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im) e ; r~i i v.
. At mi {summer eve, according to a custom com
m >ll over Germany, every young girl plucks a sprig of
S\ Jobn’i wort (Hypericum) and sticks it into tlie
wjll'of her chamber.’ Should it, owing to liie damp
ness of the wail, retain its freshness and verdure, she
nnv reckon upon gaining a sui'or in the course of the
Mar ; h.it. should it droop, the popular belief is, that
she is also destined to pine and winter away.’
Tor young maid stole through the erttage door
An I blushed as she sought he ;>lant of power.
Tliou si’ver g o v-worm, O, lend me thy light!
I must gather mv mysric St. John’s wort to-night.
The wonderful li j rh, whose leaf will and cid#
If the coming year shall make me a bride.
‘ A .a the glow-worm came
\Vi h its silver flame,
And sparkled and shone
Through the night of St. John.’
And soon as the maiden her love-knot tied,
With nuseless tread
To her chamber she sped,
Where the spectra! moon her white beams shed,
It •> > n h -re—bloom here, thou plant of power,
T * leek the young bri !e in her bridal hour,
Hi i I ie I it* head that plant of power,
Al l I’ • I the mute death of the voiceless flower ;
Ails withered wreath on the ground it lay,
II >— rpi-ot f >r a burial than a bridal day,
A'i I wien the f ill year had flitted away,
All pale ou her bier the young ma ; d .ay !
‘Ail ‘lie ;t’o v-worm came
With is livery flame,
An I snirkisd and shone
Turin th the night of St. John, _ t
And they closed the grave o’tr the maid’s co:d clay.
From the New York Mirror.
TROUT CA i CUING —ey x. i. willis.
Talking of trout. We emerged from the j
woods of Glenmary,(you left me there in my i
lust letter.) and rounding the top of the hill, J
w licit serves lor my sunset drop curtain, we ‘
ran and nvn a mile to a brook in the bed of a j
Jo v vi lev. It rejoices in no name, that I
r.uil.l hear of; hut, iike much that is unc.ele
i> :Uiai, ii tins its Virtues. Leaving William
t i t e the horse to a hemlock, and bring 1 on
In* his<-'i, we started up the stream, and
ci n og t> a cold spring, my friend sat down
to i i.i a.e me into the rudiments of preparing
iie fly. Avery gay-coated gentleman was
selected, rather handsomer than your horse
fly, and whipped upon a rod too taper for a
comparison.
4 What next ?’
‘ Take a bit of worm out of the tin box,
and r. >ver t’ e h u b.*
4 I will. Si iy ! where are the bits ! I see
nothing here hut full grown worms, crawling
about, with every one his complement of ex
tremities—not a tail astray.’
4 Bib! pull a bit off!’
4 What! you don’t mean that lam to pull
one o’ these squirming unfortunates in two?*
4 Ce tainlv !’
‘Weil c.mne! tint seems to me rather a
lil c tv. I grant you 4 my education has been
neplected, but, mv dear F., there is mercy
in a guillotine. I had made up my mind to
t ie death of the fish, but this preliminary—
he ror !’
• flame! don’t be a woman !’
4 I wish l were—l should have a pair of
pels ors. Fancy having your leg pulled off,
ioy good follow. I say it is due to the poor
and • v;| tb-it ihe operation he as short as possi
be So pse your thumb slips?’
4 Why, the worm feels nothing! Pnin is
in he i agnation. Stay! I’ll do it for you
W at the remain !er of the worm felt, I
had no nip: rtondv of observing, as my fiend
t ui the tiu box into his pocket immediate
ly ; hit the 4 bit’ which he dropped into the
pi;n of mv hand, gave everv symptom of
e\irnu“ s-q mishment. to gay the least. The
jvissi: g o the barb of the hook three times
lVnugit h ni.'s emed rather to increase his
v taliiv .nil looked to me as little like happi
ness -* anything I ever saw on an excursion
of pleasure. Far be it from me to pretend to
nv>ve “i sihility than Cliristopher North, or
!'••* k w d'on. The latter had his humani
ties ; and Wilson, of all the men I have ever
u, carries, marked in his fine fare, the
p.iiare which bewitches affection. But emu
ins as I am of their fame ns anglers, and
noti'-i us I should feel at introducing inno
vafioi.s upon an art so refined, I must venture
upon some less primitive instrument than
t l iimb and finger, for the dismemberment of
wormy. I must take scissors.
I h id never seen a trout caught in mv life,
and I di> not remember at this moment ever
f: >vm r, ot •-> ’lf, caught a fish of any genus or
i'rn !t. Mv first lesson, of co irse, was to
v. the thing done. F. stole up to ihe hank
of lire sue - u. as if his tread might wake a
mi \d. and threw his fly into a circling, black
p •>:. sp>rk'in<r with brilliant bubbles, which
e > I. .1 mnv from a small brook-leap in the
at sad*’. Th ■ same instant the rod bent, and
a .flittering, spotted cmature rose into the air,
vnn.r t<> Ids hand, and was dropped into ihe
h isif t. Another flinsr, and a email trail of
t ” fl / on die water, and another followed.—
* \ oh t ie third, I felt a curious uneasiness iri J
’ V o ”"v, extending quickly to mv wrist—
the iUng of a revv-horn en husiasm. F.
