Newspaper Page Text
po K TRY.
1 ICT* W*did not perceive, until our outside form
was < worked off.’ that the last stanza of the following
had been omitred by tt.e compositor, which will be a
sufficient apology for its appearance on both sides.
PARADISE.—A SACRED SONG.
BV HORATIO WALDO:
Air — Blow ye the Trumpet.
That land of promised rest,
So beautiful and fair ;
Jehovah’s kind bequest
To our immortal sire:
Hath lost its verdure and its bloom,
And laid its bright hopes in the tomb.
The father of our race,
Was lord of this domain !
Supreme in every grace,
He strode the heavenly plain : *
With sweetest plant and earliest flower,.
The God of nature deck’d his bower.
Bet high ambition rose
And pm'ed for the throne :
The part our father chose
Hath all his race undone !
Our >o< v -hold in him we lost — _. 5 - ;
Onr be o! hope, is temp - ‘-tost.
Yet round that lovely spot,
Our best, alfec’ions twine ;
Forget it we eannof,
’Tis love’s devo ed shrine ;
cooling shade and spicy grove,
Man wrapt in fan y still would rove.
INTERESTING TRIAL FOR MURDER. !
(Extract from an article under the head ‘ The j
No'ihern Circuit, in the last number of,
Blackwood’s Magazine.’)
Trie last trial of inlercst that 1 witnessed
jn the Crown Court was one which took place j
on the net day, or ihe day after. It was
lhat of a man for the murder of his wife.— |
H seemed about thirty-five years old.and was
dressed in respectable mourning. He stood
at the bar with an afeat once of firmness and
depression. He wifs a little under the ave
rage height, and his countenance rather pre
possessing than otherwise. From the evi
dence, in chief, of the first two witnesses, it
would have appeared clear that he had been
guilty of a most barbarous murder. On their
depositions belbre the Coroner a verdict of
manslaughter only had been returned; but
in reading them Mr. Justice Patterson bad
fell it his*duly to instruct the grand jury to
1) tog in a bill for murder —a step which
seemed most amply justified by the evidence
which they now gave. It appeared Irani the
testimony lhat the deceased hud been very
lar advanced in pregnancy; lhat ihe prisoner
had had some dispute wilh her—being a
most violent man, Ihev said —and knocked
her down, her head falling against the sharp
coiner of a chest of drawers, which cut il
open, and ihe wound bled profusely; and
that, while she was thus prostrate and insen
sible, the prisoner furiously kicked and struck
her repealedly—death, on Ihe same evening,
or the evening after, I forget which, being
the consequence.
As liir as this evidence went, noihing, of
course, could have been more brutal than
the conduct of ihe prisoner ; but on cross ex
amination of the fiist witness, a litile ill-look-
ing old woman, the mother ol ihe deceased,
and wiio gave her evidence manifestly under
the influence of the most bitter resentment
towards the prisoner, the case began to as
sume a very different aspect. It was wrung
from her, alter great prevarication, and was
also established bv other witnesses, that she
had herself, on the evening in question, been
drinking gin with Ihe deceased, at the resi
dence of the taller, a miserable cellar. That
she had herself fetched five quarterns of gin
for the deceased on that occasion. That the
deceased and the witness, at her reqnesi, had
frequently pawned all her husband’s clothes,
jam m.v..-L .si.. i.'u , i --V had once
or twice sent to bed earlv in the afternoon, to
enable her so to dispose of their clothes. —
That the prisoner was a pilot, a remarkably
steady and hard working man, and earned
amply sufficient to enable himself and family
to live in very comfortable circumstances;
but this cursed propensity of his wife had
beggared them, and had driven them from
their former comfortable dwelling to the
wretched cellar in which had occurred Ihe
catastrophe then the subject of inquiry. That
on the evening in question he had come home
from the sea wet and wearied, hut found that j
every article of his clothing had been pawned
by his wife, and that his children were lying
in bed almost naked, their little clothes having
shared the same fate ; and that his wife was
drunk, as was also the first witness. Furi-;
ous words very naturally ensued, and it was
under these truly exasperating circumstances)
that he had struggled with his wife, so as to
occasion—but was clear unintentionally—
her fall; and it certainly did appear, that
either while she was falling, or immediately
after wards, he had more than once struck her
with some violence, but not in a way to have
alone caused her death, which the medical
evidence showed to have been occasioned bv
the injuries which she had received upon her
head in falling upon the drawers, added to
the effects of violent excitement and excessive
liquor upon a person in her situation.
The third witness brought forward against
the prisoner was, alas ! his own daughter, a
little girl about five or six years of age, de
cently dressed in black. When her name
was called, the prisoner, with an agonized
countenance, looked away from the spot j
where she was to stand; his lip quivered,
his chest heaved, and, in spite of his efforts, j
tears forced themselves from his eyes. Mr.
