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xcrciscJ over the inflammable passion* of
IteXnch people which had been so long 1
repressed by the most rigid F
V to return to our account of the Eng
listi system: on the death of Jame3 11. in I
France, the great question of the Revolution i
of 1688 assumed anew aspect in England. <
J\ was conceded on all hands that James had <
been “iiiliy while on the throne, ol trie htgn- <
cSoutrn/.sup™. .he ri S hu. or 1, subjects I
But now the offender had died, outtht the
penalty for these enormities to be inflicted on
his son and heir-an infant but five months .
old when his father was expelled from the
throne ? At the very foundation of the laws
under which the land owners of Great Lrit
ain inherited their estates from their ances
tors, lay the fundamental principle ot the he- j
reditary succession of the crown. I hey had
acquiesced in expelling James as the only j
mode of effectually protecting their rights
and liberties. But influential individuals
among them l>egan to express scruples alter
his death, as to the right of extending tins
forfeiture to his heir, and making him the
victim of the misdeeds of his father, of which
lie was equally innocent and unconscious, at
the time they were committed. These scru
ples were not probably lessened by the rapid
and alarming increase of the burdens of tax
ation, which the support of the public credit
required under the practice of borrowing, on
ruinous annuities, the principal sums neces
sary to carry on the war. The public feel
ing became so strong and general on this
subject, that no doubt now exists that the
■ , y „f Queen Anne bad determined
to IJi ill” dln/ut ill” icait/tHUUM Ilf iln, Ct.iortu,
but their plans were frustrated by her oppor
tune death.
The head of the H nise of H inover accor
dingly ascended the British throne under the
provisions of the Act of Settlement. Unac
quainted alike with the language, habits and
views of the people of England, George I.
was politically dependent upon the individual
he had .selected for Prime Minister—Sir Ro
bert Walpole, afterwards Earl of Orfbrd. —
He was unquestionably a person of great
ability and greater dexterity. Those who
are curious in parallels between individuals
of former times and those of our own day
and nation, will discover many points of si
milarity between the character of Walpole
and of distinguished personages amortg our
•elves, who—with equal disregtrd to those
great principles of popular rights which led
to the application of the term to politicians of
a former generation —affect to imitate him,
by calling themselves Whigs. Plausible and
ingenious in his eloquence, unprincipled in
his measures, arid profligate in Ins personal
habits, he avowed that his measures for main
taining the Guelph family on the throne were
wholly based upon personal corruption. Be
yond the disguises necessary to a.void shock
ing the public sensibility, he evinced a total
disregard for all those virtues which, in eve
ry age and country, are essential to the pre
servation of the blessings of good govern
ment.
The prejudices to which we have referred,
as pervading the hulk of the landholders
against the Hanoverian dynasty, induced
Walpole to organize an efficient influence
which, by its general diffusion throughout all
ranks and classes, and the zeal and activity
of those acting under its impulse, might serve
to counteract the power of the owners of the
soil. He accordingly arranged the funding
system upon anew footing—substantially
the same upon which it remains at the pre
sent time—and adopted various expedients
for increasing the financial and personal im
fiortance of speculators, who produced the
jubble mania during the earlier years of
George I. The South Sea scheme, resulting
from the original plan of Patterson before re
ferred to, soon became so popular J hat its
stock rose to a thousand per cent., above its
.rfUmwj'.uWitPfirm
was one for raising flag in Pennsylvania, the
6lock of which sold in London for fifteen
hundred per cent. Those who may wish to
obtain authentic information as the fancy
stocks of that time, may find an ample fund of
entertainment and instruction in the third
volume of Macpherson’s Annals of Com
merce. The explosion of these bubbles im
paired public confidence to such an extent as
not only to have nearly ruined the Bank of
England, but to have hazarded the ascen
dency both of Walpole and the dynasty of
which he was the main support. With his
usual dexterity, he however succeeded in
turning these disastrous results of the Credit
System to his advantage, by the pretexts
they afforded for increasing the capital stock
and enlarging the powers of the bank greatly
beyond what would have been sanctioned by
Parliament, but from the necessity of afford
ing relief for the general distress which pre
vailed. He bv this means was enabled to
give it new weight and importance as the fo
cus of his schemes of corruption. He then
modelled his plans of taxation in such a man
ner as to raise supplies, as far as possible,
from those classes of the communilv who ex
ercised the least influence in Parliamentary
elections. The land tax was lessened from
the ratio imposed in the previous reigns, and
all money and funded properly was wholly
exempted from any portion of the public bur
dens, the weight of which was provided for
by the customs upon the importation of for
eign commodities, fixed at moderate rates,
that commerce might not be discouraged,
and mainly by assessed taxes and excise du
ties upon the necessaries of life. By this ar
rangement, which has become the establish
ed financial policy of the British government,
the productive classes are made to sustain
that inordinate share of the expenses of the
slate, at the same time deriving from them 1
comparatively few advantages, which has’
gradually pressed them down to their present :
degraded condition.
The measures adopted hv Walpole for the
purpose ol counteracting ihe political con
trol possessed by the owners of the soil, re
sulted in arraying the whole kingdom into the
two great patties, contitfually referred to in
Ihe publications of that period, by the names
ol the momed interest and t!i e landed interest.
The principV-s which originally separated (lie
W higs and Tories were wholly lost sight of, j
when row ! prerogative gave, way to minis
terial influence as the predominating power
of government.
The credit sy. : m was now in full opern
’ or. ui i* 0.-eseao shape. Is great engine,
•he Rank • ‘ t a. was freed from the i
r-r-rer restrictions previously;
hr posed by law w i its management—its |
c.apw.r stock made .orr le, and its efficient
means oi control over the b tv ss and busi
ness men ol the k ngch-m. In alternately ex
citing hopes ol gain, and apprehensions of
mss, through the skilful management of pa
per currency and public debt, had become
folly understood ov those in power. The
preservation r*i tiie Guelph** on the throne, j
did not however, require Walnole to task t!ie !
vast influence whseh tins great machine of!