had taken up the stream, and with his lips
apart, and body bent over, like a mortal sur
prising some troops of fays at revel, it was
not reasonable to expect him to remember his
nuoil. So, silently I turned down, and at the
first \o >1 threw in mv fly. Something bright
s >e ■ ed horn at. the instant under it, and the
n ght tilling pull upon ihe poel, took me so
m.irh bv surprise, that for a second I forgot
to raise it. Up came the bright trout, rain
ing the s'lver water from his hack, and at the
j-econd swing through mb* air, (for I had not
yet learned the slight of the fisher to bring
Inn quick to hand,) he dropped into the pool,
and was gone. I had already begun to take
hi pa t against myself, and delected a pleas
<■ I th- 11, M his escape, venturing through mv
bosom. I sat lo vn upon a prostrate pine, to
re v-Sov!ock mv poor worm. The tin Io::
was in F.’s pocket! Come! here was a re-
I ’ •F. As to the wild wood wornls that might
b.’ dug from the pine tassels under my feet, I
was incapable of violating their forest sanctu
ary’. I would fish no more. I had had mv
pleasure. It is not like pulling up a stick or
a stone, to pull up a resisting trout. It is a
P'cufar sensation, unimaginable till felt. I
should like ‘o he an angler very well, but for \
the trorm in my pocket.
The hrook at mv f*et, anil around me
pines of ih ■ tallest lift, by thousands! You
tmv travel through a forest, and look upon
these communicants with the sky, ns trees.
But vow cannot sit still in a forest, alone and
s lent, without feeling the awe of their pre
sence. Yet the b-ook ran an 1 sang as me
rily in their black shadow, as in the open sun
shine; and the woodpecker played his sharp
In o n r on a tree ever green lor centuries,
>■ t v vle-sly on a poplar, that will he out
-1 e i by such a fish-catcher as I. Truly, this
Lwl iin which there is small recognition
o’ ye ituess. As it is in the forest, so it is in
tlv* town. The very nods would have their
t > s ’rl ”pon, if they walked without their
w n r-*. \ ‘•! let us take honor to ourselves
above v The pine beneath me has
b'cn a jr ant, with his top in the clouds, hut
li s !V*'v. unvalued on the earth. IVe reeng j
i*tse :• allies* rrhm it is deal. We are pro- j
J -i’ of love and honor when it is unavailing. I
We a re, hi something, above wood and stub- :
h ;•
I have fallen into a sad trick, dear doctor. I
of preaching sermons to mvs elf, from these j
texts of nature. Sometimes, like o’her
preae'.ery I pervert t!ie meaning and forget ;
the coritex*, but reverie would lose its charm 1
if ii went by reason. Adieu ! Come no to
and catch trout if vow will. But
J vi ! t ht ve vour worms decently drowned he- j
f.-e h ,ed f>r use. I cannot sleep o’nigiits’
pfier slipping one of these harmless creatures
out of his own mouth, in a vain attempt toj
pull him asunder.
There is a fata! murrain among the cattle of i
Ueoy Hampshire.
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER G, 1838.
UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee.
ROBERT “VV. POOLER, of Chatham.
JOSIAH S. PATTERSON, of Early.
DAVID CAMPBELL, of EM.
JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark.
CIIARLEa U. Ne.LSON, of Cherokee.
B. GRAVES, of Nation.
J. G. Me WHO K TER, of Richmond.
GEN. JOHN W. BURNEY, of Jasper.
—— _ ___
For Senate,
J. P. H. CAMPBELL.
For House of Representatives ,
JOHN L. HARP,
JOHN L. LEWIS.
DISSOLUTION.
The co-partnership that existed between
tl.a subscribers, is dissolved by mutual con- j
sent. The accounts due the concern will he i
in the hands of B. V. Iverson, or his agent,
who will attend to their settlement.
B. V. IVERSON,
J. B. WEBB.
Columbus, Sept. 1, 1838.
The undersigned have become the pur
chasers of the Columbus Sentinel end Herald,
and appeal to the present and former patrons
of the establishment, for that support which
; has been heretofore so liberally extended.
| In entering upon the duties which our
1 station as caterers for the public taste, as ad
visers of the passing events of the day, espe
cially in the political world, and as the advo
cates of those great and glorious principles
upon which we believe the perpetuity, the
liberty and happiness of this Government
rests, we are not unmindful of the responsi
bilities which we assume, and of the difficul
ties which we shall have to encounter. The
duties which the conductors of a public jour
nal owe to the country, are numerous and
of a weighty character. A free and inde
pendent, on enlightened and virtuous press,
is a blessing to any country, and a most
powerful auxiliary in the cause of freedom
and virtue ; whilst on the other hand, a press
regardless of truth, one which supports the
cause of faction, trammelled by the behest of
the wildest visions of party fanaticism, pour
ing out its denunciations agninct the most
virtuous and patriotic citizens, simply for a
mere difference of opinion, perverting and
distorting truth to answer the purposes of the
moment, is polluted and prostituted ip the
highest degree, and scan but be regarded as a
lighting and withering curse to any com
munity.
We do not pretend to promise that we
shall be able to carry into the prosecution of
this undertaking even all the requisites which
we have mentioned (and many others might
he named) as indispensable for a useful pub
lic journal. We are not vain enough to sup
pose that we shall bring to the task that
ability which will be desired both by our
selves and patrons; but such as we have
shall be fearlessly and honestly exerted.
There are. however, some things which
we will promise to perform: A sacred and
inflexible regard for truth shall mark our
course, and if at any time we find that we
have committed unintentional error, we shall
hasten to make the correction : private char
acter shall never he by us assailed, and the
meed of praise and commendation shall he
awarded to a faithful and fearless discharge
of public duty, whether emanating from poli
tical friend or political opponent, and the
censure of public conduct shall be B 9 freely
bestowed, wherever we shall deem that cen
sure deserving. In a word, it. is our great
object to support the cause of our country,
and not to be the mere tools or automatons
of men or party. Let us not be misunder
stood : we profess ourselves partizans, hut
not factionists; and for the maintainance of
those great and glorious principles upon
which the Union party of Georgia was form
ed, we shall continue to struggle; but our
zc.o for party shall never lead us into a de
sertion of the cause of truth and of our
country —it shall never eau3e us to do wilful
and wanton injustice to an opponent, or to
throw the mantle and shield over the sins of
a political friend.