Justice Patteson observed his agitation, and;
seemed himself not a little affected when he
beheld the little thing, in obedience to the
summons of the loud voiced officer, was i
brought into court, and placed close beside
him, to give evidence which might seal the
fate of her father. Site was so very short
that he handed over to the officer the foot
stool he had been using, in order that she
might stand upon it; and even then the head
of the little witness did but just come above!
the top of the witness box. She was rather
a pretty looking girl, and her lace was very
sad and pale. She did not, however, cry,
though her eyes seemed glued to the figure
of her miserable father, who never once ven-!
tured to look towards her, and whose tears,
silent evidence of the anguish he was endu
ring, fell frequently. In all other respects, he
preserved a stern composure throughout the |
proceedings.
‘My child,’ said the judge, as I thought ;
with a iittl- emotion, as he bent down his ear
to her, 4 do you know that you have come
here to speak the truth?’
‘ Yes, sir.’
• Auu will you, my dear, speak the truth—
and tell us ail the truth, and nothing else?’
‘ Yes, sir.’
‘What will become of you, do vou think,
if you tell a lie ?’
She paused ; the judge repeated the ques
tion ; and she answered distinctly. 1 1 shall
be burned in everlasting fire.’
‘ W'here did vou learn that:’
‘ The Bible, sir.’
* Have you ever been at school ?’
‘ Yes, sir, at the Sunday school.’
‘She may he sworn,’ said the judge, and
the oath was immediately administered to her.
\V as not this, dear Christopher, a grievous
sight to see ? The little daughter called to
give evidence against her father, on his trial
for his life, for the murder of her mother ?
Though in a melancholy tone and sad man
ner, she gave her evidence with great pro
priety, clearly and firmly. Her tiny voice
could be heard distinctly in all parts of the
crowded and silent court. She evinced, as
was so be expected, a strong leaning towards
her father; hut she admitted that he had;
twice struck her mother when she was lying
bleedin<r on the floor. She also stated that
her mother had several times actually taken
her—the little girl’s—shoes and stockings off
her feet, that she might pawn them for gin ;
and that she and the other children had been
often, obliged to lie in bed, because their
mother ami grandmother had taken away
their clothes for the vile purpose above men
tioned I Who could listen to all this without
feeling a deep commisseration towards the
unhappy prisoner? Till he had been hur
ried into the act with which he then stood
charged, he had always borne an unblem
ished character as a quiet, respectable man,
who labored hard to support bis family, and
who could have kept them in comfort but for
his wife’s ruinous propensity to drink. His
counsel addressed the jury on his behalf with
much earnestness, contending that on the
whole of the evidence the prisoner was enti
tled to an acquittal, or at least to a verdict of
manslaughter. The Judge, however, di
rected the jury that there was no evidence
to support the charge of murder, but that
the prisoner had been clearly guilty of man
slaughter. lie then recapitulated the evi
dence ; and, after a quarter of an hour’s con
sideration, the jury pronounced a verdict ol
‘ manslaughter.’ He was sentenced to eigh
teen months’ imprisonment, with hard labor.
Rebecca Lamar. —An affecting incident re
lative to this lady, who, it will be remembered,
was one of the female survivors of the ill
starred passengers on board the Pulaski, has
just come to our knowledge. Miss Lamar,
says a gentleman from Charleston whose life
was saved on the same portion of the wreck,
was our guardian angel. cheering tlv
ponding, alleviating the sorrows of those who
had seen the waves of the ocean close over
their nearest and dearest relatives, and admi
nistering hope and consolation even to the
veteran sailor, to whom scenes of terror and
dismay had long been familiar. So great, in
fine, was the confidence she inspired in the
heart of every member of our unfortunate
band, that those whose fate it was never to
reach the shore alive, when they felt their
hour approaching, requested as a favor that
they might be allowed to rest their heads
upon her lap, and breathe out their dying
moments wilh all the consolation she was
! capable of affording. And thus all those who
were unable to survive the horrors of that
awful hour, with their last looks turned to
wards her who had never quailed or blanch
ed beneath the terrors of the scene, although
the stoutest hearts had failed, and the boldest
trembled in anticipation of their fate.
How do the glories of a Catherine, a Semi
ramis, or a Margaret de Valdemar, pale be
i fore the virtues of such a woman. Let those
who bear the name of Lamar, henceforth |
cherish it more proudly, than if it conferred
wealth, or power, or nobility upon the pos
sessor. —Boston Times.
From the Washington Chronicle.
COMMERCIAL INDEPENDENCE OF
THE SOUTH.
I There is nothing at which the Federal pa
l pers at the North so much deligt to sneer, as
at this idea. ‘ How presumptuous,’ exclaim
they, ‘are these southern people, in supposing
they can compete with us. What are their
natural advantages when compared with ours?
