out among themselves.
Berlin, December 15.—Bismarck’s organ
insists upon a convocation ot Consuls General
to consider tbe reconstruction ot the French
government with a view to peace proposals. It
says this suggestion emanated trom Napoleon
Brussels, December 15—There is most per
fect accord between Prussia and Belgium, the
latter has been officially thanked tor the good
aitb shown by her in her steady political ad
herence to neutrality.
B irdeaux, December 15 —The sub-Prefect
of Havre aud a report received here, denies hav
ing sent a dispatch aunouncinga French victory
at Paris. He maintains, however, that there is
a general and precipitate retreat ot the Prus
sians in the North ot France. A balloon which
landed at Hanfleur, has not yet reached Bor
deaux, but a dispatch from the aeronaut says he
has good Dews lrom Paris.
Paris letters of the 9th announce the situa
tion good. The repulse ot the army of Loire
and recapture ot Orleans have not discouraged
the Prussians* There is a general demand for
more sorties, and the universal approval ol the
answer sent by Gen. Trochu to Gen. Moltke.
The people all say they will resist to thu
last. The measures taken by the Government
since the commencement ot the siege are
accepted willingly by the population, having
insured itseif against a waste ot provisions, ot
which there are enough to last until February.
The Government will again have fresh meat
rationed to the inbabi'ants—other provisions
are sufficient to last six months.
FOB THE INTELLIGENCER.
Acc rding to previous notice given, this
morning will commence, (with no postpone
ment on account ol weather) a three days’ ac
tive, manly and red-hot election in this unre
constructed, but glorious old Slate of Georgia.
All necessary “ wise provisions ” having been
made, il is not at all hazardous to predict that
the aftair will be a graud success—It not a com
plete triumph—to those zealous and vigorous
candidates who “ nan out ” the most votes on
the “closing up” and “homestretch.” The
time given in which to talk, swear, persuade,
iuvoke, and secure votes, ought to be, and no
doubt is, amply sufficient and quite satisfactory
to the most fastidious party, or wavering and
demoralized individual. Tlie modus operandi ot
“exercising” being, by virtue ot a strict legality
construction, a little slow, I am instructed to
scy that all can vote, and that no man need fail
to make the attempt on the ground of bad
health or ineligibility. Should any party have
iis forces scattered, it will have seventy-two
hours in which to rally and “ be a man.” I am
further requested to say, that no man, except he
be a heroic “ manager,” or gallant “ leader” of
some party, with credentials to that efiect, can
place his hand on his heart and swear he saw
over 500 illegal votes cast lor a successful can
didate.
I am not eiven bad to politics, nor am I an
over-public-spirited voter; yet, when I reflect
that 1 am a Georgian, from the “ staving ”
county ot Rockdale, and that there is, neces
sarily, a vast difference between a white man
and a negro, a negro man and a white one, and
the state of the country at large, (eggs are now
50 cents by the tubtnl, and turkeys very scarce—
all owing to chicken cholera, and a lack of
transportation,) I am constrained to abhor most
ot the measures and issues which are likely to
be “sprung” around this famous city either
to-day, to-morrow, or next day. I mean busi
ness, though I am rashly opposed to uniform
ing the police, as that would unfit them for
their present quarters, and the arduous duties
ot “siraightemng” bullies and “coolingdown ”
the “roughs” who are wont to prowl around
our moral city “ on the sly.”
In the beautiful language of that great and
good man, Jeremiah Jones, ot Kentucky or
Chicago, “lam free and untrammelled No
man, as yet, has the promise, or even the mild
est intimation, that he will get my firm suf
frage and courageous influence. (They usually
go together—in fact, always, except when two
ot my relatives are running for the same office.)
But, sir, I intend to vote—to “ vote eariy ana
often,” if permitted—provided lean find a can
didate, on the street, at tbe polls, in at Pease’s,
or anywhere else, who will treat twice, loan
treely five dollars, aod solemnly swear that he
did not “ aid or abet ” in the introduction of
centrally located guano depots, and that he
entirely concurs with me on the subject ol
internal improvements. This sir, is the great
issue—the paramount idea—and no other prin
ciple or platform should be thought ol or talked
about for one minute—not even by lawyers,
justices, ordinaries, bailiffs, or tax receivers.
The reason is obvious: It takes money to get up
internal improvements, and that candidate, with
a clear head and good muscle, who pledges his
constituency, that he will “ go for them,”
(internal improvements,) and not improperlyluse
the public money tor his own individual use, is
the “ right man in tbe right place,” il he never
gets elected.
Fellow citizens, I exhort you to vote for such
a man, if you can find him, and you will never
regret it, if be is beaten, unless he tails to be a
“slip-up,” a “slide-down," a “reconstructed,” a
“ foil," a “ halt-souled,” or any oth-r kind of a
cuss that necessity and a tight race may require.
You may have my position, and ii you think
I ana right, you have my thanks and admira
tion ; but, if you differ with me on the moment
ous issues now at stake in tbis great and tre
mendous contest, you will, by keeping politi
cally mum until after the pending election is
over, and found not necessary to be contested,
much oblige, yours, with much anxiety,
Jabr Juno.
P. S.—I forgot to mention that any member
of the “ Executive,” the “ Central," or any other
committee, or any other gentleman or “ legal
voter,” who may desire to see me on business
connected with the “ welfare of the whole
State,” or public water works, street railways,
or tree schools, or anything else, can do so t>y
enclosing his address, with two dollars and a
halt, to “ Lock-bock 72,941, Kimball’s State
Capitol,” or Atlanta, Ga. Jabe Juno.
Jllcblean vi. ueorgla.
Hard to Strike out “White.”—The Cin
cinnati Enquirer says : “ At the late election In
Michigan the question was submitted to the
people, by the Republican Legislature, whe'her
they would strike the word “white” out of the
State Constitution, in the suffrage clause, where
it restricts voting to white persons. This was
considered necessary in order to briDg it in har
mony with the Fifteenth Amendment to the
Federal Constitution. It was not supposed that
there would be any opposition to this procedure,
which the progress ot events had apparently
rendered inevitable. But to the astonishment
ot the Republican managers, a State which they
earned even this fall by fifteen thousand majori
ty, talters upon this question, and it the trtends
of “striking out” are not beaten, they have only
succeededby a majority of a lew hundred ! It
would seem that a large portion of the Republi
can party iu Michigan are desirous ot adminis
tering a rebuke to those who ratified the
amendment in their name, witnout their con
sent, even it the act carries with it no practical
foice or effect.”
The foregoing is certainly a fust rebuke to the
Democratic Executive Commitle ot Georgia who
rec<ntly issued an address to tbe people of the
State—saying that “ they could not if they
would, ana that they would not if they could,
take from the negroes the right to vote and hold
office.” The Republican Legislature in Michi
gan ratified the I5th Amendment to the Con
stitution of the United States, and subsequently
submitted the question to the people of that
State whether they would strike the word
“white” out of the State Consiitution in the suf
frage clause where it restricts voting to white
persons, so as to make it conform to tbe amend
ed Constitution, which met with a very decided
rebuke to the Legislature of that State.
When will our people learn to be wise?
Big WestUer Just Abend.
According to astronomers we are to have a
heavy time shortly in the way,of earthquakes,
tidal waves, tornadoes, cyclones, thunder, light
ning and the like. Tbe sun is to go into total
eclipse on the 23d of December, three days be
fore Christmas, and then the performance is to
commence.