If at any time the party to which we be
long, and of which we are proud to be mem
bers, shall abandon principle, and losing sight
of this, shall act with a mere regard to party
tactics, we at least, will not be numbered
amongst those who thus degrade the dignity
of a struggle for principle to the cause of a
mere faction—for faction it would then be—
and no denunciation, no sentence of condem
nation, shall deter us from our purpose of
exposing and denouncing such a course.
It is perhaps useless for us to make any
allusion to our political creed, after what has
been said above. We will remark, however,
in this change of owners the politics of the
Sentinel and Herald has undergone no change,
and if we bring not to the advocacy of those
principles the same ability which has marked
! the efforts of our predecessors, we promise at
! least equal zeal.
We are in favor of a strict constrnction of
the Federal Constitution, believing that all
the powers intended to be given, are ex
pressly granted, and that none are to be de
rived by implication; for once depart from
ibis mode of construing this instrument, and
, all the guards intended to be thrown around
Ihe rights of the States, and of the people,
are at once at an end. Hence it results that
we are opposed to a National Bank, because
the [tower is not given to Congress to charter
such an institution. Hence, also, we are
opposed to Internal Improvement by the
General Government, the Tariff, and all
other measures deriving their existence from !
! implication.
We are opposed to monopolies in any and I
| every possible shape in which they may be i
presented, believing that they are at war
l v\ith the genius of our institutions, and that;
I tend to the building up of a monied j
! aristocracy, (fostered and maintained by le- j
j gisiative aid,) more dangerous in its charac-j
i ter than an aristocracy of title or blood, be-;
cause more potent, and more capable of;
i doing injury. In the language of the motto!
’ which we have adopted from the immortal;
Declaration of Independence, k We hold these j
i truths to be self-evident, that ail men are;
j born equal.’ Ii oi>, then so far as legislative j
i action goes, let them so remain,
j In regard to the so railed Sub Treasury,)
it would perhaps he expected that we should!
express some opinion. We regard the pre-j
sent contest —whatever shape it may assume!
—however much it may be disguised—as
being oue between the Sub Treasury and a
National Bank. We think it must result in
the establishment of the one or the other;
and believing, as we have before said, the
establishment of a National Bank to be un
warranted by the Constitution —whieh for us
is a sufficient reason for opposing it, if none
others could be offered —and regarding the
Sub Treasury as being strictly within the
pale of the Constitution, and the best practi
cal mode that can be devised for the collec
tion and distribution of ihe public revenues,
we are decidedly in favor of it.
We shall oppose the election of Henry
Clay to the Presidency, believing his princi-;
pies to he at war with all the doctrines of!
the democratic party of the Union, arid that
his elevation would sound the death knell of j
all those glorious doctrines for which the
whole Soutli has so nobly contended since j
the days of Jefferson. So far as the admin- j
istration of Mr. Van Buren has gone, with a I
few exceptions of minor importance, we can I
render to it our cordial support. So long as I
we believe him right, we shall fearlessly sup
port him, and when we believe him wrong 1 ,
we shall as fearlessly condemn.
We have the gratification of stating to
our patrons, that we have succeeded in ma
king arrangements by which we relain for
the present, in the editorial department, the
able and efficient services of J. B. W eeb, Esq.
one of the former editors, whose chaste and
eloquent pen has heretofore contributed so
much to the value and interest of the columns
of the Sentinel and Herald.
If, with these principle* and these arrange
ments, we shall continue to enjoy the former
and present patronage of the establishment,
we trust that we shall he able to be of seme
service to our common country.
JAMES HENRY CAMPBELL,
JOHN L. LEWIS.
THE ELECTION.
The horses are saddled—the riders cere tip. —
As we near that point of time, designated
as th t first of October, there is a newness of
life, bustle and activity, infused into all the
component parts of society. Men walk with
a more sprightly gait—glance a quicker and
keener eve—thiuk more—talk faster—make
more polite bows and sl>s!; e hands nftener I
every body knows the reason full well—
a Georgia election is drawing nigh. The
ballot-box, so begirt with a magic influence
in this land of freedom, is about to he opened,
and men are found battling fiercely for what
they consider to be the inestimable right of
suffrage. Our city and county is at this time
the theatre of warm, energetic, but generous
excitement. Our candidates for the Legis
lature are all in the field, six in number, and
each has girded himself for the 4 trial strain,’
with a palpable determination to make 4 speed
and bottom’ tell loudly and definitely for
itself. The entries are all sure—there will be
no drawing; and we are much pleased,
since the pleasant change vvl ich has taken
place in the weather—to witness their strong)
vigorous exercise : all are ‘ moving finely’—
hear hard upon the bit, and stride away har
moniously for the judge’s stand.
Dropping the figure, there is a maintain
ance of honorable and gentlemanly principle
among the candidates, in the present contest,
so rarely seen that we cannot but view it as
spectacle of moral beauty ; and whilst we
make no other calculation than to succeed
over our opponents by handsome majorities,
still we wish them a 4 good poll,’ and midst
the hottest of the battle we will recognise
them as old friends, and after the victory tip
them the sparkling goblet.
Our Union friends have great cause to be
of good cheer; the old devoted friends of
their principles all stand fast, arid are fired
with fresh zeal, whilst many new converts are
enlisting under that banner whose glorious
‘stars and stripes’ give solemn warning, that
4 the U-ion is one and inseparable, now and
forever.’