God and nature clearly intended that we
should monopolize all their trade.’ Not quite
so fast, gentlemen. It you have all these
natural advantages of which you boast, pray
be contented with them, and do not enlist in
your behalf the artificial benefits conferred
by the fiscal action of the government. If it
be true, that God and nature have endowed
you with this commercial superiority, why
make us the further instruments of our own
depression ? We are not jealous of your ad-
I vantages or of your prosperity. All we ask
is a clear field, and no favor. We know that
that before the revolution, and for om “
time after it. OiU .uir iun trade. and we
I know that it lias gradually declined to its
present low ebb, ever since a National bank
concentrated the fiscal action of the govern
ment in tire cities north of the Potomac.
We are loth to believe that nature hasdis j
qualified us for commercial prosperity. We !
cannot see why we should not be our own j
factors, as we were in times gone by. We j
can easily understand how the mercantile j
employment of the twenty or thirty millions j
collided by the government, must give an |
! unfair advantage to the community which
j enjoys its use. Once establish such a sys
tem, and it increases in a fearful ratio; with
a sort of geometrical progression. When
Venice was ihe factor of the West and the
East, she became the emporium of the world,
and her merchants were princes. When
Antwerp was the grand depot of Northern
Europe, one of her burghers could bestow a
million upon an Emperor. Now we wish to
participate in these advantages. We know
that commerce is the civilizer and enrich- I
er of nations. We know that he who )
commands the sea possesses the earth.—
We know that the nation which neglects
trade, languishes m all the arts of peace,
and the glories of civilization. We are at
length aroused from our st j . V ■ think
we have discovered one gra o: our
retardment, and we are det sub
mit to it no longer. We ai .kmrmined to j
lay claim to our share of the advantages of!
the institutions under which e live. Wei
are resolved that the government which we
have concurred to establish, sh ill no longer he
wielded against us. Its spreading roots ,-h ui
no longer impoverish our soil; its vast sha
dow shall no longer wither the vegetation l
upon which it rests. You may smile, but
ice arc in earnest. This is no laughing mat
ter to us. Again we say, we are not sicken
ed by ihe spectacle of your prosperity, but j
we ask, and we are determined to have, a !
fair field and no favor.
I
From the Washington Chronicle.
MR. CLAY AND THE STATE RIGHTS
PARTY.
‘ I interfered to save you from the gallows, 5
was the complementary reason given by Mr.
Clay, for the part which lie took in the com
promise which settled the tariff'question. It
was not because lie saw the error and op
pression of the protective po’icy; it was not
; ior the purpose of healing the wounds of a
; distracted nalion on the eve of a civil war; it
I was not even from devotion to the union of
| the states, as has been so often asserted by
his admiiers and partisans. ‘ No,’ exclaims
| he, insultingly, ‘ it was but to save you from
; the gallows.’ And this is the man whom in
triguing politicians would persuade the State
Rights men of the south to advance to the
Presidency, and that at tlie expense of all
their cherished doctrines and opinions! ‘ The
force of folly can no farther go.’ Those who
entertain tiiis beautiful project must calculate
rather too largely upon the weakness and
passions of the enlightened south. These
are pretty State Rights men, forsooth ! They
put us in mind of the conspirator who shout
ed ‘long live the King!’ as he was drinking
from the cup in’which the ffitterer had in
stilled poison.
There is something comical in the idea of
a State Rights man voting for Mr. Clay, and
from mere devotion to one who openly instill
ed their parly, swallowing without chunking,
Bank, Internal Improvement, pro
tective Tariff’ and the whole progeny of fed
eral usurpations. It’ they intend to do so,
they must adopt some other name, or invent
® ome | nore plausible pretext. There are
~.n ns s a little too strong even for party
! ~ u ‘ h)Ult y, to use the favorite phrase of Dr.
Johnson. Huzza! f or the Clay, Webster,
u “on. onvention, Democratic National
Republican, Abolition, Tariff. Internal Im
provement, National Bank, Whig, State
compound. 1 Pty ? ’ What a com P r ehensive
MR. HILLYER’S LETTER.
Athens, Aug. 25, 1838.
Gentlemen : Your letter of the Blh of this
month, accompanied by a resolution adopted
by a ‘large number of the citizens ol Franklin
county,’ has been received, and I avail my
self of this, the earliest opportunity, to respond
to it.
The resolution above referred to, directs
that ‘ a committee of five be appointed to call
on each candidate for Congress in the state
of Georgia, for their opinions relative to the
constitutionality and expediency of establish
ing a United Slates Bank; and further, that
each candidate be requested to make known
their choice for the next Presidency, between
Van Bureti, Clay, Webster, and Harrison.’
Although I have expressed my opinion
upon both these subjects, in my letter to the
committee of the Union Convention, I will
take this occasion to state very briefly, and
without comment, some of the reasons which
have brought my mind to the conclusion that
a United States Bank cannot be established
without a violation of the constitution.
It is not denied that no clause of the con
stitution expressly authorises Congress to
create such an incorporation ; and shall we,
by implication, so construe that instrument,
as to confer a power which was expressly
asked of the convention that adopted the con
stitution, and which was refused by that
body? No true republican can answer this
question affirmatively.