Scottish invention, but enlarged, improved.'!
and. in short, newly arranged by hi;itself [
W3s able to exert upon a trading rind mantt-!
lacturing people.
But bis successors, who did not entertain
similar feelings sownrds the landed interest,
pursued a different c-nirse. His pacific' tem
per, and love of personal ease, led him to pre
fer the quiet employment of personal cor- j
ruplion upon influential individuals, whose
services he desired, rather than the more
ambitions mode of endeavoring to overcome!
Ihe opposition of the land owners to the ITa-!
noverian dynasty, bv holding out great temp ;
tat'ons to their leaders as a class. Since his
time, how many of the expensive wars into
which England has been plunged, have been I
prolonged front the necessity of providing for!
th dependent branches of the aristocracy, ]
bv the increase of the public establishments, i
whose officers have always been principally
drawn from that class, and to build up for- <
tunes for them by means of the jobs and con
tracts “rowing out of a prodigal expenditure
of the public money! Walpole opened the
channel to the great depths of corruption, by
organising the credit system hut left it to
hi? successors to explore its foul recesses.—
Toe great revolution in the ownership of
landed property, which the operation of this
svsiem has brought about in England, had
hardly commenced at the close of his long
continuance in power. The expenditure of
the war which succeeded h : s retirement, and
of the seven years’ war, bore heavily upon
the small proprietors. The increase of taxa
tion occasioned by these wars, combined
with the inequality and injustice of the dis
tribution of its burdens, together with the
increase of luxurious habits, inseparable from
the prevalence of suddenly acquired, or fac
titious wealth, soon began to extirpate that
ancient race of independent yeomanry who
cultivated their own so.l, and who had for
centuries constituted the bone and sinew of
ihe English nation, and were iis strength in
war, and its ornament ard glory in peace.
Year after year these families, most of whom :
had succeeded to patrimonial farms,held from j
very remote periods, and to which some of
them derived their titles from the dissolu
tion of monasteries, and many of them from
a far more distant era, gradually sunk under
the pressure of this system., until at the pre
sent time, few of this cja?s c?” 6uind ev,
(H nt, in nn r part okingdom. Their
small estates have been, by degrees, engulph
ed by the wholesale acquisition of the paper
money lords, as the great capitalists are fa
miliarly termed, and the families of the former
owners have been reduced into the mass of
tenants, manufacturers, artisans, and pau
pers, of which the number of the latter is
now much greater than of the affluent class.
Upon Ihe succession of George 111., in 1760.
the prejudices against the Hanoverian dy
nasty disappeared. The young King was a
native of England, and had been educated
under the direction of Lord Bute, in all the
mysteries of King craft approved by ihe
school of Stnans. The landed aristocracy,
before that time, had largely participated
throughout their different branches, in the
wealth and honors derived from the enor
mous civil, military and naval establishments
kept up by England in every quarter of the
globe ; and some of the most opulent of ibis
class had become interested in tier notional
debt, which at the peace of Paris, in 1763,
had already reached one hundred and forty
five million pounds sterling, equivalent to
about seven hundred millions of dollars.—
Du ring the previous wars the monied inte
rest and the trading community, had realised
vast profits from the loans negotiated, ns well
as the supplies required to carry on hostili
ties at home and abroad, which became per
manent burdens upon the public resources.
The private interests of these predominating
classes were, therefore, intimately combined
in maintaining the credit, system as establish
ed by Walpole, upon immovable foundations;
and from the accession of George 111, this
system is to he regarded as a paramount
principle in the practical government of
Great Britain, and serves to explain much of
its policy that must otherwise be regarded as
unaccountable.
It does not come within the scope of our
present design, 1o endeavor to give a detailed
explanation of the influence which may be
justly attributed to this system, in originating
and fomenting the ruinous contest which re
sulted in the independence of the United
States of America. The continued popula
rity of this unnatural war in Parliament, and
among the leading classes in England, under
the great distress which it occasioned, may
In*. ,fojrlv J n, a,great, degree,, to Jhe
produced, and by which it was much aggra
vated and prolonged. The irresistible temp
tation for borrowing money to he expended
by individuals principally for the benefit of
each other, and to be charged upon future
generations was found to be so overpower
ing to human cupidity, that had not the com
merce and manufactures of England bpen
brought to the verge of ruin, and the suffer
ings of her productive classes become insup
portable, it seems probable that the very ex
travagance of the public outlay required to
carry on this war, would have induced its
continuance for a much longer period. The
pretext under which it began, was the ne
cessity of drawing a revenue from America
for the support of the establishments of Eng
land. Its result was the addition of above a
hundred millions of pounds sterling to the per
manent burdens of the British nation.
We are compelled to pass over the in
structive-lessons upon the results of the Credit
System, which the annals of England a (lord,
during the lew years succeeding the Ameri
can war, and come at once to the great
epoch—the wars growing out of the French
Revolution. At this day probably not an
individual can be found, either in Europe or
America, who has bestowed the attention
upon the subject necessary to firm an opin
ion, who will not admit that the necessity for
the interference of England with the internal
government of France, which was the sole
pretext of ihe war, was the preservation of
the ‘ Credit System.’ The alarm which the
doctrines, and, above all, the measures adopt
ed by the French people for the subversion
of the existing institutions which had impo
verished and oppressed them lor the sole ad
vantage of the privileged classes, produced
in every part of Europe, was nowhere so
deeply felt as in England, in consequence of
her artificial and unequal system of finance
and taxation, which we have endeavored to
explain. The French people, excited by the
transports of their recent liberty, with the
innate extravagance of their national cha
racter, rioted in excesses, which afforded the
only grounds for a war, the main object ol
which was avowed by Mr. Pitt to be, to pre
vent the dissemination of French principles.
The flame of war was regarded bv the Eng
lish rulers, as the only efficient mode of nett
tralizing the contagion which the example
and success of the French had produced
among the middle and lower ranks in Eng
land,under the weight of taxation with which
thev were burdened.