Our Congressional ticket must be elected.
Upon that issue hangs suspended a great
and important principle, upon the success of
which depends the existence of the democracy
of the country Union men, be active, be
diligent, and your triumph ivill be complete.
RAIL ROADS.
The quarterly report of the Commissioners
of the Western and Atlantic railroad is a
document full cf interest, and indicative o*
the final success of that great and promising
scheme. This undertaking well deserves the
patronage of the people, and as the duty of
completing it will devolve upon the next Le
gislature, we doubt not but that body will act
with wisdom and energy in relation to the all
important question of Internal Improvement.
With regard to the Montgomery and West
Point railroad, the Montgomery Advertiser
says :
‘ This work is progressing with a spirit and
energy highly creditable to those concerned.
About forty miles are graded, and the rails
laid down upon fifteen or twenty; they have
rails enough to complete about thirty-five j
miles, and hope to have locomotives runningi
that distance during the month of January
next, and to complete the road to West Point
in twelve months thereafter. There are at
present upwards of seven hundred hands
employed on it.’
So far as railroads generally have been
commenced throughout the State, they are
progressing with a spirit of enterprise com-!
menstirale with the importance of the under
taking; and we are gratified to witness a
growing spirit on this subject pervading every j
portion of the State, which, we doubt not, j
I will continue to progress until our beloved j
| Stale shall arise like another Phoenix from j
; Iter ashes, and assume that proud station
; along side of our sister States for which na—
j ture intended and fitted her.
With reference to the Chattahoochee Rail
Road and Banking Company, we are author
l ® * *
ised to say, that such arrangements are com-;
pleling as will enable tire Company to com
mence operations by the first of October.
The President anti Cashier are both at the;
North, at ibis time, maturing their financial:
operations. An Engineer lias been engaged
to survey the route, and those who have
charge of the project speak of their prospects
in the most encouraging manner. Columbus,
when linked to the great valley of the West,j
will flourish even as the bay tree.
THE GEORGIA ARGUS.
This is the tide of anew weekly paper,!
the first number of which was published in
our city on Saturday last. It is edited by ;
James N. Bethune, Esq. and if we may judge
from the prospectus and the editorial matter,
it is designed to play the part of a relbrmer
in tlie present age of abuses, monopolies, and
unlicensed speculations. We like its indica
ted course, and wish it great success. The
typographical execution is neat and praise
worthy. Freedom was purchased by the
sword, but by the dissemination of intelli
gence must it be preserved.
A pamphlet has been laid upon our (able,
entitled ‘Minutes of the proceedings of the
second Convention of Merchants and others,
held in Augusta, Georgia, April 2d, 1838.’
Alter having re-perused it attentively, we
1 are decidedly of the opinion that it contains
data, facts and arguments, which are of vital
moment to the Southern and Southwestern
! Slates, and should be universally read by the
I people.
The South has been long enough the slave
j of the North: let her apply properly her own
I resources, which are rich and unbounded,
and cnns'itute the currency of the country’
and she will soon throw off the shackles.
Tire first Convention was held in October
1837, at Augusta, and contained eighty mem
bers, who represented two Slates and one
Territory. The second Convention was held
in April, IS3B, and composed of one hundred
and eighty members, representing five States
and one Territory.
The third Convention will be held on the
third Monday in next October, at Augusta,
the Convention of jßt April having been
“djourned to that period. Let not our fellow
citiz.ens forget the coming Convention ; there
are interests involved of high and solemn im
portance to the people of the South, and her
citizens should be awake to their protection
and advancement.
CHEROKEE EMIGRATION.
We perceive by the Hamilton (Tenn.)
Gazette of the 9th of August, that the long
conference between Gen. Scott and the Cher
okees has at last come to a close. John
Ross and other chiefs of the nation have un
dertaken the removal of the Indians, for which
they are to receive the enormous price of t
sixty-five dollars per head! The removal
Was to hayg commenced on the first of this
month. It is computed that twelve detach
ments will take off all the Indians, and that
the last will leave by the 20th of October.
Until the departure of each detachment, they
are to be subsisted by the Government.
‘All’s well that ends well.’
TROUBLE IN THE WEST.
From a correspondence which has taken
place between Gen. Games, Gov. Cannon ot
Tennessee, and the Secretary of War, it
appears that the war fires are kindling on
our western frontier. All the different tribes
o{ Indians west of the Mississippi, (except the
Osages and Kansas,) have been called by the
Cherokees to meet in Council on or about the
11th ol this month, in the Cherokee country,
on the Illinois river. A runner had been sent
by the Cherokees, with the wampum and
talk to the Senecas, Delawares, and Kicka
poos. ‘The object of this Council is doubt
less to effect a union of these tribes, prepara
tory to striking a simultaneous blow upon the
settlements of Arkansas and Missouri, from
the Red River to the upper Mississippi.’
It has been our settled opinion for a length
of time, that we were to experience much
trouble from this quarter, and we doubt not
but the western tribes will rise in all the
strength and power of their hostility. Let
our Government look to it, that the necessary
preparations of defence be made preliminary.
DEATH OF JUDGE POLHILL.
The Southern Recorder of the 4th instant
announces the death of the Hon. John G.
Polhill, Judge of the Ocmulgee Circuit. He
died of a paralytic attack, on the 26th ultimo,
in Cass county, whither he had resorted tor
the improvement of his health.
Loafct’s ’ Journal.— A ninepence sheet ema
nating from Wetumpka, Ala, edited by Bob
not Bob the elder , hut some young
sprig of’ nobility, who aimß to correct the
false fashions of the times, by shooting the
arrows of fun, witticism and sarcasm at them.