The only argument which h imp. a
my mind with any force in favor of ihe iPU
stitutiouality of tiie United Si; es Bank, is,
that by the first of the enumerated powers,;
Congress is authorised to collect n l disburse
a revenue; and by the last of tui-enumer
ated powers, authority is given ‘ to make all
laws which may be necessary anti ;>■ rper for
carrying into execution’ all the powers vested
by the constitution in any department or offi
cer of the government. And it is contended
that a United States Bank is necessary anr
proper for the execution of the tax'ug an
disbursing power. This appears piau'ible
and it is the only argument which I conside
worth noticing.
If we permit ourselves to be governed 1
i this kind of reasoning, there is an end of tl
I rights of the states, and of all restrictions <
federal power.
Let us examine it, and for Ihe sake of a
gument, let us admit that Congress has po
er to create a bank, because it is necessr
to execute the taxing and disbursing pow
This only shows that Congress is aethorif
to establish a bank as the fiscal agent of
government —it does not show it has poi
to create such an institution to regulatetro
, control the state banks , and furnish unifo
exchanges. But it will he urgt and that the
1 cessity renders its establishment constitutk
al, and the benefits resulting therefrom s
incidental. This reply will do very w<
; when used by a Federalist, but it will
‘< urged with a bad grace by one who profess
to regard the rights of the stales.
| A few illustrations will show the dangerct
1 extent to which such kind of argument m
be carried, and the absolute necessity for :
the opponents of centralism to keep rigidl
to the constitution, according io its true ii
j tent and meaning.
Congress has power to raise revenue—
’ may be urged that a tariff is necessary to e:
ecute this power. The protection afforde
by a tariff to domestic manufactures is jut
as incidental as the effect of a U. S. Bank o
the commerce and exchanges of thecountn
hence a high protective tariff would be jut
as constitutional as a U. S. Bank.
Congress has power to regulate commerc
wilh foreign nations. It may be urged li.q
a great mercantile incorporation is necessai
to execute this power—its necessity make
it constitutional. Its beneficial effects ar
purely incidental—hence a , East India com
pany, such as has for centuries monopolize
the trade of England. would be inst as run
stitutional as a U. S. Bank.
Congress has power to regulate commerc
among the states. To execute this powe
I we must have roads, canals, steamboats, &c
j Hence it may be urged that Congress ha
! power to create companies to construct rai
! roads, canals, steamboats, and bridges, tc
I explore mines, &c.
Where will this end ? Whenever we pass
the boundaries presefibed by a fair and jus
interpretation of the constitution, we entei
an unlimited field of legislation, and our con
stitution, mutilated and dishonored, becomes
worse than worthless.
The position of Mr. Jefferson on this su’.
ject must be correct —thai to render Federd
legislation constitutional, on the ground <
necessity, that necessity must be /<ig/i a
imperative, and have relation exclusively
the execution of the enumerated powc
I do not believe a bank to be ‘ nece?
and proper’ to enable Congress to ex
any of the enumerated powers-—hence
lieve a United States Bank to be uncc
tionah
Its expediency has been shown ;
ment, and demonstrated by expei
do not believe it to be expedient
gress to delegate to any man, or
corporation, power to furnish thr
of the currency of the country. S’ ;
ttituiinn would be inexpedient, a r
|can, and exceedingly prejudicial to
c-st of the south.
With regard to the second que;
pounded by the resolution acco
your letter, I repeat that Mr. Van
my opinion, merits the confidence, i
to receive the support, of the pen,
United States, and that in the south he is de
cidedly to he preferred to Messrs. Webster,
Clay, or Harmon; and that if I should be a
member of the twenty-sixth Congress, and
the eleclion of a President should devolve
upon the House of Representatives, he will
receive my support.
Very respectively,
JUNIUS HILLYER.
To Messrs. A. E. Whitten, Thomas Mor
ris, T. F. Cooper, Reuben Mitchell, and
A. Dean, committee.
GEN. NELSON’S LETTER.
Pole Cat Strikes, Cherokee Cos. )
, September 3, 1838. )
To the citizens of Taliaferro
and Franklin Counties:
I cheerfully comply with the request of
those citizens of Taliaferro and Franklin
counties, who wish to be informed of the
opinions of candidates for Congress upon
certain subjects of political interest, of the
day :
1. I am in favor of separating the govern
ment from all banks, leaving the Treasury
and the banks alike, with their own means,
in a spirit, of mutual forbearance, to discharge
their duty to the people.
2. I am opposed to the charter of a United
States Bank, believing it unconstitutional and
inexpedient to do so.
3. Os the names presented, Van Buren,
Clay, Webster, and Harrison, for the next
Presidential term, I am decidedly in favor of
Martin Van Buren.
I have respectfully to request that this an
swer be made known in the same public
manner that the call was made.
I am,
\\ ith high consideration and respect,
Your obedient servant,
CHARLES H. NELSON.