Phis’ struggle lasted more than twenty
years. As its main object was Ihe support
i <">( ihe Credit System of England, we shall
; merely glance at its effects upon that system,
I and upon the people under its control.
The outrages iti France, which resulted in
the overthrow of the monarchy, originated,
as we have already mentioned, in the scar
city and high price of bread. For ihe pur
pose of aggravating the calamities of the
French people under the vain hope of sub
tsing them Ivy starvation, an order in council
was issued by the English government in
1793, directing that vessels of every nation
laden with bread stuffs, hound to France,
should be brought into England. This was
the first of those high-handed infractions of
neutral rights, which afterwards became so
common in the subsequent stages of this
bloody contest, ami was the occasion of that j
remarkable discussion in the cahinet of Presi- j
dent Washington, between Ihe Secretary of I
-State. Mr-Jefferson, and the Secretary of,
the Treasury, Mr. Hamilton, which firms an
important era in our own political history, j
Immense quantities of grain and flour w T ere
brought to England by this measure, and
placed the government in a dilemma, to es-;
cape iron w hich, its interference with the j
subsistence of the people began, which has i
since been pursued to such an oppressive
extent, bv its corn laws. This importation j
had created so much alarm among those de-!
pendent upon agriculture, as to cause ex-{
tensive runs upon the country banks—of!
which a greater number were closed by
commissions of bankruptcy during that year
than had ever before occurred. To avert
this injury, inflicted upon the most impor
tant political interest in the kingdom, go
vernment was compelled to purchase and
warehouse the imported grain upon its own
account. This purchase was made by an
issue of exchequer bills, which, with the
other issues required by the public service,
created an amount of paper currency at the
close of 1796, of more than twejity five mil
lions sterling, independent of the issues of
the Bank of England, amounting to about
nine millions and one half, and those of the
private banks, estimated at half that sum.
The credit of the whole depended upon the
stock of the precious metals in the Bank of
England, the amount of which, under the
practice which ihen prevailed, was unknown
to the public, but which, by the publication
of the accounts of the Bank by the Commit
tee of Secrecy of the House of Commons of
1832, appears to have been but one million
and eighlv-six thousand pounds. The go
vernment was under engagements of subsidy
to Austria and Prussia, for the purpose of
carrying on the war against France, amount
ing to six millions sterling. The French
victories in Italy—the disturbed state of Ire
land—the mutiny in the fleet, from the op
pressions practised on the sailors—the failure
of several banks in the north of England—
and the unsatisfactory temper of the tax
naving population, all together, had pro
duced a high degree or coumci nation In the
minds of the directors of the bank, who laid
before Mr. Pitt, then Prime Minister, a state
ment of (he condition of that institution,
shewing the impossibility of sustaining a run
for specie should a panic take place, as was
then strongly apprehended. During the few
days following, the demand fur -casli evi
dently increasing, an order in council was
issued, on Sunday the twenty-sixth of Febru
ary, directing the hank to suspend specie
payments, which was sanctioned by Parlia
ment on the next day, making a legal pro
vision that all payments accepted in bank
notes should be a discharge in law —and that
all collectors and receivers of tlie revenues
should take bank notes in payment.
The principal capitalists, b inkers and mer
chants, all of whom were deeply interested
in support of the existing system, publicly
pledged themselves to support the credit of
the bank paper; and new and severe laws
against seditious practices were enacted to
prevent complaint on tiie part of the mass of
society, whose wages were not raised, though
all prices of commodities and the expenses ot
living soon became gregtly enhanced by this
practical'flestruction of the standard of value,
for ihe benefit of the higher classes. But
notwithstanding ihe severity of the laws
against combinations among the other class
es—when they saw paraded in every quar
ter, the statement that three thousand of the
principal hankers and merchants of London
had combined for the purpose of sustaining
an irredeemable paper currency, Ihe profuse
issue of which had begun so materially to in
crease their burdens, they soon Pound them
selves compelled, by the great, principle of
self-preservation, to organise themselves for
the purpos-e of effecting a correspondent rise
of wages. The Trades’ Unions which have
in their consequences produced such an inju
rious effect upon the true and permanent wel
fare of the most industrious, moral, and frugal
of the operatives in Great Britain, and have
led to the infliction of so many evils upon the
mass of society, became general under this
necessity. •
(To he concluded in our next.)
From the Washington Globe.
HOSTILITY OF FEDERALISM TO A RE
PUBLICAN GOVERNMENT.
people of the United States that the Federal
party, as a body, are essentially inimical to
our free institutions, the proof is to be found
in the almost universal approbation given bv
that party throughout the Union to the late
attempt of Ritner and Stevens. Secretary
Burrowes, in a public document immediately
after the election, avowed the intention of
the Governor (defeated by a majority of
nearly ten thousand votes) to act as if he
‘ had not been defeated ;’ and it was the ob
ject of the proclamation to rally the hundred
thousand men who had voted for him to stand
by him in maintaining the determination,
and consider him re-elected, although in the
minority. It was, in fact, a distinct, official
promulgation of a revolutionary movement.
Governor Ritner and his corps of official par
tisans were in full possession of the whole
executive power, down to the police and or
ganised force of city watchmen. The ma
jority of the Senate was as absolutely devoted
to him as partisan phrensy and mercenary
interest could make it. All that was neces
sary, then, to obtain full possession, was to
get command of a majority de far,to in the
House to he recognised by the Senate, and
‘ eleven points of the law"’ would lie compassed.