The motto which this sprout bears, is 4 united
we stand —divided we fall.’ Most appropos.
Nothing can separate one loafer from another
but 4 cold wittles.’
TO THE EDITORS OF THE ENQUIRER.
Gentlemen: During my confinement to u
bed of sickness, from which I have even as yet
but very partially recovered, I wsa inhum
ed that an anonymous writer in your paper (of
what date I know not) propounded to myself,
and my friend Col. Lewis, certain interroga
tories,and preferred against us charges of po
litical inconsistency, requiring answers to the
one, and an explanation of the oilier. This
communication I have never seen, and can
only rely upon such information as I have re
ceived respecting its contents. The means
of correct information on the subject, howev
er, was and is aoubt ess within my reach,
and of which I could avail myself, if I
! thought proper to do so, lor 1 am sufficiently
acquainted with the conductors of the ‘ En
quirer’ to know that its file would be subject
to my inspection, so far, at lerst, as to exam
ine into any matter which concerned me per
sonally, if I desired it. But as it is not mv
intention to reply to this anonymous writer,
I have not thought it necessary to give either
you or myself the trouble to make this exam
ination. Ido not feel called upon to reply to
; any interrogatories put. or charges prefered,
i unless I am advised of the source from which
| they emanate ; and in declining to do so, I
! intend not the slightest disrespect to the au
thor, But the common laws of courtesy and
j of Christian warfare (if a political contest can
i be so called) require that I should know who
j it is with whom I have to contend—who it is
. that asks questions, and prefers a prosecution
! before the tribunal of the public, for political
; inconsistency. I choo3e rather to replv to
j you, gentlemen, who have thought proper, in
your character of editors, to reiterate this
j charge of political inconsistency, hvpocricv,
and change, for the mere purpose of obtain
ing office. Coming from you, in a manner
equivalent to its appearing over your own j
! signatures, whatever its justice may be, (of
vvhtch the public must judge) it is at least j
more manly and independent. To vour i
charges, then, I will reply—not in the lan-j
guage of complaint because the attack has!
been made, or because of the lime or man- \
ner at and in which it has been made, but in
that spiiit of candor which I trust ever has’
and ever will characterize my course, wheth- ;
eras a public servant or a private citizen.
First, then, T am charged with having
I changed my views upon ue subject of the
I states loaning her credit to corporations tor
the construction of works of internal iin
! provement, since the last session of the Le
gislature. I frankly admit the truth of this
| charge, and have never attempted to disguise
‘or palliate it, but on the contrary, I have can
didly expressed the change which my opin
ions have undergone, both in public and pri
vate, whenever a lilting opportunity offered,
or questioned upon the subject. But I most
unequivocally deny the charge so broadly
made by you, that this change lias been a
sudden one, or that it was made with the
view ot courting popular favor. Those with
whom I have been in the daily habit of asso-
ciating for years, and who have Ik-en, during
| that time, familiar with all my political opin
ions, will bear testimony tha t riiishas not been,
as you suppose, a sudden change, hut that at
most immediately on my return front the Le
gislature 1 expressed strong doubts of the
propriety ot the establishment of tiie-princi
pies involved in this issue, and that upon
jiurther calm and impartial investigation of
j ihe subject, with all mv predilections in favor
|ol a system ot internal improvement, those
j doubts have resulted in the conviction, upon
J my mind, that the vote which I gave in that
j body was wrong in principle, as having a di
rect tendency to establish principles and con
fer lavors dangerous to the rights of the peo
ple. Perhaps it might he expected that I
should offer the reasons upon which this
conviction and change haR been and is found
ed. Ihe limits of this communication will
not permit me to enter into detail; I can
offer, therefore, only a few of the most prom
incut: they are such as to have satisfied me
that I was wrong, and I trust that whenever
I find that I am in error, either in public ot
private life, that I shall have moral courage
enough t > change niv opinions, or my course
ot conduct, and independence enough to
avow ’.liat change. It has been the business
of my life to seek truth, and whenever f hon
estly believe that I have found it, I shall not
be ashamed or afraid to embrace it, however
different from mv former opinions.
First, then. I am, to a very limited extent,
the friend of corporations, and corporate
power and influence. I believe all legislation
conferring exclusive privileges anti-republi
can in its character, and at variance tjjth the
genius of our government, and that it should
never he resorted to hut in cases of the
strongest necessity. Even when this necessity
exists, and the general good requires a resort
to this extraordinary exercise of power, I
think it the duly of the legislature to throw
around the powers granted all the guards
that can he afforded to keep such corpora
tions within their legoimatr sphere. The
proposition is lo give to corporations the
Credit of the state. If lam not mistaken, all
the charters for roads ol anv considerable ex
tent which were granted, had conferred
upon them, very ample hanking privileges,
which almost all of them are now exer
rising. When they asked for these char
ters, they distinctly informed the Legislature,
as I understand, that if these hanking privi
leges could he conferred, that they could,
without doubt, and would construct the sev
eral lines of communications contemplated by
their respect ve charters. The Legislature,
in its z<’a| for internal improvement, granted
these charters, and with them enormous hank
ing privileges, with fi-w ‘•estrictions upon
them, with a most prodigal hand. N w let
me ask how nr** these companies redeeming
their pledges; hv the application of the pro
ceeds of their extensive hanking operations to
the prosecution of the works? I leave the
country to answer the question. Two years
after these extraordinary grants of power and
privileges, thev come up to the Legislature,
and demand that the state shoo'd give to
them its credit fo# millions of dollars, to ena
ble, them to complete undertakings,
which, when done, all the advantages (ex
cept the facility afforded the community.) and
profits are lo he enjoyed hv prvafe individu
als ; and thus the whole pporfe of Georgia
are made to contribute to the building nn and
fostering the interest of a few individuals, un
der the specious pretext that thev, hv this
means, increase the facilities of the farmer and
merchant, the very thing which thev promised
and undertook to do when these charters, con
nected with hanking privileges, were granted.