Boastijjg. —A man boasting of his honesty,
is generally a rogue ; of his courage, gene
rally a coward ; of h;s riches, generally not
wealthy ; ot his democracy, generally an
aristocrat; ot his intimacy with great men,
generally despised by those who may chance
to know him; of his learning, gcneralv igno
rant; of his wit, popularity and high stand
ing, always a fool.
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER 20, IS3B.
UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee.
ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham.
JOS IAH S. PATTERSON, of Early.
DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb.
JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark.
CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee.
B. GRAVES, of Newton.
J. G. McWHORTER. of Richmond.
GEN. JOHN W. BURNEY, of Jasper.
For Senate ,
J. P. H. CAMPBELL.
For House of Representatives,
JOHN L. HARP.
JOHN L. LEWIS.
DISSOLUTION.
The co-partnership that existed between
the subscribers, is dissolved by mutual con
sent. The accounts due the concern will be
in the hands of B. V. Iverson, or his agent,
who will attend to their settlement.
B. V. IVERSON,
J. B. WEBB.
Columbus, Sept. 1, 1838.
OO” The letters of Messrs. Hiilyer a 1
the people, and the advocates ui
struction and of defined powers, now rallied
under the banner of the illustrious Jefferson.
‘Freedom’s battle’ had been fought and won
in th e field, against its open foreign foes. It
was now to be fought again, in the more
perilous field of argument, against its wily,
insidious, secret enemies. Blessed be God !
the victory was ours. The deceptive mask
of federalism was plucked from the face of
our enemies, and the hideous features of the
Consolidationists and Monarchists, were ex
posed to the indignant gaze of a free people
twice redeemed ! From that time the name
of federalist lost its original meaning, and
being thoroughly disgraced, it is now, and
has been since 1 SOI , but a synonyme for con
solidationist and monarchy.
Coming down to later days, Mr. Fouche
tells us of old federalists ‘animated by new :
hopes of attaining their long cherished objects, j
through the joint agency of the great ex- j
pounder, Daniel W ebster, the great compro- j
miser, Henry Clay, aided by the Banks and
abolitionists, and calls earnestly upon repub-;
licans to see to it! that they be not deceived ,
by the new names assumed by these monarch
ists of the old school of’B7.
Hear him, ye State Rights republicans, and
hearing, let your lives prove that you under
stand.
‘ It is certain that by these delusive means,
these cunning sophistries ata Hrtful pref<s
sions, the federalists have seduced into their
ranks many an unsuspecting republican ;
where,when once initiated,he is chained by the
pride of opinion, the spirit of party, and false
views of consistency. This has been iheir
constant policy since their defeat in 1801.
This is now their aim ; and they are, I fear,
upon the eve of a second triumph, by the!
cooperation of a portion of the State Rights
party, who seem more eager to defeat Mr.
Van Buren, and get into power along with
their old enemies, than .to advance their own ‘;
principles /’
Mr. F. further traces the distinguishing
features of the two great parties formed in
ITS 7, and gives copious extracts from the
writings and speeches of their several leaders, !
many of whom he enumerates, but more es
pecially Hamilton the great Federal leader,
and Jeffer.son the apostle of Republicanism.
In March, 1790, Mr. Jefferson visited
New York for the purpose of entering on the j
office of Secretary of Stale. In his ‘ corres- I
ponce’ and 1 annals,’ he has expressed his
wonder and mortification at the topics of
conversation which he then found common
in the street, and even at the table. He
says that ‘ politics were the chief topics, and
a preference of Kingly over Republican gov
| eminent was evidently the favorite sentiment,
i Hamilton had prepared and presented to Con- ;
gress a financial system, which had passed,
I and which was a perfect machine for ihe cor
i ruption of legislatures. Mr. Jefferson, speak
ing of this machine, says, ‘it was not com
plete,’ and holds the following strong lan
. guage:
• Some, engine more permanent must be
red nd mark, I beseech you, my
-71. ‘HIS ENGINE WAS THE BANK OF
n i rt;D ‘ tates ! !!’
h, continues Mr. F. ‘so it appears upon
y n ess unquestionable than Thom
liierson, the great head of the llepuli
arty, that a Bank of the United States
irst projected by Alexander Hamilton,
lead of the Monarchists, and carried
gh both houses by the combined agency
ney an 1 monarchy, for the express pur
of acting as an ‘ engine’ to subvert the
blic, and establish a Monarchy! Yet
ire now called upon to vote for those
ire now candidates to represent you in
■ress at i time when it is proposed to
ibiish this very ‘engine’ upon an en
scale, without knowing whether they
or or against the measure. Nay, you
ailed upon to vote for several called
Rights men, who have given you no
reason to fear that they are friendly to
perm meat engine for the corruption of
legislature /’ Do you not hear them
r, we c innot get along without a Bank?
no hear them complimenting that
romi‘ demagogue, that monarchist
97. ti >•; indent enemy of every south
nm ad every southern interest, that
chany in of the Bank and Tariff —
v Clay Do you see and hear all this?
have yi i no fears that there may be
traitors to your principles, willing to
it into power along with Clay and the
, over the prostrate constitution and per
l liberties of your country ?’