This Mr. Stevens and his coadjutors under
took to accomplish, by excluding the eight
Philadelphia members, under false pretences,
and admitting the defeated candidates, by
obtaining partial returns from a majority of
the judges. This, the whole country is
aware, was the expedient relied upon by the
Governor and Stevens; and to effect it the
Secretary, Burrowes, withheld the returns of
the majority of judges, and sent in those of
the minority. The whole case will he found
most clearly stated by the friends of the Go
vernor himself, in the paper signed by Asher
Miner and others, which we publish today;
and vet, in the face of this unquestionable
statement, made out by the most enlightened
men of his own party, in defence of their im
mediate representatives—who, when they
came to understand it, abandoned the Go
vernor’s cause—we have his Excellency at
tributing the deliberate conspiracy of those
associated with and around him to his oppo
nents ; and to do so, ascribing to them the
very acts which nli the world know were
committed hy his friends—the minority re
turn judges of Philadelphia county —and
through which alone Stevens and his parti
sans in the House hoped to effect their ob
ject. Hear his Excellency in his late mes
sage :
‘ I am clear in the opinion that the whole
of the late difficulties arose from the return
judges assuming powers never intended to
he delegated to them. They are merely
ministerial officers. Their duty is only cle
rical, and consists exclusively in adding up
and declaring the whole vote polled for each
candidate within their district, and making
return thereof to the proper officer. The
law gives them no power to reject nr exclude
the vole of a district, or part of a district.’
In the House of Representatives, on Mnn
j day, Mr. Cushing offered the following reso
lution, which lies over one day, according to
the rule. —Baltimore American.
Whereas, in th? Message of the President
of the United States, at the opening of the
eighteenth Congress, it was, among other
things, avowed and proclaimed as the set
tled national policy of the United States, that
* in the wars of the European Powers in mat
ters relating to themselves, we have never
taken anv part, nor does it comport with our
policy so to do that ‘with the movements
in this hemisphere we are of necessity more;
immediately connected;’ that ‘we owe it,!
therefore, to candor and to the amicable re j
lalions existing between the United States;
and those powers, to declare, that we should!
consider any attempt on their part to extend;
their system to any portion of this hctnls-!
phere as dangerous to our peace and safety;’!
that ‘with the existing colonies or depen-1
dencies of any European Power we have not
interfered, and shall not interfere; but with j
the Governments who have declared their i
independence, and maintained it, and whose i
independence we have on great considera- j
tions and on just principles acknowledged, j
we could not view any interposition (or the
purpose of oppressing them, or controlling
in anv other manner their destiny, by any
European Power, in any other light than as
the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
towards the United States;’ and that it is
impossible, therefore, that we should behold
such interposition, in any form, with indiffer-
ence :’
Resolved. therefore, That the President of
the United States be requested to inform this
House, if the same be not in his judgment
incompatible with the public interest, what
explanations the King of the French has ren
dered to ihe United States in relation to the
recent blockade of a part of the coast of the
Mexican Republic by France—the treat
ment of vessels of the United States, public
or private, bv the blockading squadron—the
reduction ofthe castle of San Juan de Ulloa
—and the ulterior views and designs of the
French Government respecting the Mexican
Republic. Also, to inform the House wheth
er be has proffered to either of the contend
ing parties the mediation of the U. States in
the premises; and to communicate any cor
respondence, on the subjects aforesaid, which
may have passed between the Government
ofthe United States and that of France.
From the Washington Globe.
GOVERNOR CASS.
The Opposition press generally have
placed themselves in the confessional, and ad
mit that they libelled Governor Cass; but by
way of diverting attention from their turpi
tude in the matter, they are raising questions
about the form of our denial. The, present
allegation is, that although we have denied
die default and fraud imputed to him we have
not denied his recall. That he has been re
called, is now most clear to their eyes; but
for what precise reasons, and whether with
.the understanding that he is to give up the
mission, or to resume it, are only matters of
curiosity and speculation. We now inform
them that he has not been recalled, and trust
that the information will be satisfactory to
them.
But, serottsly, accustomed as we have been
to their haoiiual mendacity, and plain as their
designs generally appear to ns, we have, on
this occasion, been not a little surprised in ‘ra
cing the mo ives of this virulent and apparent
ly concertei attack upon our Minister to
France. As if to prevent prompt refutation,
the imputed defalcation was thrown back as
far as Governor Cass’s Indian agency—a pe
riod not only long before ihe commencement
of this Administration, but even before that
of General Jackson. We did not, however,
speak upon the subject at all, until we had ful
ly satisfied ourselves, that if ihere ever was
any thing improper in the dealings of this gen
tleman with ihe Government, (which we
wholly dishe'ieve,) neither ihe Department
nor the Executive have or have had any
knowledge of such impropriety, or any
grounds of suspicion.
We were at first inclined to regard their
attacks upon the former Secretary as inten
ded to make him the scape goat for some
hitherto concealed delinquences on the part
of some of those favourites of the Opposition
who have, in such numbers, and for so long a
time, kept themselves in the employ of the
War Department, as the point where the
most money is disbursed, and for whose
frauds it was desired that some body should
he found to bear the responsibility. But no
developements having been made to author
ize that suspicion, we suppose this to be only
a part of the plan of the Federalists to divert
of Swarlwout, the high priest of Conservatism
in New York, and others of their especial
friends, and to cast it upon the Administra
tion. This plan has been sometimes well
carried out by them, and is arranged upon
the well understood principles and motives
which have, from time immemorial, induced
the greatest theives to be most vociferous in
their cry of ‘ stop thief!’
But without farther discussion as to the
particular objects and motives of this attack,
there is one view of it wlfich presenfsa moral
susceptible of extensive ad useful application.
Os all the gentlemen who were at different
times members of General Jackson’s cabinet,
there was, perhaps, not one so assidions in bis
endeavors to avoid the displeasure of the Op
position as Governor Cass. No one can fail
to remember the encomiums-which it was
their habit to bestow upon him when in pow
er, and their emphatic exemption of the War
Department from the abuse and maledictions
which w£re, during the panic session, pro
fusely heaped upon the late President and his
other official advisers. But no sooner is the
Secretary in a position which removes him
from the possibility of being made, in any
sense, available fin 1 their purposes, than they
seize upon the first, occasion to tarnish his
fame, and to lacerate his feelings, hy heaping
groundless calumny upon him, for the pro
motion of petty partisan purposes; calumny
which, it was known, would reach him as the
representative of his country at a foreign
court; which must necessarily have great
circulation there before it could he refuted
by an appeal to his own Government for
protection ; and which, of course, will, for a
time at least, inflict the deepest distress upon
himself and his family.