The truth. I apprehend, is, that thev wanted
the bank charters, and lhat most of them
would he glad to retain their hanking privi
leges, unincumbered by the construction of
the roads.
Second. I believe, as I have before stated,
corporate influence dangerous to the liberties
of the country. Mv apprehensions ofdnnger
may not be well founded—nevertheless, they
are such as to influence mv judgement in this
matter. They certainly tend 1o the building
up an aristocracy of wealth, than which no
aristocracy is more powerful and heartless,
and will be more disposed to extend its pow
er and influence. Connect with the hanking
powers already conferred upon these compa
nies, the credit of the state for millions, and I
ask what is to prevent them from control! ng
the state? I hav as much faith in the hon
esty and independence of the people as,any
man, and vet I know the power of money
and moried influence, and I am satisfied that
in a short time these companies coulJ corrupt
the elective franchise—return their friends to
the Legislature—and in a short time wield
and control the destinies of the state, [t is
useless to tel! me that they would not he dis
posed to do this thing if they had the power.
Never give the power to do evil even to those
who can he held responsible at the bar of
public opinion; hut I ask, who is responsible
for the acts of corporations? It is a divided
responsibility, and one that can never be fix
ed home upon lndividuals'successfully. But
[ contend that if it is ihe interest of these cor
porations to control the state, they will do it;
for the whole history of corporations proves
that they are governed by an eye single to
their interests. Let us suppose, then, that
the different railroad corporations owed 1o
the state thirty millions of dollars for her
bonds, which she had loaned to them, and
which they had negotiated in England or
elsewhere, and that in this posture of affairs
they had control of a majority in the Lcgisla
ture, what think you would be the first thing
that would be done? Mv own opinion is,
that it would he to discharge the corporations
from all liability to the state for diese funds,
and to throw the loss entirely upon the state
and people, or at any rate to lessen tl e secu
rities which the slate might have, for ihe
payment of its fi.nds hack by the companies,
and that they would enlarge and increase the
sphere of their powers. Thus we should bp
completely controlled by and be the slaves of
these corporations.
Third. I object to giving the credit or
money of the people to private companies or
individuals for any purpose. The effect of it
is, that it is placing in the hands of individu
als or companies, the means of speculating
j upon and grinding the people with their own
money or credit. I ask is this right? is it
just to th€ people? is it in accordance with
; Republican principles, which we all profess
j to adhere to ?
The fourth, and last reason which I shad
i offer is, that I o ject to connecting the desti-
I nies of the state, in ?nv manner, with corpo
rations of ar y sort, believing such an union
to he illegitimate and dangerous,
j Such are some of the reasons which ope-
I rated upon niv mind, and produced the revo-
I lution of opinion so much tsfiked of. They
: are such as I am willing to stand or fall by.
In the second place, if I recollect correctly,
I (as I have not the paper before mp) I am
charged with political hvpocricv. This is a
charge of a serious character, and it would be
supposed that it would not be imde but upon
solid and substantial evidence, by those en
tertaining a high sense of honor and a strict
regard lo truth. VV hat do we understand by
a hypocrite? one who is ‘dissembling, insin
cere, and appearing different from the reali
ty.’ I ask my fellow-citizens, those who have
known me longest, is this any part of my
character ? Before the great bar of the
public i am willing to answer—hv their ver
dict lam willing to be judged. In what have
I deceived ? when and where have l bet'll in
sincere ? have I ever concealed any political
opinion which 1 profess? but on the contrary,
have I not openly avowed them upon all oc
casions, both in pit hi c and in private ? have
l not numerous witnesses who hare heard me
again and again declare, in the face of the
community, that I desirtd no man to support
me under mistaken views as to what mv opin
ions were, giving, at the same time, an ex
pose of those opinions? 1 appeal to my fel
low-citizens to answer. \\ lien the people
have honored nte with their confidence, have
I ever deceived them? have I ever professed
one thing and dune another ? let those who
have entrusted me answer. Have the edi- j
tors ol the Enquirer the power of looking into
my heart to see what is passing there, and
thus to be able to judge of my honesty .”
are they endowed with the powers of omnis
cience? Let my acts, fellow citizens, be the
test of my sincerity; bv them I am willing to
be judged, and not hv broad and unqualified
charges, having their origin in the heated
zeal of party editors of a public journal.
I am charged, in the third place, with hav
ing changed mv opinions with the view of ob
taining office. I appeal to those with whom
I act, as a party, to know whether l have
sought or desired a nomination ? whether, on
the contrary, it was not my earnest desire.
both last year and this, and especially this, to
he permitted to r- main in private life ? wheth
er 1 did not urge evt rv argument in my pow
er to avoid the present contest ? whether I
did not urge, as a conclusive reason against
mv running, rnv feeble state of health, and
the danger to which 1 should he exposed,
from an exciting political contest. Ask them
if they believed me insincere. I appeal to
every man in the county, to know whether
there is one who will say that I, hv act. word,
or deed, sought a nomination. My friends,
however, have conferred this honor upon me,
and I shall make use of all honorable means
(and no other) to obtain the station for which
they have nominated me. If it shall he the
will ol the people of Muscogee that I
should represent them in the Senate of
the Sta*e, according to the best of mv
ability, I will discharge that, duty, and
shall feel prrnd of their free and unbiased
suffrages. If, on the contrary, it shall be their
will that my opponent (to whose high sense
of honor and ability I bear must willing testi
mony) should he their representative in that
body, I cheerfully how to their decision, hold
ing, as I do, the will of the people, in a gov
ernment like this, to Ire the law r of the land.