•. F. concludes his lucid and able letter,
to his party a most forcible
rtation to beware of wolves in sheep’s
ng. His language is, ‘He who goes
liberal construction and implied powers >
nk and other favorite doctrines and mea
of the Federalists, is a federal in prac
ivha lever he may think of himself, or may
to make others think of him. Whoever
es to be smuggled into power, with his
ments upon important ‘subjects concealed >
any portion of his constituents, however
i, is no -epublican. Against all such, I
i you. Let me entreat you to look to i
‘The Republic is in danger.”
hat will the State Rights party say to
fearless, independent and severe letter ?
at have the republicans of Georgia to
ri.th trie federalism of Alexander Hamil
and yet how can we class the advocates
United States Bank, except with the dis
:s of that corrupt and dangerous school!
ere stands Mr. Habersham, the open
avowed defender of the faith once deliv
-Ito the few' —the ‘rich' —and the ‘well
i —the bold and fearless bank man, as
,e are pleased to call him! Can he be
port rin Georgia? No! not while ever
.ve for Jefferson and pure democracy burns
■I glows in patriot bosoms.
Mr. Dawson must of course fall on the same
und, having sinned longer and more avovv
v upon the question of a Bank.
rhe other State Bights candidates, as far
they have expressed themselves —with the
ception ol IN Ir. Cooper— have made despe
tc efforts to evade the naked point of the
iestion, and !iave attempted to throw around
ern the Sub-Treasury mantle. But it will
>t fit their shapeless persons—it falls off, and
e gentlemen, after all their shiftings and
mings, stand naked, and exposed to the ridi
. of every close observer. The precise and
air-splitting Mr. Black really has no opinion
i his own. lie makes reference to the his-
m y of the State Rights party upon the sub
ject ol a bank; he don’t think such an insii
tition expedient, for he is rather dubious
about its constitutionality: but. in case he
should be sent to Congress, and his constitu
tional scruples should be removed—as is fre
quently the case after men get into Con
gress—he has not told us what he would go
for, or against. He is for Mr. Nobody for
President, ‘ not as he knows on’—that is
among the availables ; but if he could strike
out and in, he would sorter go for George M.
Troup. He seems desirous of once more
hearing the old c war horse neigh.’
Mr. Nisbit is worse than Mr. Black : he is
a perfect nothingarian —and, pray, what sort
of a political animal is that?
Judge Colquitt has proven, most incontes
| dbv, if words can prove anything, that he is
j a t least an honest man ; but he has not de
nounced, as an honest man should have
done, a great monopolizing inonied institu
tion, corrupt and corrupting ; more especially
as he believes in its unconstitutionality ; nor
has he advocated the Sub-Treasury like one
I who believes strongly in what be is doing,
j The fact is, these gentlemen are specious,
metaphisical, wavering and undecided. —
Freemen of Georgia, thev will not do to trust
in the halls of Congress : they talk plausible
enough now, but brought to a ‘teste ques
j bon,’ (as Mr. Black would sav,) in commit
-1 tee of the whole on the state of the Lnion,
and they would be found with the deciples of
Hamilton , Clay and his partisans, and a
mammoth bank would be once more erected
—a system of splendid monopolies put into
operation for the benefit of the few— but be
yond the reach of the people generally.
Upon this subject let this be the rule: ‘he
that is not for us is against us. The Union
Congressional candidates have spoken out
manfully, and with the bold independence of
; freemen* We know where to find them;
they are the warm and zealous supporters of
jthe Independent Sub-Treasury ; and they are
‘the uncompromising opponents of the United
; States‘Bank, or of a JS'ational Bank.
Let the first Monday in October next find
; every true Democratic Republican, of the JeJ
fersonian school, at the polls, supporting the 1
| Union ticket.
; EMIGRATION OF THE CHEROKF.ES.
The last Columbus Enquirer contained an
article charging the President with having |
thrown the emigration of the Cherokees into !
the hands ot John Ross, at the enormous
price of sixtv-five dollars per head. The
editors, with their usual regard for truth and
decency, charge the President with having
done so for the purpose of benefitting some of
his friends, and meanly insinuate that he may
; be indirectly interested himself in the profits
of the speculation. There is no maxim more
trite or true, than that ‘he who is corrupt
will always be suspicious.’ The editors of
the Enquirer doubtless measure- Mr. Van
Buren’s honesty by their own, and think that
because they would themselves engage in a
dirty speculation, therefore Mr. Van Buren j
whose private character and moral integrity
have never, in the course of a long and event
ful life, been suspected or blotted, is also open
to the corrupting influences of money.
We have the authority for saying that the
whole charge of the Enquirer is unfounded.
The fact is that the emigration of the Chero
kees was entrusted by the Secretary of War
to Gen. Scott, with instructions to conduct it
under the army officers as a military opera
tion, or to turn it over to the Cherokee agent
Gen. Smith, or to let out a contract for it, or
to adopt any mode which he might think
proper, keeping in view economy to the Go
vernment, and the convenience and comfort
of the emigrants.