Such has ever been, and such will for ever
be , the experience of every Democrat who
relies, in any degree, upon the good feelings
of the Opposition. Such are the relations
between Federalism and those who have ever
opposed it, that those who have yet escaped
the exhibition of this characteristic spirit vvili
have 1 heir turn, they may depend upon it.
What shall we say of the readers of the
Federal press, upon whose organs, for the
swallowing and digesting of these daily doses,
such unreasanahle demand is made? The
last Journal of Commerce relieves itself, in a
single paragraph, from all further participa
tion in tire recent heartless attacks upon Gen.
Jackson, Gen. Jessup, and Governor Cass,
upon the subject of public defalcations; but
will the editors ot that paper, certainly not
the worst of the fraternity, be not a jot the
more scrupulous hereafter in giving to the
world the inventions of its correspondent here,
(who has had so much to do with those verv
attacks,) implicating others equally innocent ?
We shall see.
A Prison Scene. —As one of our citizens
was recently journeying homeward from the
commercial metropolis, he stopped for an hour
or two at Auburn. Impelled by motives of
curiosity, he repaired to the State Prison, and
went the usual rounds, with the view of con
templating, in his ‘ low estate,’ one whom he
had known and moved with in palmy days of
proud and golden prosperity, but who was
now within those gloomy walls, a convict, a
felon, condemned to years of silent toil, side
by side with villains of every hue and crime.
In a secluded spot of the immense building he
found the object of his search, attired in the
coarse particolored convict dress, soiled and
dirty, his hair cropped closely to his head, and
his small vet dignified form bent painfully
over h;s task. His countenance was deadly
pale, save where upon each cheek a small
deep hectic spot told the troubled workings of
his unquiet mind, while his unshaved chin,
with a beard of a week’s growth, contrasted
strangely with his high marble forehead and
altered features, imparting a wildness to his
appearance, which befitted the gloomy scene
around. It was Benjamin Rathbun the forger.
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, JANUARY 17, 1839.
The undersigned has disposed of one half
of the Columbus Sentinel and Herald to Mr.
James H. Wilson, who has for some time
past had the management and control of the
office as foreman. Considering the connec
tion now existing between the undersigned
and Mr. W. it would be indelicate and im
| proper to say more to the patrons of our jour
nal, than that he is a most excellent and
efficient mechanic, and cannot fail hy his aid
j to contribute to the mechanical department
and general interest of the paper.
J. H. CAMPBELL.
An able article on the Credit System, from
the Democratic Review, occupies so large a
portion of this sheet that we are compelled to
omit several communications and other inter
esting matter. A careful perusal of that
article, however, will amply repay our readers
for the dearth of variety.
At the recent charter election the following
gentlemen were eltcled city officers for the
year 1539:
For Mayor, Gen. D. McDougald.
FOR ALDERMEN.
Ist ward, Jas. C. Holland, Chas. L. Bass.
2d “ John E. Bacon, Neill McNair.
3d “ Jacob I. Moses, J. L. Lewis.
4th “ T. M. Sanders, T. W. Watson.
sth “ Lewis C. Allen, James Kirvin.
6th “ Joseph Sturgis, Martin Brooks.
At a meeting of the board of Aldermen on
Monday evening, the following officers were
chosen :
Treasurer, John Bethunc.
Marshal, E. C. Bandy.
Clerk, Calvin Stratton.
Attorney, J. M. Guerry.
The election for tax officers, See., resulted
as follows :
Receiver, Geo. W. Short.
Collector, James Moss.
School Committee, John Bethune, W. S.
Chipley, O. Eley, John Patterson, Joshua R.
McCook.
The following Aldermen have been ap
pointed as Standing Committees, for the re
gulation of the city, for the present year:
On IVays and Means. —Sturgis, Lewis
and Bacon.
On City Improvements. —Lewis, Watson
and Bass.
On Contracts. —Brooks, McNair, and Mo
ses.
On Accounts. —Allen, Bass and Watson.
On Streets. —Holland, Brooks and Sand
ers.
On Fire Engines. —Bass, Sanders and
Sturgis.
On Bridge. —McNair, Sanders and Allen.
On Pumps and Wells. —Kirvin, Brooks
and Holland*
On Lamps. —Sanders, McNair and Brooks.
On Health. —Bacon, Sturgis and Kirvin.
On Hospital. —Moses, Brooks and Sand
ers.
On Printing —Watson, Bass and Kirvin.
We understand that the Engineer of the
steamboat Arab was waylaid and shot, but
not dangerously, on Sunday night last. The
perpetrator of this dastardly act has not yet
been discovered ; but Justice is awake, and
no doubt the villain will be ferretted out, and
brought to proper punishment. We had
hoped that after the detection and conviction
of a gang of desperadoes and thieves who
have so long troubled our community, its
citizens might rest secure; but such, it ap
pears, is not the case, and untiring vigilance
and prompt action on the part of our officers
and all good citizens can alone preserve us
in the undisturbed enjoyment of life and prop
erty.
POST OFFICES IN GEORGIA.
The post office at Marshallville, Houston
county, has been discontinued.
The following post masters have been ap
pointed :
J. L. Cheatham, Hudsonville, Jefferson
county.
J. H. Walker, Mill Grove, Cobh county.
J. W. lieringdine, Long’s Bridge, Han
cock county.
The murderer Cook has been apprehended
at Galveston, Texas, and is now in chains at
that place.
THEATRE.
This establishment was opened on Satur
day evening last, for a short reason, under
the management of Mr. Judah. On Tues
day evening last was performed the tragedy
of Douglas,with which the audience appeared
delighted. Mr. Judah’s Glcnalvon was a fin
ished piece of acting, and in Mrs. Judah, as
Lady Randolph, in “weeds of sombre wo,”
we could scarcely recognise the lively Romp
of the night before. Upon the whole we
were pleased, as, we venture to say, will he
all who visit the Theatre. To-night Mr.