The time at which this change was made
forbids the idea that it whs made with the
view of obtaining office. It is known to al!
my friends that I had not then the least de
sire nr expectation of being put in nomina
tion, and v. r as as perfectly ignorant of public
opinion upon this subject ns a child, having
made no enquiries whatever, and eo, owing
to mv almost constant confinement since mv
nomination, and mv inability to mingle with
mv fellow-citizens, I. in a great measure, re
main up to the present moment. But I must
he permitted here to remark, that whilst I
entertain a high regard for public opinion, it
is not to that, but to my own judgment and
conscience, I look in forming an? opinion
At the time th : s question was brought before
the Legislature, it was to me, at least, new
and novel; representing, as I did, an impor
tant interest here—believing the construction
of the road from this to West Point to he a
work of immense importance to this place (as
I still believe it to he) —and knowing that
the terms of ihe charter were severe in their
character, requiring twenty-five percent. *o
be paid in at the time of subscribing—and
believing that in the embarrassed condi
tion of Ihe country the stock could not
be taken up without some foreign aid—
without much examination of the princi
ples, in the hurry and confusion of legis
lative duties—after getting the bill so amend
ed, as I believed, to protect our inter
est, I went into the support of the measure.
These reasons have ceased to exist—the
stocks, I understand, have been taken to a
considerable extent—money has been raised
to carry on the work, and it will he prose
cuted by the company. But, as I before re
marked, upon an examination of the subject.
I believed the vole which I then gave to he
wrong in principle, and lam so old fashioned
as to believe ’hat eveyv thing should he made
to yield to principle.
In the last place, then, I am as much the
friend of internal improvement as anv man
in the state, anrl will go as fir, consistent with
principle, as any man, for the successful pro
secution ol those works. But I cannot con
sent, for this purpose, to hind the people hand
and foot at the feet of corporations. I be
lieve that the proper mode of doing these
works is, for the state to do them upon her
own account—that lie works shall be hers
when done—that all tie revenues derived
from their use shrill go into the Treasury of
the state—and lints lessen the burthens of
taxation, and raise a fund for the general
dissemination of the blessings of education.—
I go for having these works done in this man
ner immediately , and believe it can, hv proper
exertions, be accomplished. If we are to
profit hv the experience of others, this plan
must take the preference over all others.—
New York and Pennsylvania have testpd its
utility; it has succeeded to adrr iration in
those states. The revenue which they pour
into the Treasuries of those slates have freed
the people from taxation, and has already
raised a large and daily increasing school
fund. I ask why cannot Georgia do the
same ? I ask if the credit of the state is to be
used in ihis matter, whether, is it best that it
shall be used for the benefit of the stock
holders in corporations, or for the benefit of
the whole people? If, from the use of these
works constructed hv the aid of the sale, hv
the aid of the people, a revenue is to he de
rived, whether is it be.ter lhat it shall go into
the pockets of private individuals or into the
Treasury of the state, for the benefit of tbe
whole people of Georgia.
But I have already extended these re
maiks further than I intended. I leave the
people to judge of ihe issue formed upon this
question, and of the charges which have been
brought against mp.
Your fellow-citiii/en,
J\MES H. CAMPBELL.
September C. lfcSS.
■
TO THE CITIZENS OF MUSCOGEE CO. ;
Tbe Columbus Enquirer has thought pro
per to mike a most wanton and unprovoked
attark upon me in its last number. Those
pure , truthful and consistent Editors have
commenced by denouncing me. first,lbr having
opposed the larifi, in eighteen hundred and
thirtv-two. They state, ‘in 1532 we knew
him in the nullification convention, and heard
him blowing ofi steam in defence of that doc
trine; the nxt fall we did not know him in
Jones county, seeking a in the Legisla
ture as a Union man.’ In the next place,
they denounce me for not replying to an
anonymous writer, who published some ques
tions to me in that paper, some weeks since,
above the signature of ‘ A Voter/ In com
menting upon my contempt of that piece, and
its still more contemptible object, they sav
they have no excuse to ofler for me. They
accuse me of changing my opinions upon the
bond question, in one part of their remarks,
because I thought there was some virtue in ?
| certain portion of my fellow citizCrfc, known 1
jas the Ualloca hoys. In another part of
their remarks, 1 am represented as still being
a bond man, tor state purposes, and that!
have mounted this question as my hobby. I
believe the above embraces the sum and sub
stance ot their charges against me. Htar
my defence, fellow citizens, and see if you do
not detect, in this unfair and uncourteous
| warfare against me, more of personal malice,
more of vindictive hatred and o| position,
than an effort to support truth and advocate
principle. First, then, in 1832, I was elected
i to the anti-tariff convention, as u delegate
jlrom Jones county. It is true J was then,
and am now, satisfied that the tariff’is un
constitutional, and particularly oppressive
i upon the interests of the southern people. I
| was in favor of strong measures to arrest and
| put down that feature in it which was de
signed as a protection to domestic manulac
! lures. But those Editors have stated falsely
‘that I was a candidate the next fall fora seat
jin the Legislature. I was not a candidate
I for any office in Jones county, until 1835,
I when my fellow citizens elected me to the
Legislature bv a large majority. This was
after a compromise had taken place in Con
gress upon the subject of the tariff, and when
this question had ceased to divide me and my
party. And here I would remark that, upon
all questions except the measure I advocated
in relation to the tariff", the Union paily aml
myself have ever agreed. That question
being settled, 1 ask, in candor, if 1 was guilty’
of change or inconsistency in acting with
those whose principles I have ever warmly
and honestly advocated?