Propositions had been made at Washing
ton, to remove the Indians by contract, and
the Enquirer itself states, that a company of
responsible and reputable gentlemen had pro
posed to remove them at thirty dollars per
capita. We happen to know something of
I this very proposal, and those who made it.
j The Enquirer does not state, however, what
! is the fact, that all the individuals who com
i posed that company, were the warm political
and personal friends of the President; and
; if he could have been influenced by the desire
! to benefit his friends in this matter, it is as
i likely that he would have closed with this
offer as any other. Gen. James C. Watson,
i the Hon. Alfred Iverson, of Georgia, and Col.
William A. Campbell, of Alabama, were the
persons who proposed to remove the Chero
kees at thirty dollars. Why did not the ad
ministration close with that proposal? Simply
because the propriety of such a measure
could not be judged of at Washington City.
The Secretary of War did what the situation
and circumstances of the affair rendered
highly proper and necessary: he submitted
the various pians and proposals to Gen. Scott,
and authorised him to act at discretion. The
result has been the contract made with Ross
)
which the Enquirer so strongly condemns.
We feel authorised to sav, that neither the
President nor Secretary of War knew of this
contract, or the intention of Gen. Scott to
make it, before it was made. If the price
given is too large—if it was improper to make
John Ross the beneficiary of the Treaty, the
blame should rest where it properly belongs,
on Gen. Scott and those who have contribu
ted, by their conduct and advice, to lead him
into the arrangement. Every one knows
that Gen. Scott is politically opposed to the
President, and is not likely to be influenced
by a desire to benefit the administration. If!
there has been any corruption in the making ;
of this extraordinary contract with Ross, that
corruption lies at the door of Gen. Scott. |
But we are not disposed ourselves to charge
improper motives upon Gen. Scott. We
believe that he has been influenced by that
sickly sensibility in favor of the Cherokees,
which has pervaded the ranks of the Whig
party throughout the United States, and
which would sacrifice the interests of the
Government and the rights of the white man,
to the cupidity and ambition of a mischievous
and vindictive chief. We are clearly satis
fied, too, that Gen. Scott has either been
badly counselled in this matter, by the oppo
nents of the administration, or has been led,
by the conduct of the Whigs, into the belief
that a contract with Ross and his party
would be acceptable to the Indians, and popu-
lar with the people of the United States. The
Enquirer should clear the skirls of its own
friends from blame in this matter, before it
attempts to cast censure upon the adminis
tration. Did not Gov. Gilmer urge this very
thing upon the Secretary of War? Did he
not urge the propriety of making Ross the
instrument of removing the Indians, and sug
gest a large appropriation for that purpose?
Did he not write to Ross to induce him to
come into the arrangement? And more than
all, did he not write to Horace Everett, the
notorious abolitionist, and call his services into
requisition to accomplish this very object ?
\\ here was all the patriotic indignation of
the Enquirer, when Gov. Gilmer was endea
voring, for political effect, to bring about the
very arrangement with John Ross which it
now so loudly condemns! Nay more, we
have the proof at hand, that the magnus
apollo of the Columbus Enquirer, their great
little pet, William C. Dawson, a member of
Congress, and now a candidate for re-election,
‘ labored night and darf to induce Ross to
take the contract for the removal of this peo
ple, and lor the sake of gain to abandon his
opposition to their emigration ; and vet the
Enquirer has been totally silent upon the con
duct of Mr. Dawson. It was perfectly right, in
the view of these disinterested editors, for Gov.
Gilmer and Col. Dawson to tamper with
Ross; it was all fair and proper in them to
propose to pay Ross an immense sum for his
acquiesence in the treaty, or as an induce
ment to enter into a supplemental one ; there j
was nothing wrong in their holding out dis. 1
tinct propositions to this cunning chief, to j
go home and superintend the removal of the
Cherokees. Whilst Messrs. Gilmer and
Dawson, et id omne genus, had the prospect of
buying up Ross, and thus obtaining the repu
tation and glory of having removed all diffi
culty to the peaceful removal of the Indians,
the editors of the Enquirer and their cowork
ers in Georgia raised no voice of censure or
condemnation —oh no. Money was no ob
ject to the government, so long as it could be i
expended to further the views and political
objects of Gov. Gilmer and his party. An
arrangement to put a half a million of dollars
into the pockets of John Ross, was the most
I desirable and proper of all objects, if it could
; result to the advantage of a certain party, of
which the Enquirer is the advocate, through
! evil as well as well as good report. The En
quirer has cast not a word of blame or cen
sure upon Gilmer or Dawson, for their shame
ful attempt to abandon the treaty and set up
anew one, of which John Ross was to be
the principal beneficiary; and now these
candid and patriotic editors tire tilled with
holy horror, because the very arrangement
has been made by Gen. Scott, which was
once urged and pressed with so much perti
nacity by their own immediate friends and
leaders. We said that proof was at hand to
show the part which Col. Dawson bore in
these extraordinary transactions. We sub
join an extract of a letter received by a gen
tleman in this place, from one of our Repre
sentatives in Congress, the truth *f which he
is ready and able to verify. And now we
have to ask the people of Georgia, whether
they can support a man for Congress, who,
in the hour of danger and difficulty, was wil
ling to tamper with the enemy, and abandon
the rights and dignity of his state ? Whether
they will elevate him to honor and distinc
tion, who attempted to purchase the aid of
John Ross at the sacrifice of the money and
interests of the people?