Bailey’s benefit, with an attractive bill.
Cotton. —The sales for the past week have
“been brisk at from 11 to 14 cents.
The total number of bales brought to mar
ket to the 15th instant is 20,273
Receipts last year to same date, 22,626
The crop, it is thought, will he about two
thirds the usual average.— Enq.
For the Sentinel and Herald.
J. H. Campbell, Esq.
My Dear Sir: I notice in your last paper
your remarks on Education, and if the readers
of the Sentinel entertain any just estimate of
the subject, they will second your efforts to
advocate its claims. Education is the palla
dium of our institutions. Not the instruction
and elevation of a few, but, sir, the general
diffusion of knowledge among all classes of
the people, throughout our whole republic.
Those who look only at the present, and
wholly disregard the future, are exceedingly
unwise and unsafe advisers for the people.
In the history of a nation, a generation live
but a day. We should look at the “eternal
people,” ihe teeming millions who are to fill
these United States, and live upon the soil,
and will certainly sink into ignorance and
despotism, unless they have the facilities for
early and progressive education. Humboldt
has made a calculation predicated upon the
capability of the American soil to produce the
prime necessaries of life, and estimates that it
is abundantly capable of supporting a popu
lation of 3,600,000,000. a mass of human be
ings five times as numerous as all who now
ex;st upon the face of the globe.
What the amendments are which our last
Legislature has made to our new system for
common schools 1 have not yet learned. The
School Commissioners for tuis county having
been elected, we shall doubtless bear from
them soon. But the people generally must
act. Education, after all, must begin in the
family ; at the fire-side : yes, sir. the mothers
of our land must begin this great work. Il ls
in the family that government begins along
with ihe formation of habits and of character.
If misrule and despotism reign here, they will
be likely to stamp the future being, as the
mind progresses to maturity. The late act
of Georgia for common schools, contemplates
a very great improvement upon our present
system.” But the introduction of the new-sys
tem will require labor, time and persever
ance on the part of those who are appointed
to carry out the design of the act. The
press should also be thoroughly enlisted, and
active in calling the attention of the people to
this great and important work.
ARISTIDES.
The Globe of Saturday night says that the
Solicitor anu First Comptroller of the Trea
sury, who investigated the frauds at the New
York Custom House, and reported upon
them, recommend as provisions against such
frauds in future,
1. That the officer receiving and keeping
the public money should he distinct from, and
independent of the collector.
2. All public money to be paid into the
Treasury, and no officer allowed to pay any
money for any purpose which is not regu
larly drawn from the Treasury bv warrant.
3. Actual examinations of moneys and
accounts.
4. The use of the public money a criminal
offence.
Troiii the Ballimore American.
FROM ANNAPOLIS.
We learn from Annapolis that on Monday
there were seventy members of the House in
attendance. After taking the oath, a motion
was agreed to to adjourn until the next day,
Tuesday, when the election of Speaker was
to take place.
In the Sanate, all the members were in at
tendance, and that branch of the Legislature
was duly organised by the election of Rich
ard Thomas, Esq. of St. Mary’s, as Presi
dent, on the first ballot, by a majority of
three. The vote, as stated in the Patriot,
was as follows :
For Richard Thomas, (Whig,) Messrs.
Beckett, Boone, Donoho, Eccleston, Magni
fier, Potts, Purnel l , Pratt, Ricaud, Stewart
and Wilson—ll.
For Hugh Ely, (Van Boren,) Messrs. Ma
tthews, (Chas.) Matthews, (Allegany.) Mar
tin, Evans, Goldsborough, Scott, Wason,
Maulsby—B. Whig majority, 3.
The following officers (Whigs) were then
chosen : Jos. 11. Nicholson, chief clerk, and
J. N. Watkins assistant clerk.
Governor Veazy’s message was probably
sent in yesterday. Under the Constitution
the new Governor elect, Mr. Grason, will
enter upon the duties of his office on Mon
day next, the 7di instant.
The Alexandria Gazette mentions, as a
report, that Col. R. M. Johnson will not be
a candidate for re-election as Vice President
of the United States. —Baltimore American.
From the Washington Glohe.
BRANCH MINTS.
We have pleasure in laying before our
readers the following extract of a letter from
an officer in the branch mint in Georgia,
showing the richness of the gold region there,
and the favorable prospects which attend the
miners. Connected with the subject, we
have to remark that the bill which passed (lie
Senate at the last session, for extending (he
/•nin..(’ itin two hrnnc.lt mints. Georgia
and North Carolina, to the coining of silver
change, to wit: 25 cent, 10 cent, and 5 cent
pieces, is received in the Senate, and we pre
sume will encounter little or no objection, as
the additional coinage will occasion no addi
tional expense, will only occupy the mint
when it might otherwise l>e idle, and will
give a supply of silver change in parts of the
Union, to which it would, with difficulty, come
from the mints of New Orleans and Philadel
phia, which alone now coin silver.
‘ United States Branch Mint, )
‘ Dahlonegia, Jan. 1,1839. (
‘ Dear Sir —We commenced operation#
in February last, the edifice not being suffi
ciently advanced to enable us to commence
before. Since that time, we have received
gold bullion amounting in value to $140,000.
This amount would have been greatly ex
ceeded, had there not been a verv great
demand of laborers for the railroads now in
progress of construction in different parts of
the State. The country abounds in gold,-and
should labor become redundant, will become
eminently productive. The want of capital
and science a t ong the miners are among the
causes which conspire to render it compara
tively unproductive. In point of climate,
this country will yield to none; and as it
respects scenery, is not inferior to Western
Virginia. Considering how recently the
country has been settled, tlie society is good.’
DELAWARE.
Extract from a letter, dated
Dover, January 1. 1839.
‘ The two houses have just organized, and
every thing promises most fair for our success.