In the second place, I am denounced for not
having replied to questions addtessed to me
above the signature of ‘A Voter.’ Do those
vain and self wise editors think I have no
mote self-respect ? no more regard for the
dignity and character of mv party, or its
candidates, than to reply to a poor contempti
ble scribbler, who had not the independence
to ask questions like a candid, fearless citizen,
and put his name to it? Did I not knmv that
the object of the writer, whose conduct and
intentions these very righteous editors have so
ablv advocated ami so readily indorsed, was
not truth, was not that mv views might he
expressed, that the people might act on prin
ciple ? If so. whv he ashamed of his name?
Certainly so worthy a voter, so heartily em
braced and supported bv the Columbus En
quirer, was not ashamed of his name. No,
fellow-citizens, it was a blow aimed at me anti
our worthy friend. Col. Campbell, who heads
the anti-bond ticket. If truth and principle
wprp their object, whv designate Col. Camp
bell and mvself? Why not call on all the
candidates? This call was made, too. in a*
paper friendly to their claims. ”Whn has
ever read the opinions of those opposed to
the anti-bond ticket? In what paper have
tve ever seen them? These very facts show
the object of this much praised writer in mask,
and they also show that no man is under
obligations to take the field wdth a writer,
who, like the merciless savage, skulks in am
bush to attack his victim. Then, fellow-citi
zens, do von blame me? Are you rendv to
vote me down hr cause I did not reply in
print to Mr. Voter ?
It is alleged against me that T underwent
a kind of change, turned a sommv'set upon
the bond question, to please theHsllocs hoys.
For mv fellow-citizens ofHalloca I entertain
the kindest feelings. 1 hp'irve them honest
and independent; and if they are generally
poor, arid cannot flourish in an wspaper, I
think th- v have too much sense and honesty
to he gulled by such stuff as these editors have
published hgninst me. I can account for
the willingness of ti e editors, and perhaps tl e
writer of the article I am replying to, to as
cribe ignorance and stupidity to those friends
o! mine in Hallora. It will he remembered
one Sam Flournoy was a candidate last year,
and could not gull them into his support
But. fellow-citizens, I was influenced hv no
such motive. I was, when this question xv:
first discussed in our streets, in favor oflend
ing the credit of tue state to those companies
already organized, or which might bp hereaf
ter, for Internal Improvement. I had never
examined the question, only in street talk.—
This, then, accounts for mv willingness, as
well as many of the Union men in our coun
ty, to a compromise ticket. Who first pro
posed this compromise ticket ? It wms not I;
and I state most positively that one of those
editors was its advocate and fiiend. How
unkind then to hi ing this tip against me as
an objection. Does it savor of that honor
which I hope still actuates and governs the
individual to whom I allude?
Without further notice of these minor, and
to me worthless charges, I proceed to answer
the main question. I have relinquished that
part of the system I first was in favor of,
which proposes to lend the credit of the State
to private companies. First, because I think
such a system unequal and’ unjust. What is
meant by the bonds of the State? They are
die obligation of the State, authorized by on
act of the Legislature, to pay so much monev,
at suclt a time, and at such a prr rent., to
such persons or companies as may buy them.
Then whose property and honor are pledged
to pay these honds or obligations ? The
people of the State, and not those private
companies exclusively to whom it is proposed
to lend the bonds. Is it then just or eqoita-
I hie to pledge the properly and horor of our
i people, anil not allow them the benefits of
such a pledge? I answer no; and every
citizen, be he Slate Rights or Union n an,
who is not personally interested, w ill answer
no. The spirit and genius of our political
institutions, which were established hv our
Revolutionary fathers, to protect and benefit
alike the inteiests, the property, rights and
liberties ol the people, call aloud to suppress
such monstrous and unhallowed doctrine*.
I obeyed that call, and have pledged myself
before you, in mv public addresses, to oppose ?
and now state most distinctly, that I will not
allow myself to support any measure which
conflicts with this principle. lam the friend
and ad vooate, most zealously, of internal im
provement. I regard it as a great national
blessing. It is a cause in which all should
enlist. But lam its advocate upon correct
principles. I believe that when Ihe credit of
the people is pledged, they should have the
j bent fits and advantages of the file ‘ge. If
those railroads are profitable— if they are to
bring millions of dollars into ti e t ockets of
the stockholders—in the name of justice, in
the name of the people, I contend that il e
’money shall go f<>r the relief of the people
I from taxation, and for a system of education,
which shall bring intelligence and schools to
ihe poor p<op!e as well as the rich.
These, fellow-citizens, are my views ; these
are the sentiments on t! is great subject by
winch lam willing to be judged. But where
are the vir ws of those Editors and those they
! advocate? I presume those tcv>e and people
loving Editors, uho are so afraid I rnnv get
some Stale Right votes, in their zeal to pul
me down, have forgotten that ihe voters of
Muscogee are in the dark about their views.
Your fellow-citizen,
JOHN L. LEAN’IS.
August 30th, 1838.
Charleston Any 30.
From cases which we have seen, and from
all we can learn,we believe that the prevailing
fever has assumed a much milder type than
when it commenced —and is more under the
control of medione. Il the weather continues
as pleasant as ii r was yesterday, we may hop*
: for its gradual disappearance.— Mercury .
A large naval force has been ordered to
cruise in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence for the
balance of tbe season, to protect the British
fisheries and interests from the invasion of
’of the Yankees! So says a Quebec paper.