The following is the extract of the letter
mentioned above:
‘Dawson is at his little tricks throughout
the state, hut we shall place him in an un
pleasant. situation before the election. We
have charged him with being in favor of a
‘supplemental treaty with Ross and his dele
gation, and of making him the emigrating
agent, and pledged ourselves to prove the
: facts, if he would deny them over his own
signature; but he has failed to do so, and
will not attempt to do it, as he knows we
have the materials to fix them upon him. I
send you a copy of a letter from Rogers, a
friendly chief, shewing you his course with
hint; and he (Dawson) was anxious that I
should unite with him in entering into anew
negotiation with Ross, which I promptly de
clinied. lie also proposed to Gov. Lumpkin
the propriety of making a supplemental trea
ty with Ross. Yet nethwithstanding all this
he has artfully attempted to throw the whole
responsibility on the government.’
The State Rights nomination is one of ta
i lent, character and integrity.— Enquirer.
So far as our acquaintance extends with
the gentlemen composing that nomination, we
concur in the opinion expressed above ; but
viewing the assertion in the light of contrast,
as it was doubtless intended to be made, we
1 must assert our just right to come in for a
share of the ‘character and integrity,’with
our own ‘nomination.’ If the Stale Rights
j Congressional candidates are men of charac
ter, so are the Union candidates; if integrity
clothe their nomination, equally well clothed
is ours, in that point of view. We should
presume that neither party would for a mo
ment dream of making a nomination of any
other characler. Our brethren of the quill
seem to weigh us in a very low and degra
ding scale. We regret it, and still more do
we regret, that it must be imputed to their
ignorance. It had formed no part of our in
tention to have alluded in any manner to the
candidates for Congress, but to leave them
to run, as we doubt not they will, upon the
strength of that great principle in the politics
of the day, upon which parties in Georgia at
present stand divided. There are good men
upon Loth tickets, and both parties have be
fore them men of talents. But our wise
neighbors appear to be so fond of decrying
their opponents, and so little skilled in honor
able and gentlemanly political warfare, that
we find ourselves absolutely forced to take up
the gauntlet and act on the defensive. Now
were it at all necessary, we should be per
fectly willing to pair off the candidates, and
j match them in intellectual strife; nor should
| we fear the result, were the issue of the ap
proaching election placed on that ground.
With a proud consciousness should we call to
the arena our Iverson : with his persuasive
powers of oratory, and bis superior strength
to wield the battle-axe of argument, how he
would upheave and tear into fragments the
crooked and disjointed reasoning of your Ha
bersham: vve would bring to the strife a
Burney, with his close and logical reasoning,
to expose and put to flight the wordy and
stormy tirades of Colquitt: and so of all the
rest, until we reach the tail end of your much
boasted list; who will attempt to match the
; inimitable Lott JVarren ! We have not the
pleasure of the gentleman’s acquaintance, but
we are told that he is a perfect busier.
Os one thing vve are quite sure, that upon
the floor of Congress we should have greatly
| the advantage; for there an empiy head is
; not even phrenologised ; education, know
ledge, real, subslantial talent, alone can sus
-1 tain itself in the halls of wisdom ; and our
j opponents may congratulate themselves upon
the good prospect of being left at home on
the first Monday in October, and thus escape
an exposure of their ignorance amonst men
of sense and information. If, indeed, the
Union Parly had nominated the weakest
ticket which could possibly have been select
ed from their ranks, with the strength and
j popularity of the Sub-Treasury on its side,
it would have distanced the opposite ticket:
so that with a ‘ nomination’ of nine accom
plished and intellectual gemlemen, we look
forward with unwavering confidence to a
complete and g'orious triumph.
‘ The Union nomination is one of superior
talent, character and integrity. 5
It is acknowledged by the candid of all
j parties, that our present delegation in Con
gress, with the single exception of Mr. Daw
son, are in point of intellect and energy, a
disgrace to any party or people.— Enquirer.
Well, really, the author of the above para
graph must be a modest youth—we should
not wonder if he blushed at the bare sight of
! himself.
Georgia has nine representatives in Con
gress, and Mr. Dawson is the only one
amongst them who is a nullifier: of course he
is the only one who is possessed of any thing
like intellect or energy ! Waiter, hand that
editor a glass of milk and a icafer ; his maiden
modesty must be pampered with light food—
lie might take the dyspepsia.