The two Speakers were agreed upon by the
Van Buren men and a portion of the Reform
members, and were elected in both houses in
direct opposition to the Whig caucus candi
dates. The clerks are both thorough Repub
lics! s, and one of them was a candidate for
the Legislature from Kent county on our
ticket.’
Sally's Portrait of Queen Victoria. —The
! editor of the Philadelphia Inquirer has seen
tiiis masterly production of Sully, and con
siders that its execution will place him among
the greatest living masters of the art. He
says, “Queen Victoria is presented in all the
lively, laughing freshness, innocence and sim
plicity of a girl of nineteen; with blue eyes,
light brown hair, rosy cheeks, and a fair and
brilliant complexion. Her countenance, tho’
not of a pensive, nor even of a highly iniel
iecfual character, beams with benevolence and
good nature. It is evidently the index of a
kind heart. The expression is agreeable and
somewhat playful—not hearing the impress
of high dignity, but rather of'the lively and
amiable inclinations and motions of the tnin.l.
The slight opening of the lips—thereby show
ing the teeth very slightly when the mouth is j
supposed to he closed—is perceptible ; but it
is hardlv sufficient to amount to any serious
defect in the general appearance of the face.” ;
She is represented as ascending a flight of j
steps to the throne, the left foot advanced,
and the position is natural, graceful and dig
nified. The feet are small and symmetrical.
Her dress is white satin, over which there is
a crimson velvet robe. An ermine tippet, a
collar of the order of St. George, thrown over
it, and the insignia of the Garter, round the
left arm, are the chief ornaments, except the
jewelled diadem, which is said to be executed
in a most sparkling style. The painting is
decided to be an honor to American art, and
worthy of the birth place of Benjamin West.
1
Population of Cincinnati. —The Cincinnati
Post says: ‘lt is the opinion of a gentle
man, who has been several weeks engaged
in taking the census of our city, that the ag
gregate number will not he less than fifty
thousand. This would be an hundred thou
sand in five or six years, if there were houses
to put them in.’
Frbm'the MSS. of ihe Catflerbory Lifer*ry Clu&i-
THE WHITE MAN’S DEATH.
A BALLAD—TO- F. B.
He lived nn English rural life,
Where herds were lowing ;
Where fields with nature’s gifts were rife,
Whe e tluw’rs were blowing;
Yet he would dare the ocean strife
Os wild waves flowing ;
And o’er a fond and lovely wife
A deep grief throwing.
Where streamlets lav’d a fairy lea
Was their first meeting ;
And oft they heard botli bird and bee
The warm sun greeting,
While each fond heart that once was free
In love was beating;
Alas! the ripple of the sea
Was not more fleeting.
And tho’ he losl his warmth of mind
In growing older;
With eyes lo once loved objects blind,
And feelings colder;
She’ll ne’er forget how, arm-entwined,
Soft tales he told her ;
No!—that will be when, tS-e&th resigned,
Her ashes moulder.
He listens to the Indian lore,
By some lone river ;
Or musing of his own sweet shore
Ills heart-strings quiver ;
For where the fa ling waters roar
He’ll rest fir ever;
And see his lovely ones no more,
No, never, i.ever !
Nought in the prairie might lie see’
But wilds herds sweeping;
Or in the long grass waving free
Dark serpents creeping;
Oft while beneath his forest tree
Long vigils keeping,
The vesper hours would fall, and he
Was lone and weeping.
Hark! thro’ the dim and tangled shade
An arrow flying
Laid him where flow’retsrspring and fade,
In torture dying ;
He heard bis death hymn thro’ that glade,
The wind’s low sighing;
And fallen leaves a siiroud have made
Where he is lying. g. f. xv.
COLUMBUS PRICES CURRENT.
CORHEC I'ED WEEKLV BV ALLEN AND VOl'NGv
ARTICLES. PUKES.-
BAGGlNG—Kentucky, - - yd (X) 25 aOO 28
Inverness, ------ yd 00 22 aOO 25
American Tow, - - - - -yd 00 15 aOO 17
BALE ROPE, lb 00 12 u 00 14
BACON—llams, - - - - Vb 00 16 uOO 18
Sides, lb 00 14 aOO 17
Shoulders, ------ lb 00 14 aOO 16
BEEF—Mess, bbl 15 00 a 17 00
Prime, ------- bbl 750 a 000
BUTTER—Goshen, - - - lb 00 25 00 37J
Western, - - - - - - lb 00 25 aOO 31
CANDLES—Sperm, - - - lb 00 45 aSO 00
Tallow, - -- -- -- lb 00 15 aOO 20
CASTINGS, lb 600 a 700
CHEESE—Noithern, - - - lb 0017 aOO 25
COTTON, lb 00 a 9 00 12$
COFFEE—llavamia green, - lb 00 15 aOO 16
Rio, lb 00 14 aOO 15
FlSH—Mackerel, No. I, - - lb 00 12 aOO M
“ “ 2, - - lb 10 00 al2 50
“ “ 3, - - lb 900a 950
Herrings, ------ box 200a00 00
FLOUR—Northern, - - - bbl 11 00 al2 00
Western, bbl 10 0O alO 50
Country, bbl 900a10 00
GRAIN—Corn, bu 175a00 80
Wheat, bu 02 00 aOO 00
GUNPOWDER, - - - - Leg 7SO a iSO
HIDES, lb 00 7 l( tj
IRON, lb 00 6 1 00 1
LARD, lb 00 IB aOO 20
LIME, - -- -- -- - cask 400 5OO
MOLASSES—N. Orleans, - ga’ 00 50 aOO 5 5
NAILS, It. 00 10 aOO I2 J
PORK—Mess, ----1), 00 23 aOO 25
Prime, - - - - - - - lb 00 16 ct 00 20
PEPPER, -----n, 00 12pi 00 15
PEAS, bu 150 a 175
RAISINS, box 250 a 400
RICE. lb 00 6 00 7
SPIRITS—Brandy, Cognac, gal 175a 225
Peach, -------- gal 1 12Ja 150
Apple, ------- gal 00 58 00 60
GlN—Holland, ----- ga) 150 175
Domestic, ------ gal 00 65 aOO 70
RUM—Jamaica, ----- gal 177 rt 225
Domestic, - - - - - - gal 00 58 aOO 62£
WHISKEY—Irish, - - - gal 00 00 a 4 0t)
Monongaliela, ----- gal 00 871a 100
New Orleans, ----- gal 00 65 aOO 70
SUGAR—New Orleans, - lb 00 10 aOO 16
St. Croix, lb 00 12 a 00
Loaf, lb 00 25 aOO 35
SALT, - -- -.--- sack 350 n 4 of>
SOAP, lb 00 8 aOO VO
SHOT, It, 225 a 250
STEEI—Cast, 11, 00 183a 00 25
German, ------ lb 00 00 aOO 15
Blistered, lb 00 12 a 00 20
TALLO W, lb 00 8 aOO 9
TEA—Green, !h 100 a 150
Black, lb 00 00 a 00 75
TOBACCO— first quality, - - lb 00 40 aOO 50
Second qualitv, . ... lb 00 16 aOO 25
WlNES—Madeira,l., P. - - g a | SCO aS 50
Slc 'ly, gal 150 175
Malaga. gal 00 62i a 00 70
Claret, Marseilles, ... box 500 a 600
Claret. Bordeaux, ... box 600a 700
NOTICE.
A PORT WARDEN’S OFFICE is now •>-
lisbed, under a late ordinance of the Honorable
the iVlayor and Aldermen of this City, at the Store of
the subscriber, on Randolph street. Persons l aving
business to transact with said board of Port Wardens,
will please call at the office. A. LE VISON.
Columbus. Jan. 8,1839. 50 3m
JU.VT itKCKIVED AKD Foil SAI.E,
AT TAYLOR & WALKER'S DRUG STORE,
AFRESH supply of Drugs, Medicines, Paints,
Oils, Perfumery, Chemicals, &c. &c , among
which are a few hundred kegs of superior White Lead,
direct from ;he manufactory, of Westherell ft
Cos. English arid American I,inseed Oil, Window
Glass, assorted sizes. Putty, and almost every other
article usually kept in similar establishments, all of
which they will sell on moderate and accommodating
terms. Orders either in the city or from the country,,
will receive prompt attention.
Also, f >r sale as above, a match of first rate Horses,,
weil broke and gentle in harness.
Jan. 17,1835. 501 y
NOTICE.
WILL be hired on the lirst Tuesday in February
next, at the place where the Courts are held in
the City of Columbus, all the negroes belonging to tbe
est.ate of David J. Britt, deceased, until fheArst Tues
day in April next. A-so, will be rented, the saw null,,
until the first Tuesday in April.
CHARLES D. STEWART, Adnt’r.
•lan, 17. 50td
IIOHBES STOLEN.
I the night of the 12th inst. three Horses were-
S-F stolen from the subscriber’s wagon, in Columbus.,
description as follows:
One bright bay Horse, nineteen or twenty years old,
blind in one eye, very fat.
One chesnut sorrel, about seven years old. a lump on
his left knee, a white stripe running down his forehead
to the nose.
One chesnut sorrel Filley, 4 years old, three white
feet, long tail, some saddle marks on the right shoulder,
and much scarred wilh the gears.
A reward of $lO will be given for the recovery and
delivery of the horses, at Mr. Richard Robinson’s,
near Thacker Howard’s, and $lO more for the appre
hen ion ot the thief. Any information respecting said
Horses will be thankfully received by the subsciiber—
at White Hall, DeKalb county, Ga.
Jan. 17. 50 2i* ABNER CROW.
WyjfXTOK PROPERTY FOR SALE.
S\\ ILL sell my property in Wyrmton, consisting
of ten acres of good pine land. On it there is a
; good framed house, 40 by 30, with four rooms, all fin
i tshed except lath and plastering., Also, a good frasnedi
kitchen and smoke house, an excellent weil of water.-
i For pleasantness there is none to excell it. The ladndi
joins Wm. P. Yonge’s and Thos. M. Sanders’/, and
about one mile from town. The terms will bfce very
: easy, and will be sold at a great bargain. Tljose who
want would do well to apply soon to *
i Jan. 15, 1839. £0 3t ‘WILLIAM POWDERS.
CA Ti riOX : CAUTION I !
S LL persons are forewarned from trading'’ for ei
xA ther of five promissory Notes given by tJie sub
scribers to Samuel Tompkins for Eleven Thousand?
j Dollars each ; the first due on the first day of January,
; 1840. the second due on the first day of January, 1841 ,•
the third due on the firs’ day of January, 1842, the
fourth due on the first day of January, 1843, and the
fifth due on the first day of January, 1844, all dated
lon the 4th day of January, 1839. Said notes were
‘ given in consideration for Land, Negioes, Stock. Pro
visions. Plantation tools, &c. for the delivery of which
j we hold said Tompkins’ bond for One Hundred
Ten Thousand Dollars, and said notes are said to
I be lost or mislaid, and we wiil not pay them or either
| of them, or any part thereof, to any other person than
the said Tompkins, and to him only, according to the
letter and specifications of the contract, asset forth in
said bond. JOHN D. PITTS.
Jan. 10. 50 3t H. W. JERNIGAN.
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
ANA WAY from the subscriber on the 24th of
J3-S/ December, two negro men, one by the name of
Ephraim, of a dark complexion, with long bushy hair,
about 25 or 6 years old 5 feet seven or eight inches
high. The other by the name of Warren, about thir
years of age, five feet ten inches high, of a yellow
complexion. Any infoimation relative to tfie said ne
groes will be thankfully received, and the above
will be given to anv person who will deliver the said’
negroes to me. at Henrv Court House. Ala.
Jan. 9,1833. 5 SOt ‘ MARTIN H. GRACES